RESEARCH NOTES

GETTING MORE GREENS FROM THE GREENHOUSE: OPPORTUNITIES FOR ADOPTION IN REMOTE

REGIONS OF NEPAL

Catherine Sanders

Synopsis This article explores. as part of a broader study on responses to development in Humla District. Nepal, the possibilities for adoption of greenhouse technologies, based on vi llagers' responses to technologies promoted by development organizations in the region. Despite incomplete adoption, villagers have shown their valuation of greenhouses, as well as a predilection for innovations in general, that suggest NGOs and villagers would benefit from an altered approach to greenhouse design and implementation in the region. Not limited to the study region, many of the suggested adjustments to program design can be generalized to other contexts involving technology adoption.

Introduction Greenhouse technology promises possibilities for ameliorating food insecurity, especially in regions where food scarcity, lack of crop diversity, limitations 10 growing seasons and poor nutrition predominate (Chandra 2002: 225; Stigter 2010). A technology that can be made from local materials, if designed properly, greenhouses are re latively inexpensive to manufacture and maintain. Funhennore, greenhouse production is conducive to the growth of specially cash crops in places where marketing, tmnspon, and local knowledge allow. In regions suffering from water scarc ity, though, greenhouses may not be appropriate food security solutions, since they tend to use more water than more tradit ional agricultural techniques (Zhang et al 2008: 20, 29). As with any other technology, the success of greenhouse projects depends, not only on the efficacy of the technology itself, but on provider-client relat ions: the mode of implementation as well as responses of villagers to the people and technologies promulgated (Giacomelli el al 2008; Rogers 1995: 12.14). The social aspects of technological innovation are often overlooked when development programs are proposed, while the deleterious impacls of this blind·spot are unmistakable in the disappointing outcomes.

This anicle will examine the characteristics of the relationships between ecology, service providers, and villagers in a remote area of Nepal, exploring possible greenhousing solutions and identifying patterns that may aid in broader greenhouse program implementation. The following sections

Contributions to Nepalese Studies, Vol. 37, No. 2 (July 2010), 249-260 Copyright © 2010 CNASfTU

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introduce aspects of the research site relevant to greenhouse reception, describe greenhouse-related activities in the region, present data on adoption characteristics of the villagers, and predict success ful methods of program implementation for the maximization of greenhouse success.

The Research Site Humla district is located in the far nonhwestem corner of Nepal, between 1500 and 7500 meters elevation. Humla is the second-to-least developed of Nepal's districts (ACF 2006), a situat ion detennined by its high Himalayan location and distance from urban centers. The region is on ly accessible via footpaths and the unpredictable fl ight schedules observed by some of the Nepalese airlines, which bring planes to the landing stri p in the district headquaners, Simikot (Levine 1988: xiii-xiv; McKay 2002: 2). The high­elevation environs of Humla are also characterized by large fluctuat ions in mean temperatures according to season which put additional stress on residents' livelihood activit ies and health (Adhikari 2008; Wiley 2004). In many areas of the world, increasing popu lat ion pressure and global infl uences, complicated by harsh environments, have resulted in deforestat ion, general lack of sources of clean water, and hunger (Leatherman 1996; McKay 2002). People in mountain locations may be panicularly susceptible to unpredictability and risk due to the increasing impact of climate change in these regions (Diaz et al 2003; Parish and Funncll 1999). As a result, food security and good health becomc increasingly difficult for the residents to attain.

Humla district is no exception: many stresses have challenged villagers' livelihoods in the last decades (Levine 1988: 210-212). When asked about their most grueling challenges in life, vi llagers cite such basic resources as food, clothing and proper shelter almost 100 percent ofthc ti mc. The research site lies on the nonherly border of Hindu ethnici ty and caste communities in Nepal, abutting Bhotia (Tibetan-origin) communities to the North, and ensuring residents some of the most marginal cropland in all of Nepal. l-lere, they grow mostly millct, wheat, buckwheat, and barley, although one of the villages in the study site is renowned for its attempts to grow the nutrition­packed rcd rice in the most northerly o fri ce-growing locations in Ncpal. As theiT soil fert ility has decl ined, crop diseases proliferated and weather patterns have be<:ome more unpredictable, though, villagers have begun to grow a wider diversi ty of crops than in the past, adding maize, potatoes and green vegetables 10 their local cuisine to diversi fy agricultural risks. These changes appear to be the result of greater influence from outside regions, increased availability of government seeds_ and local responses to decreasing productivity of traditional crops (Adhikari 2008).

To supplement the relatively poor productivity of the land, most of the villagers rely to some extent on outside laboT. This is usually grueling work,

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consisting of carrying heavy loads for more wealthy vi llagers. cutting and carrying firewood to sell in the district headquarters, or traveling long distances to collect herbs that are often restricted from harvest in local conservation effort s. Intersection with a wage labor economy. a phenomenon in rural districts across Nepal, has therefore led in recent years to the temporary and permanent out-migration of men 10 urban cenlers as households increasingly fail 10 meet their subsistence demands locally (Pigg 1992). This scenario generally resu lts in higher work demands on the women and children who are left managing cropland and livestock at home. Women are generally responsible for attaining food for the household. so this increased pressure heightens the already formidable stress implicit in their traditional social roles (see Sharma and Prasai n 2004).

The integrated set of pressures on villagers in upper Humla district raises greenhouse projects and the like to a high degree of importance. but they also make the adoption of new technologies extremely stressful for people who are short on lime. food. and money for investment (McKay 2002 . 2003). However, a complete understanding of the barriers to technological program­implementation in the region may point to methods of subverting or accommodating such development blockades, thus improving the food securi ty situation at the local level, and providing a guide for service­providers working in similarly-affected regions of the world.

G reenhouses in Humla District There arc three or four non-governmental organizations (NODs) active in three neighboring vi llages involved in the study, whose projects are aimed variously at : improved nutrition and overall health, micro-finance, irrigation canal rehabi litation, natural rcsource conscrvation, education, electricity, and improved food security. Recently introduced programs include: technologies (smokeless metal stoves (SMS), electricity for lighting, pit latrines, clcan­water projects, greenhouses and slow-sand water filters as integrated programs for the improvement of health and the lessening of work burdens), water projccts. and micro-financc institutions. Thcse programs. implemented in different styles by various organizations, have had varying successes in the two vi llages most closely observed. not only because of the diversity of organizations and implementation methods involved, but also because the two villages' differing characteristics lead to divergent adoption responses.

Two NGOs in the villages have implemented or are implementing grecnhousing projects. While one NOD is in an inchoate phase of their greenhouse project development, another has all but abandoned a community greenhouse that failed for several reasons.

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According to OI:hcr villagers, the villager on whose land the greenhouse was built resented sharing the - hS meters o r his land with ncighbors. and began hoarding or misusing materials required ror greenhouse maintenance, such as plastic and PVC pipe. The committee or villagers organized to regulate use orthc greenhouse suffered rrom lack or investment in the project and passivity to the landlord 's insubordination. Thei r lack or use o r Ihe greenhouse also suggests that they ..... ere not sufficienlly educated aboul Ihe benefits and proper uses o rlhe greenhouse, bul the NGO is no longer aclive in the area, so its methods of impicmentation are ),et unknown. This example orlhc ever-shining nature orNGO activity in the area reveals how difficu lt it may be ror local people to rel y on or invest in projects when not insured wi th ongoing suppon from the seni ce providers (Hoy \998).

Another NGO has begun implementing demonstrat ion greenhouses in the villages, so new that it is imp06sible to j udge their success. These grecnhouses are inlended 10 be shared among community members. and apprchended alongside solar driers and nutrition and planting courses aimed at improving success rates. The fi rs t greenhouse. erected at Ihe NGO's headquarters within onc or the villages. is a rour-season greenhouse built with mostly local materials. and occupies about a 2x5-meter space on the property (sce Figure I above). NGO employees mai ntain the greenhouse. which is to say. Ihey plant. weed. water and harvest the eggplant, wl(lg. and

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tomatoes grown inside, and open-and-closc the vents to maintain a proper day-and-nighttime temperature for the crops. Closed PVC pipes set on the ground within the greenhouse are fi lled with water to radiate heat throughout the night. and the NGO is monitoring the temperature and amounts of harvested produce in order to determine the suitabil ity of the greenhouse for the region. These measurements arc intended to ser\'e as the basis for future design alterations. The other three-ta-four greenhouses situated in the other two vi llages have yet to make it through their first winter growing season. but il is clear that villagers have taken cenain libcnies when bui lding their own greenhouses based

Figures 2 and J: innovative small greenhouse design in study vi llages.

on the model described above. They have made the greenhouses smaller. or left out the vents and walls (which require more tabor investment and material supplies). and rc-organized the methods by which they will share the greenhouse (sce Figures 2 and 3 above). Onc group of [2 women, for instance. together obtained the plastic necessary for the greenhouse designed by the NGO. then proceeded to divide the plastic among its members for a series of mini-greenhouses. Other greenhouse landlords have taken upon themselves the labor and investment needed to build and maintain the greenhouse and its products. wi th the intent to share with their neighbors the produce provided.

In these and nearby villages. whether of their own volition or due to NGO activity, toy-versions of thcse design-specific monster greenhollses are cropping up. Innovative farmers are obtaining Ix2 meter sections of plastic. laying them over twig-hoops, and tucking them into the earth to extend their growing season and produce grecn vegetables. These smaller plots have the ad ... antage ofbcing easil y managed. giving farmers an opportunity to observe the results before investing a great deal of energy into something with which they ha\c had little experience. either hearsay or personal.

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The variety of responses to greenhouse pr~ects, along with the recent adoption of new crops in this region, signals that villagers are both accepting and innovative in their uptllke of new technologies that may increase their ability to feed thcir families. The greenhouse vignettes prcscntcd abovc. though. also indicate some wcaknesses of service providers that should be rc:.'Cl ified before funher implementlltion.

Adoption Patterns Diffusion of innovations in Humla District reflects the dialectical pattern observed elsewhere, whereby developmenl programs. along with a host of other influences. including education and increased contact with a global economy, have si multaneously crcated pressures restricting innovation. and opened up new opportunities for adoption of technologies capable of increasing local well· being in small -fann economies (Ashley and Maxwell 200 I, Netting 1981). In order for service providers to respond assiduously to villagers' technological vulncrabilities, they must understand the influences on villagers' decision-making contexts and taper their programs to site­specific needs.

For instance, two of the villages involved in this study exhibi t distinct pattcrns of technology adoption. NGO workers have reduced these differences to an almost-irrational conservatism in one village, Paschimgaon, whereas the other villages, including neigh boring Purbagaon '. exhibit more ' nonnal' openness to programs. Ongoing research reveals, however, that these differences have roots in material and cultural resources, and historically uneven access to changing opportunities in the region.

Although water and food security are challenging for both villages, Purbagaon struggles more on both counts. Purbagaon has fewer fields, and no irrigation, while a great portion of Paschimgaon's food comes from their irrigated and relat ivel y expansive red rice paddy. As a result of their lack of food security. as well as. probably, of their proximity to the only secondary school in northern Humla. Purbagaoo's livelihood strategy relies more heavily on outside income. Villagers say that their options for outside income have improved in the last decade, decreasing migration distances for tcmporary or seasonal job posts. Perhaps as a result of their greater food security and the higher labor demands their larger parcels of land require, Paschimgaon focuses more on agricultural and local pursuits, and other villagers and NGO workers perceive Paschimgaon as more tradi tional and more resistant to change than the surrounding villages. They also harbor knowledge of the oldest Thakuri songs and dances !Uld invest more in valuable traditional celebrations than their neighbors. These characteristics

• Pseudonyms for villages are used to protect Ihe privacy oflhe panicipants in this study.

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underlie differing responses to innovat ion opportunities for Thakuris in Humla District.

Using multiple regressions to identify different contributors to technology adoption, looking primarily at the widespread adoption of stoves in the region, Purbagaon and Paschimgaon exhibited different adoption strategies. In Purbagaon, the top three contributors to technology consisted of cash income, number of nearby relatives, and proportion of workers (versus depcndcnts) in the houschold. On the other hand, younger brothers, people who participated in exchange labor, and people who could eat their own produce for morc months of the year were the most likely candidates for technology adoption in Paschi mgaon. The overall pattern of adoption predicted that households that were better-ofT were more likely to adopt technologies. However, as the regressions make clear, "better off' means something different to people in Purbagaon than it does to people in Paschimgaon. If more cash income predicts openness to innovation in Purbagaon, brother rank is a better indicator of technology adoption m Paschimgaon.

Addi tionally. if Paschimgaon is considered more eonscrvative than its neighbors, its greatcr reliance on agricultural productivity and traditional means of subsistence partially explains this difference. In the risk literature, ·pcasant economics ' arc frequcntly considered risk-averse environments (Henrich and McElreath 2002). This could be the result of the lack of time or resource-surpluses obtained in such economics, or the inappropriateness of certain strategies for agricultural livelihoods. Informed by the innovation diffusion literature, the differences between villages' adoption patterns for other technologies in addition to observations of greenhouse projects in the region, highlight certain strategies for more successful implemcntation of greenhouses in the area and beyond.

Discussion and Conclusions 111c more well-ofT a person/group of people is, the more likely he/she/it is to be receptive 10 innovations. This statement is repeatcd in the literature (Kuznar 2001; Rogers 1995) and confirmed in the present study. Knowing this, NGOs ought to introduce their programs to those members of a community who can most afford to take on the investment (Messcrschmidt 1981). In order to identify those people. howevcr, it is nccessary to undcrstand the kinds of weal th that indicate well-being in each community. lhe data presented above reveal that generalized strategies are less likely 10 succeed than strategies conforming to the indicators of wealth for speci fic communities.

A s("'Cond strategy requires an understanding of local vulnerabil ities, i.c. their constraints on time and other resources. in order to avoid exacerbating existing strcsses whcn introducing new technologies. All the villages in this

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study had limited time available to them to accomplish even the most basic of livelihood acti vi ties, such as getting food. water, and clothing. Therefore, the sheer size and effort involved in construction of the large prototype greenhouse presented a daunting barrier to vi llagers who were inclined to streteh their growing season. Ongoing intensive care of the large greenhouses also presented a decision-making dilemma. Not only did the large greenhouses pose a threat to villagers' time, but also to valuable crop space for more certain agricultural endeavors. Why waste SO large a space on an experiment, when the villagers al ready know what to expect when planting a regular plot, and when they have so little land to begin with? The prospect was too risky for villagers who already struggle on marginal cropland to feed their large families, fecling they could not spare the space. The NGOs' attitudes about the proper design and purpose of greenhouses may have conflicted with villagers' more modest endeavors and attempts 10 reduce the risk involved in the technology. Where the intent ofthc NGO was to provide fresh vegetables throughout the winter. vi llagers may have been content to lack on an additional week or two 10 their growing season, extending their season. but not encroaching on their time. labor and space the way the large greenhouse might. That is, villagers were more wi lling to sacrifice efficacy for redueed investment demands.

Thirdly, NGGs implementing greenhouses assumed a similarity in their research sites that do nOl exist , distributing the same technology in a similar way in all locations. Wh ile villages in the same locale share man y characteristics. they exhibit different vulnerabilities, so that both design and implementation of greenhouses should reflect these divergent needs. For instance. labor availability is a bigger issue for Purbagaon, and therefore greenhouses in Purbagaon should be designed with special consideration for the demands on villagers' time, perhaps designed on a smaller scale. entailing less risk than greenhouse design in Paschimgaon could afford.

Lastly, a study of what villagers actually did with the resourc~ they got from the NGOs may indicate new directions for NGO services, based on what the villagers themselves have shown they can handle and arc inclined to do with greenhouse technologies. First, ",i llagers preler not to have to manage their greenhouses in a shared fashion, since laooT and resources are often distributed unevenly in group settings. The groups are often rather arbitraril y designated and based on im~diale and ephemeral needs, rather than on kin or traditional divisions within a village, thus unstable in their make-up. They arc susceptible, too, to the corruption entailed in the promise of the flow of NGO goods or money to poor communities. Because villagers arc not fami li ar with how greenhouses work, the organization of group labor creates an additional barrier to proper use of technology.

Next. the design of the small-scale, mobile greenhouses villagers have 'reeted reduces the risks involved in greenhouse adopt ion on almost every

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Icvcl dcscribed above. Thcy requirc less cooperation, lime. spacc and labor and arc casily acquired and removcd or adapted 10 Ihe needs of cro]>s as they grow. For all this, thc smallcr greenhouses sacrificc a grcat deal of thcir efficiency. but if they arc considered a step towards year-round greens. then they reprcsent the futurc of greenhouse productivity in Humla.

The i!!novation involved in these smallcr greenhouses, along with villagcrs' readiness to adopt ncw planting tcchniques and new crops, reveals that thc problem is nOI that vi llagers are completely risk·avcrsc, though thcy arc ccrtainly conscious of their vulncrabilities. In order 10 make greenhouscs successful in combating under-nutrition and food insecurity. villagers will need 10 know how to build on their low·risk praclices in small. piccemeal steps. Thcy will also need knowledgc about and access to crops thcy might grow in their new greenhouses to maximizc the tcchnology's potcntial.

Becausc thcre arc many other regions apart from Humla District charactcrizcd by agriculturally-bascd livelihoods. ecological prcssures and degradation. and time and resourcc instability, thc conelusions drawn from Ihis research may be applicable under similar conditions elscwhcre. Suggestions to servicc providcrs based on this rescarch require: I) an understanding of how wcalth is dcfined in a givcn locale to introduce technologies to those individuals/households most likely 10 be successfu l; 2) technology dcsigns that are amcnable to thc varying constraints posed on villagers by thcir social and ecological environments. acknowledging Ihm Ihese constraints will shift according to each site; finally and most imponamly, 3) obscrvations of the innovmion tcchniques villagers demonstrate to lake advantage of these innovation potentials to improve tcchnology design and applicability, rathcr than reacting negatively to altemativc uses oftcchnologics.

Acknowledgments The results presented here arc part of ongoi ng dissertation research funded by The National Science Foundation. and also would not have hccn possible without the cooperation of Tribhu\'an Unh·ersi ty·s CClmc for InternatiOnal Relations and Ccntral Department of Rural Dcvelopment Studics. My advisor. Kimbcr l1addix McKay. has gi\en me invaluable guidance on aeadcmic as \\ell as logistical pursuits throughout my graduate career and continuously in my ongoing rcscOlrch. KeshOlng Lama has served as an indispensable research assistant, whose intelligence, paticnce, integrily, and good humor made up for many of my own wl;!3knesses. I am also grateful to my partncr. Chris Lombardi. for allowing the use of his photos, and for providing his patience and support. Most importantly, the people of I-Iumla have my eternal gr:lIi tudc for welcoming us into their lives.

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