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  • 8/19/2019 Review of Mary Douglas Missing Persons.pdf

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     The George Washington University Institute for Ethnographic Research is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserveand extend access to Anthropological Quarterly.

    http://www.jstor.org

    ReviewAuthor(s): Susan ParmanReview by: Susan ParmanSource: Anthropological Quarterly, Vol. 72, No. 2 (Apr., 1999), pp. 99-100

    Published by: The George Washington University Institute for Ethnographic ResearchStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3317973Accessed: 09-05-2015 02:59 UTC

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  • 8/19/2019 Review of Mary Douglas Missing Persons.pdf

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    Missing

    Persons:

    A

    Critique

    of

    Personhood in the Social Sciences. MARY

    DOUGLAS

    and

    STEVEN NEY. Berkeley: Universityof CaliforniaPress, 1998; 223 pp.

    Reviewed

    by

    SUSAN

    PARMAN

    California

    State

    University,

    Fullerton

    Missing persons

    is

    the

    first

    in

    a series

    of

    books to

    honor the

    fertile mind of

    Aaron

    Wildavsky by

    exam-

    ining public

    policy

    issues

    with

    the aid of the

    social

    sciences.

    Setting

    out to address

    the

    issue

    of

    poverty

    and

    welfare,

    Douglas

    (an

    anthropologist)

    and

    Ney

    (a

    political scientist)

    stumble over

    the tools of

    their

    ex-

    amining

    and end

    up

    trying

    to flush out the

    theory

    of

    the

    person

    that is

    implicit

    in

    such discussions. Al-

    though

    the book fails as a

    critique

    of

    personhood

    n

    the social

    sciences,

    it

    succeeds as

    a

    wide-ranging,

    reflective,

    philosophical

    discourse on

    the

    person

    in

    the Western

    ntellectual tradition.

    The

    book fails as a

    critique

    of

    personhood

    in

    the social sciences because

    it is

    neither

    an

    analysis

    nor a

    synthesis

    of

    what the different social

    science

    disciplines

    have contributed

    or

    not contributed o the

    theory

    of

    the

    category

    of

    person

    or the

    category

    of self. It does not

    provide

    a coherent

    picture

    of

    how

    different social science

    disciplines approach

    these

    concepts;

    it does

    not

    analyze

    the

    strengths

    or

    weaknesses

    of

    any

    particular

    theory.

    The

    study

    of

    the self that

    once

    belonged

    to the domain of

    philoso-

    phers

    or

    psychologists

    has now

    become

    a

    central

    concern

    of

    all

    the

    social/behavioral

    sciences,

    includ-

    ing

    anthropology.Anthropological

    concern with the

    self

    is

    rooted

    in

    the

    ethnographic

    enterprise

    and

    emic

    analysis.

    Efforts have been

    made to

    distinguish

    between the

    concept

    of the self and

    the

    concept

    of

    personhood,efforts recently supersededby the emer-

    gence

    of

    what

    has

    been

    called

    person-centered

    th-

    nography

    that

    subsumes the individual and

    the self

    in

    descriptions

    of culture from the

    perspective

    of

    particular

    individuals.

    The authors could have fo-

    cused on recent

    developments

    in

    cultural

    anthropol-

    ogy

    and

    person-centered

    thnography

    as a

    reflection

    of the

    shifts

    in

    intellectual currents

    n

    Westerncivili-

    zation

    that have affected all

    the social/behavioral ci-

    ences.

    In this

    way they

    could have

    accomplished

    the

    goals

    implied

    by

    the

    subtitle of their

    book,

    A

    cri-

    tique of

    personhood

    in the

    social sciences.

    What then does

    the

    book

    do,

    if

    not this?

    The

    authors wander

    far and

    wide,

    taking

    from

    Kant,

    Mauss,

    Durkheim,

    Keynes,

    Maslow,

    Malthus,

    Dar-

    win, Marx,

    and

    Engels,

    discussing

    freedom,

    con-

    straint,

    egalitarianism, globalization,

    and

    evolution.

    The book

    is

    constructed

    as if

    a

    series of

    conversa-

    tions

    had taken

    place

    between

    Douglas

    and

    Ney

    in

    the

    context of

    Wildavsky

    but

    only

    the

    concluding

    thoughts

    are

    presented.

    Their reflections

    are

    like

    the

    flashes

    of

    distant

    mirrors across

    a

    fascinating

    land-

    scape

    -

    gemlike

    but

    scattered.

    In

    185

    pages

    they

    pick up

    ideas,

    throw them back

    and

    forth,

    and fol-

    low

    diverse intellectual trails

    through

    he

    tangled

    un-

    derbrush

    of

    cross-disciplinary

    ommunication.

    They begin

    with

    the

    paradoxes

    of

    poverty. They

    discover

    that

    the common

    thread

    of

    discussion of

    different kinds

    of

    needs,

    wants,

    and

    capabilities

    (whether

    the

    hunter-gatherer

    working

    fifteen

    hours

    a

    week or the middle-class child with fewer video

    games

    than his

    peers)

    is the

    typological,

    isolated,

    non-social,

    self-contained individual

    -

    the idea of

    a

    nonrelational definition

    of a

    person (p.

    9).

    The

    social sciences have

    the

    potential

    to

    contributea

    re-

    lational

    definition

    of

    personhood,

    a

    conception

    of the

    person

    as

    a

    locus

    of transactions.

    The authors ex-

    plore

    implicit

    conceptions

    of

    the

    person

    in

    the West-

    ern intellectual

    tradition

    which have

    resulted

    in

    a

    va-

    riety

    of

    strategies

    to

    retain both

    individual

    identity

    and

    cultural

    submersion

    and

    determinism,

    both self

    and society, such as separating he role-playingself

    from

    the

    inner

    self,

    or the

    person

    of action from the

    person

    of

    thought.

    They point

    to

    philosophical

    con-

    tradictions

    and

    changing

    premises.

    The authors ask

    why

    Economic

    Man

    -

    self-

    ish

    and

    unmannered,

    brutish as

    Caliban,

    naive as

    Man

    Friday

    (in

    short,

    without social

    attributes)

    has

    expanded

    from a

    small,

    theoretical

    niche to

    become

    an

    all-embracing

    mythological figure

    (p.

    23).

    But

    instead of

    tracing

    the

    history

    of Economic

    Man,

    Douglas

    and

    Ney

    discuss

    the

    idea

    of

    microcosm

    and

    how

    certain

    reigning

    ideas

    prevent

    alternative

    deas

    from

    developing.

    Their

    scholarship

    is

    Kuhnian,

    not

    BOOK

    REVIEWS

    99

    valuable

    precisely

    because

    they

    demand

    neither full

    assent nor

    rejection.

    They

    are the best

    part

    of

    this

    invigorating study,

    which

    requires

    careful considera-

    tion

    and

    provokes

    continuous

    questioning.

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    http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

  • 8/19/2019 Review of Mary Douglas Missing Persons.pdf

    3/3

    100

    ANTHROPOLOGICAL

    UARTERLY

    archival.

    The

    authors

    move

    from

    Economic Man

    to

    Durkheim's

    Homo

    duplex

    (the

    egoistic

    individual vs.

    the

    socially

    oriented

    moral

    conscience),

    Maslow's

    lower needs

    and

    higher

    needs

    (animal/spiritual),

    ul-

    turalneeds and the

    development

    of

    socially

    dictated

    tastes.

    The authors

    argue

    that

    [i]f

    the

    theory

    of

    wants

    and the

    theory

    of

    society

    are ever

    to

    meet,

    the

    inherent

    sociality

    of

    the

    person

    has

    to be restored

    (p.

    58).

    They

    argue

    for

    a

    concept

    of the whole

    per-

    son similar

    to

    Dennet's

    model

    of the

    person

    (p.

    90)

    and to Strathern's

    discussion

    of the Melanesian

    con-

    cept

    of the

    person

    as

    a

    gift

    or the

    sum of transac-

    tions

    achieved

    (pp.

    8-9,

    93).

    They

    do not discuss

    symbolic

    interactionism

    or the

    anthropological

    itera-

    ture on

    social

    constructions

    of the self

    but focus on

    reconciling economic and public-policy models with

    a

    socially

    contextualized

    concept

    of

    personhood

    as

    represented

    by

    a

    select set

    of social

    science

    examples.

    The authors

    frequently

    interweave

    analogies

    from

    different

    theoretical

    and

    disciplinary perspec-

    tives.

    For

    example,

    on

    p.

    97:

    Theexercise

    we are

    about o

    embark

    pon

    has

    something

    in

    common

    with certain

    parables

    n

    political philosophy

    that

    ry

    o confront

    lural

    octrines

    f

    justice:

    or

    example,

    Bruce Ackerman's

    1980)

    script

    for

    a

    spaceship

    whose

    captain pplied trictrules of dialogue ora liberal ociety

    The authors seek

    to find a common

    ground

    on

    which to

    apply

    a common lever

    to a

    mutually

    agreed

    upon

    definition

    of

    a

    mutually recognizable problem

    - which may explain their choice of analogies and

    narratives,

    and

    perhaps

    also their

    level of

    generality.

    For

    example:

    In this schemeeach

    city,

    world,

    or cultural

    ype

    is defined

    in

    opposition

    o the others

    and recruits

    ts

    supporters

    r

    loses

    them

    competitively.

    t is no accident

    hat

    any

    word

    you may

    choose

    for

    labeling

    these

    four

    opposed

    cultures

    evokes

    bias

    . . . .

    For

    some,

    complexity

    s a bad

    word,

    market s

    pejorative

    or

    others,

    ect

    is

    dismissive,

    atalist

    s

    derisive.

    So

    they

    were

    originally

    named

    A, B, C,

    D,

    after

    the twodimensionsn which

    he modelwas

    constructed:

    structure

    in

    the vertical

    dimension)

    nd

    incorporation

    in

    the horizontal)p. 103).

    Reaching

    for common

    ground,

    exploring

    parallels

    and

    gaps,

    the authors

    bounce

    ideas

    off each other

    that

    range

    from household

    management

    to

    religious

    fundamentalism

    to

    good

    words and

    bad

    words

    in

    Anglo-Saxon

    sociology

    (structuralism

    and net-

    works are

    good,

    institutions

    and

    routinization

    are

    bad

    -

    p.

    159).

    They

    end

    with a

    brief

    summary

    and

    a

    warning

    about

    the

    organization

    of enclave

    cultures

    -

    like

    asterisks

    around

    one

    of

    many ongoing

    and

    intertwinedconversations.

    Of

    Revelation

    and

    Revolution,

    Volume

    2: The Dialectics

    of

    Modernity

    on a South

    African

    Frontier.

    JOHN

    L.

    COMAROFF

    and

    JEAN

    COMAROFF.

    Chicago

    IL:

    University

    of

    Chi-

    cago

    Press,

    1997;

    588

    pp.

    Reviewed

    by

    MEREDITH

    MCKITTRICK

    Georgetown

    University

    This is a

    thoughtful,

    and

    thought-provoking,

    equel

    to the much-discussedOf revelationand revolution,

    Volume

    one:

    Christianity,

    colonialism,

    and

    con-

    sciousness in South

    Africa.

    While

    Volume

    One dealt

    primarily

    with

    the initial

    encounter

    between British

    evangelists

    and the Southern Tswana

    of South

    Af-

    rica,

    Volume Two

    moves the

    story along,

    both

    chronologically

    and

    thematically,

    to

    how,

    over

    the

    course of

    a

    century,

    the

    encounter

    reshaped

    both

    the

    Southern Tswana

    and the

    British.

    In the

    process

    the

    Comaroffsmove

    beyond

    the realm

    of

    the

    long

    con-

    versation to examine

    changes

    in

    the

    material

    reali-

    ties

    and notions

    of

    production,

    value,

    dress,

    architec-

    ture, medicine, and

    rights,

    and the hybrid forms

    which resulted.

    But the

    overarching

    theme

    of

    Vol-

    ume One runs through Volume Two as well: that

    colonialism

    is

    best

    conceptualized

    as

    a cultural

    pro-

    cess

    rendered

    through

    the

    everyday

    and

    the mun-

    dane,

    and that this

    process

    is

    exemplified

    in

    the

    civi-

    lizing

    project

    of

    the

    missionaries.

    As

    with their

    first

    volume,

    this one

    is

    packed

    with

    original,

    occasionally

    brilliant,

    nsights.

    While a

    sense

    of

    chronology

    occasionally

    falls

    victim

    to the

    authors'

    determination

    not

    to

    write

    a

    history

    of

    events

    -

    something

    as

    apocalyptic

    (p.

    210)

    as

    rinderpest

    s

    mentioned

    only

    sporadically,

    in

    Chap-

    ters 3 and

    4

    -

    the authors

    deal

    to

    a

    greater

    extent

    than before with the economic and political

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