RESEARCH NEEDS FOR UNDERSTANDING OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE SYSTEMS FOR STRENGTHENING AGRICULTURAL AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT: THE TANZANIAN CONTEXT By Bertha Koda

Consultancy Report for FAO/TFNC July, 1999

TABLE OF CONTENT Page List of Acronyms ........................................................................... ii Executive Summary .......................................................................... iii CHAPTER ONE:CONCEPTUAL ISSUES: LINKAGES BETWEEN GENDER,

AGRO-BIODIVERSITY AND LOCAL KNOWLEDGE SYSTEMS WITHIN THE TANZANIAN CONTEXT:

1.0 Introduction: ......................................................................... 1 1.1 Source of Information used in the analysis............................................... 1 1.2 Conceptual Framework within the Tanzania Context........................................ 1 1.3 Conceptualizing the linkages between Gender,

Agro-biodiversity and Indigenous Knowledge Systems within the Tanzania Context............................................................. 3

CHAPTER TWO: RESEARCH AGENDA FOR THE PROJECT ON GENDER,

AGRO-BIODIVERSITY AND INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE SYSTEMS 10 2.0 Introduction............................................................................... 10 2.1 Approaches used by institutions/Individuals to document/

record information on Gender, Agro-biodiversity and Indigenous Knowledge Systems.............................................................. 10

2.2 Key partners for generation and dissemination of information on Gender, Agro-biodiversity and Indigenous Knowledge Systems............................................................... 16

2.3 Knowledge Gaps and Areas for Further Research.......................................... 18 2.4 Mechanisms for sharing Existing Information/

Literature.................................................................................. 24 3.0 Conclusion.................................................................................. 25

Endnotes.................................................................................... 26 References.................................................................................. 27

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List of Acronyms COOPIBO - Belgium-based NGO DANIDA - Danish International Development Agency DONET: - Dodoma Region Environmental Network EAF: - East African (Section of the UDSM Library) ERB - Economic Research Bureau FAO - Food and Agricultural Organization FINNIDA - Finnish Development Agency IDS - Institute of Development Studies IDSWSG - IDS Women Studies Group IEC - Information, Education & Communication IKS - Indigenous Knowledge Systems IPGRI: - International Plant Genetic resources Institute IRA - Institute of Resource Assessment (T) JET - Journalist Environmental Association LinKS - Local and indigenous Knowledge Systems MCDWAC - Ministry of Community Development, Women Affairs and Children MoNR&T - Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism MoA&C - Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives MUCHS Muhimbili College of Health Sciences NEMC - National Environmental Council NGOs - Non-governmental Organizations NORAD - Norwegian Development Agency PRA - Participatory Rural Appraisal REPOA - Research on Poverty Alleviation RIPS - Rural Integrated Programme Support SAREC - Swedish Agency for Research Cooperation (with Developing Countries) SCSRD - SUA Center for Sustainable Rural Development SIDA - Swedish International Development Agency SUA - Sokoine University of Agriculture SWAAT - Society for Women and AIDS in Africa- Tanzania Chapter TAMWA - Tanzania Media Women Association TAWLAE - Tanzania Women Leaders in Agriculture and Environment TAWOSTE - Tanzania Women Professionals in Science and Technology TFNC - Tanzania Food and Nutrition Center TGNP - Tanzania Gender Networking Programme TRHG - Teenage Reproductive Health Group UDSM - University of Dar es Salaam UN - United Nations UNDP - United Nations Development Programme UNESCO - United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization UNICEF - United Nations Children Fund WED - Women and Education WRDP - Women's Research and Documentation Project

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1. Introduction and Methodology

Tanzania is among the four partner countries implementing the FAO-funded regional project on Gender, Biodiversity and Local Knowledge Systems. The project's objectives include raising the level of awareness, recognition and application of women's and men's local knowledge systems for strengthening the position of local food providers and managers of agro-bio-diversity. The main output is geared towards facilitation for action-oriented research which would generate useful knowledge for advocacy, policy-making and training.

As an integral part of the project implementation, a baseline study was conducted during April-May, 1999 period in four regions of mainland Tanzania (including Arusha, Dar es Salaam, Dodoma and Morogoro) and in Zanzibar on activities pertaining to research on gender, agro-biodiversity, local knowledge systems and food security. Both semi-structured interviews and secondary data (accessed from libraries/documentation centers and individual researches' offices) were used as sources of information used in the analysis contained in this report. As a strategy to enrich this report, a review (national) workshop was held in Dar es Salaam on 7/6/1999 to discus the first draft report after which the second draft report was written. This was then presented at an international workshop held in Morogoro, Tanzania, on 22-23 June, 1999. Input from this workshop is incorporated in the report. 2.0 Summary of findings 2.1 Factors influencing the research process

Research activities have largely been influenced by researchers' interests in terms of issues to be researched on, the context within which these issues are problematized, selection of geographical coverage and the willingness of other interested partners to support researchers' interests. Other factors include the choice of research methods, intended use and/or targeted users of the information generated from the research process and the intended format in which the generated data is packaged and stored.

All these are subjective factors which have affected both the quantity and quality of generated information with possibilities for gross marginalization of useful knowledge which could be to enrich the planning and policy-making processes. To a large extent also these very factors apply to issues on gender, agro-biodiversity and indigenous knowledge systems, the subject matter which has strong bearing on agricultural development and food security. Both the baseline study conducted in April-May 1999 and the input from the two review workshops held in June 1999 provide the basis for these two contentions. 2.2 Existing Information on gender, agro-biodiversity and local knowledge systems

Both the assessment of available references and analysis of information generated from interviews and from participants of the two review (June) workshops support the argument that much of existing information on agro-biodiversity does not adequately articulate the dynamic interrelationships existing between gender, agro-biodiversity and indigenous knowledge systems. It was further noted that articulation of gender issues within the realm of socio-economic and political processes addressing agro-biodiversity management issues is not well understood by most researchers and information disseminators. This was exemplified by the small number of studies done with gender focus on agro-biodiversity and local knowledge.

Existing information further points to the wide spectrum of local knowledge as linked to varied but distinct environment both cultural/socio-economically and geographically. Further analysis on available information highlighted the relationship between the type of activities done and level of knowledge controlled by bearers and keepers of local knowledge along class, gender, age and ethnic differences. This was linked to the need for curriculum review at formal training institutions as discussed at the two review workshops held in June, 1999.

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The need for "value-adding" to local knowledge for entrepreneurial development on small scale basis was also pointed out at the last review workshop help in Morogoro.

The fear of pirating on/and commercialization of local knowledge and absence of legal protection as juxtaposed with the challenge on winning confidence of information givers on local knowledge was also highlighted during discussions with the research community and workshop participants. In the same vein, the need for policy and legal reforms on issues of intellectual property rights, trade marks and patents on local knowledge systems was vehemently expressed.

It was further noted that traditional media and other democratic institutions used in the past for information collection and dissemination on local knowledge have largely been marginalized and/or replaced by formal school curricula and the so-called "modern" media both of which tend to profoundly transform the information gathered from local people presumably to suit the needs of new users.

As for the research tools, the PRA research method was acknowledged by most researchers/research institutions as superior method of collecting information on gendered local knowledge systems, yet documentation of PRA processes was found to have been very minimal.

In view of the above, several recommendations were made, a summary of which is as follows: 2.3 Recommendations

1. That a more comprehensive research agenda be drawn which would address among other things,

issues on conceptualization as well as contextualization of the relationship between gender, agro-biodiversity and indigenous knowledge systems, development/adoption of appropriate research methodologies for collection of the needed information and the designing of effective information dissemination strategies which would address the needs of all the stake-holders and venture into developing other media alternatives popular to the grassroots people.

2. That a national Gender Sensitization and Training Programme be designed/executed to equip the community of researchers and information disseminators with tools for gender analysis and gender mainstreaming in research and policy frameworks.

3. That a data-bank on both the relevant reference material/information (on gender, agro-biodiversity and local knowledge systems) and contemporary researchers, research institutions and appropriate partners be created at a central coordinating organ to simplify and systematize information sharing on such issues.

4. That a curriculum review/agenda addressing issues of gendered local knowledge systems be prepared/adopted for implementation by schools, colleges and other IEC institutions both for advocacy and training on local knowledge systems.

5. That a project be initiated on "value-added" activities to promote the use of local knowledge systems for micro-enterprise development to benefit rural-based bearers and keepers of local knowledge.

6. That a national network on gender, agro-biodiversity and local knowledge systems be initiated. 7. That a newsletter on gender, agro-biodiversity and local knowledge systems be launched in the near

future.

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CHAPTER ONE:CONCEPTUAL ISSUES: LINKAGES BETWEEN GENDER, AGRO-BIODIVERSITY AND INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE SYSTEMS WITHIN THE TANZANIAN CONTEXT

1.0 INTRODUCTION

This report is an outcome of both a baseline study conducted in Tanzania in April-May 1999 and two workshops on gender, agro-biodiversity and local knowledge systems organized by FAO/TFNC and held in Dar es Salaam and Morogoro, Tanzania on June 7 and 22nd -23nd 1999 respectively. Both the study and the June workshops are components of a broader regional project on Gender, Biodiversity and Local Knowledge Systems whose main objective is to develop a mechanism for implementation of gender sensitive policies, programmes and participatory technological development for the in-situ conservation and sustainable use and management of agro-biodiversity for food security. Specific objectives of this project are two-fold as summarized in the project document:

i. To increase understanding among rural people, development workers and policy makers about the value of women's and men's distinct knowledge and skills related to the management of agro-biodiversity for food security.

ii. To strengthen the capacity of key partner organizations participating in the project to use gender analysis and participatory research & communication methods to work with rural communities and to document and share information about local knowledge systems with communities, NGOs, research institutes and policy makers.

The expected output of the project is three-fold: • Practical support for research and action; i.e supporting research to learn from experience

and processes and identify stumbling blocks in production systems in order to make well informed strategic interventions and improve farmers' capacity to manage agro-biodiversity for food security.

• Development of effective communication mechanisms. • Contribution to Advocacy and Policy designing.

1.1 Source of Information used in the analysis

The information used in writing this report was gathered from both secondary and primary sources consulted during the baseline study conducted in few regions in Tanzania including Dar es Salaam, Dodoma, Morogoro and Arusha in April -May 1999. To a small extent, data was collected from Zanzibar and Arusha. The major input came from Dar es Salaam region where more research institutions, government ministries and NGOs were visited. Both interviews and informal discussions were used as sources of information. Additional information was generated from secondary data accessed from libraries, documentation centers/rooms and individual researchers' offices (summaries of consulted references are accessible at FAO office). Appreciable input also came from participants of the two workshops held in June 1999 in Dar es Salaam and Morogoro, Tanzania, one of which was international 1.2 Conceptual Framework within the Tanzanian Context

Six key concepts are used in this report. These include "gender", "indigenous knowledge systems", "indigenous knowledge," "traditional knowledge", "local knowledge" and "biodiversity". While avoiding intellectual debates and theorizing on these concepts, the following section highlight the interpretation of the concepts as used in this report i.e providing working definitions for each concept.1

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(a) Gender

While at the theoretical level "gender" is perceived as the culturally defined/determined state of being female or male, in this report this definition is operationalized to include the level of local knowledge attained by women and men on issues of food security and agro-biodiversity. This is further articulated in the discussions in terms of who produces, controls, uses, develops and disseminates the local knowledge accumulated over time through the process of production and reproduction of human life in Tanzania. In short, gender issues are posed in relation to who the ̀ bearers' of local knowledge and ̀ keepers' of biodiversity for food security are, in Tanzania. Contextualizing gender issues in this manner will allow for exploration and analysis of both contradictions and harmonies inherent in Indigenous/Local Knowledge systems at both local and international levels.

(b) Indigenous Knowledge Systems

These are systematized concepts and cognitive structures (perceptions and classifications of the physical, natural, socio-economic and ideational environments), to borrow both Van Vlaenderen (1999) and Brouwer (1998) words.

For the purpose of this report, indigenous knowledge systems include the unique, traditional, local knowledge systems derived from interactions between people of a given culture and existing within and developed around the specific conditions of women and men indigenous to a particular area2. It includes understanding of the science of production and reproduction of human life in terms of the way goods and services are produced, reproduced, processed, stored and utilized for human life and the manner in which such understanding is disseminated from the adult generation to youth and children.

The concept also includes technological advances realized through these processes and the manner in which such technology is reproduced, controlled, disseminated and protected. As correctly pointed out by Kroma (1995), most cultures tend to encode indigenous (local) knowledge in stories, proverbs, riddles, music, songs and other user-friendly verbal skills.3 Ideally, indigenous knowledge systems imply both indigenous knowledge and traditional knowledge and is also a basis of local knowledge as shall be explained below.

(c) Indigenous Knowledge:

Indigenous Knowledge is largely used synonymously with both "traditional knowledge" and "local knowledge". Yet the three concepts have different meanings. At a one-day workshop organized by TFNC on 5/6/99 in Dar es Salaam to discuss issues on policy and research on gender, agro-biodiversity and indigenous knowledge systems, participants defined "indigenous knowledge" as knowledge pertaining to groups of people with specific culture. In Tanzania where there are more than 120 ethnic groups, indigenous knowledge was linked to distinct socio-economic, political and cultural environments. As Van Vlaenderen (1992) concludes, indigenous knowledge emphasize knowledge based on internally induced experiences of a particular people. Indigenous knowledge is generally acknowledged as the basis for the so-called "local knowledge".

(d) Traditional Knowledge:

This is conceived as "acquired" knowledge by a group of people who have stayed in a particular environment long enough to have adopted the knowledge. Van Vlaenderen (1999) defines this concept as being ancient, original and historically located to specific customs, conventions and routines. She further perceives it as embodying a static view of culture in that it refers to ideas and knowledge of the past but which have been carried over in their original form through several generations.

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(e) Local Knowledge:

This is defined as factual data, concepts, taxonomies, theoretical models and values derived from the interaction between indigenous and exogenous knowledge acquired by people of a given geographical area. Local knowledge considered to be dynamically re-interpreted and molded as people continually interact with the environment to meet their needs. In this report, local knowledge is conceived as that knowledge which is useful and usually un-documented and is slowly dying out because of its marginalized status in contemporary formal education/training and (children) socialization.

In Tanzania, local knowledge comprises of three basic categories, i.e "public" knowledge whose access is unrestricted, "discretionary" knowledge which is usually clan-based and is hence accessed along clan lines and "secretive" knowledge which is usually accessed through inheritance. Examples include agricultural and related knowledge (public), tin smithery/pottery knowledge (discretionary) and (secretive) the medicinal knowledge for chronic diseases where special rituals are involved (Kauzeni 1999).

(f) Agro-biodiversity

As used in this report, the concept means the diversity within and between the species of agro-ecosystems (including crops, `wild foods,' livestock, forests and fisheries), the diversity of agro-ecosystems themselves and the diversity of species' varieties, breeds and natural population that interact with agro-ecosystems or contribute directly to food security.4 1.3 Conceptualizing the linkages between gender, agro-biodiversity and indigenous knowledge

systems within the Tanzanian Context. 1.3.1 Overview of the linkage between poverty, agro-biodiversity and local knowledge systems:

cause/effect relationship

Tanzania is predominantly agrarian with crop farming as the main employer and income earning activity for majority of Tanzanian women and men. Livestock keeping assumes the second position with pastoralism featuring prominently in few regions such as Arusha and Dodoma. Despite abundant natural resources, including land, forests, minerals and water (from rivers, lakes and the Indian ocean), Tanzania is one of the least developed countries in the world. More than 45% of the rural population for instance live below poverty line.

Efforts to address the poverty issue at both individual and public levels are numerous. These include policies, programmes and projects initiated locally and sometimes with external induction. The currently implemented Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) are a case in point where both positive and negative effects have been experienced. The market forces of SAPs for instance coupled with the genuine urge to harness available resources for poverty eradication have to a great extent exposed Tanzania's biodiversity to a less sustainable nature. There are specifically initiated local efforts aimed at eradicating poverty but which have alarmingly affected the life pattern of some plant and animal species and exposed them to the danger of extinction. Such efforts include massive timber harvesting and expansion of farm-land in natural forests where indigenous tree species are cut down indiscriminately and without replacement and where the natural habitat conducive for many indigenous tree and shrub species is increasingly being destroyed, thus threatening their availability. The poor technology used in the processing of some cash crops (such as tobacco curing) has also led to intensive exploitation of forest products, a practice which increases the rate of deforestation and hence a threat to the well-balanced ecosystems. It is in line with this argument that Van Vlaenderen (1999:2) conclusively contends that:

As a result of development interventions, steeped in a modernization

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approach, as well as a general process of globalization, certain aspects of peoples' local and traditional knowledge are disappearing.

1.3.2 Local Knowledge Systems and concerns of Food Security

Local knowledge systems deserve recognition in their own right as human attributes to development. Indeed, it is often argued that local knowledge is symbiotically related to poverty eradication. This line of thought concurs with the contention that local peoples' needs, values and capacities (skills) are related to both local knowledge and development dynamics (Van Vlaenderen, 1999; Koda, 1999). Both women and men have intimate knowledge of their natural environments which has for many years been used for agro-biodiversity management. Through this process local people have increasingly been empowered for increased self-reliance, self-confidence and capacity for addressing issues of food security especially where the dynamics for combining old and new knowledge systems have been seriously addressed (Koda, 1999).

It is a truism that many of the contemporary farming systems which guarantee food security at community level evolved from local knowledge systems. The case of Matengo "pit" system (Ngoro) of the Matengo people of Tanzania which ensures soil conservation and hence soil productivity validates this contention (Rutatora, et al 1995). Yet this system is not devoid of gender imbalances especially in terms of distribution of work-load, where an average of 135 and 40 hours per hectare is spent by women and men respectively.

As for concerns on food security which are multi-dimensional as they include issues on technology and knowledge base for production and reproduction, property rights to means of production, pricing and marketing dynamics, labour relations, means of communication, policy environment and gender dynamics, indeed they have a lot to do with local knowledge systems as shall be explained in the following section. 1.3.3 The Linkages between gender, agro-biodiversity and LinKS

The majority of Tanzanian women and men depend directly on natural resources for their livelihood,

through farming, pastoralism/ herding, fishing, mining and forestry activities. Rural communities for instance depend on natural forest products such as wild "foods", herbs, firewood, building poles and ropes/fibre, thatching grass, etc for meeting food, shelter, clothing needs and medicinal services for both human beings and livestock. As correctly pointed out in the LinKS project document, women and men largely use their `local knowledge' on local environmental and farming systems in their daily activities to elevate their political and socio-economic status. Knowledge on edible and cultivable fauna and flora and medicinal herbs & shrubs for instance has contributed tremendously to the development of currently used agricultural systems both in terms of production techniques as well as in developing processing, preservation and storage technologies/ facilities. Such knowledge which has been accumulated over years from practical experiences has also contributed to the development and adoption of coping strategies during food shortages and at times of hardships. Women's and men's knowledge on draught resistant crops wild foods (including fruits, tubers/roots, vegetables, honey, mushrooms) and medicinal plants has equally assisted in ensuring both rural-based household food security, human and animal health and agricultural development, as pointed out in several studies (Koda, 1999).

(a) The gender dimension

Studies on rural development inform that rural women and men are better placed with respect to knowledge on local environmental issues and strategies of ensuring maintenance of the eco-system. Knowledge on the many aspects of indigenous tree species such as timing for flowering, fruiting, growth, diseases of such trees, medicinal and nutritional values of local trees and even poisonous trees which are unfit for use by human beings and livestock is one such example (Koda, 1999).

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Local Knowledge prominent in Tanzanian ethnic groups appears to be popular knowledge, yet it is relatively unevenly distributed because of its very nature of being closely tied to an activity where accessibility is determined by participation in related activities. Traditional healers, traditional birth attendants, farmers, livestock keepers and honey collectors for instance, usually access the relevant local knowledge and skills through their active involvement in such activities, followed by a process of experimentation, adaptation and propagation of new ideas gained through experience. It is also primarily the principle of "access through participation" which largely influence the gender dynamics in local knowledge systems as shall be discussed shortly.

Tanzania is a huge country comprising of 25 regions inhabited by more than 120 ethnic groups. Each of these regions and its people are unique in terms of geographical and climatic specificities, cultural norms, believes and practices and farming systems. Hence there is a wide variety of knowledge systems and social relations whose components are passed over from one generation to the other through socialization.

Essential variables in the socialization process include "gender" which is largely used to determine role specificity for women and men in all Tanzanian communities. Hence the gendered and unevenly distributed knowledge prominent in each ethnic group. While girls are socialized to become wives and as mothers and custodians of household food security, boys are tuned to become public leaders, decision-makers and planners for their household's development and for public life. For the farming communities for instance, women and men will have the general knowledge on the farming systems, yet women would be more conversant with issues related to food crops and vegetables and the food basket in general since in all Tanzanian communities they are the ones who collect vegetables and process, prepare and cook food for their families, usually with the assistance of the girl child. Invariably, men would know more about hunting and related activities, housing construction (except for few ethnic groups which assign this role to women) and cash earning opportunities.

As for pastoralist economic systems, the social norms of pastoralists would tune women to accessing and controlling knowledge on milking and processing of milk products and tendering of calves and sick cows which remain at home (the woman domain). The young men would be more knowledgeable on the best grass for cattle or best pasture land and related domains since men are the ones who move around with livestock for longer periods of time during dry and wet seasons. It is also said that during the initiation ceremonies of young male pastoralists such as the Maasai youth, sufficient time is allocated to training on issues of useful knowledge and skills on medicinal herbs (personal communication with a Maasai elder, June, 1999). The population in coastal areas on the other hand would have different knowledge systems since their farming system and life pattern involve knowledge on quite different factors such as the growing and caring for coconut and cashew-nut trees, cassava & rice. Necessary knowledge on diseases and cures for these crops would also be quite different from that of the pastoralist communities and vice versa. These are just few examples to demonstrate not only the gender differences but also the ecological, geographical, ethnicity and age differences with respect to indigenous/local knowledge systems and agro-biodiversity.

Yet the gender dimension needs further elaboration since it is the least observed aspect both in the culture of the indigenous people and by development practitioners and policy makers as elucidated by the research community (Koda, 1999). From time immemorial, gender has been a conspicuous variable in the allocation of roles, responsibilities and resources at both the household and public levels. For many ethnic groups for instance, the domestic domain including household chores has been confined to women. Activities such as cooking for the household members and associated activities such as firewood-collection and water totting have always been a woman's role. It is hence widely argued that women know best the type of trees ideal for firewood and for cooking & heating purposes, while men are more knowledgeable on best trees for poles, timber and ropes/fibre for housing construction as well as the best grass species for thatching & fodder. The multi-dimensional reproductive role given to women also include food processing and preservation associated to post-harvest crop losses.

In the same vein, women are better placed in terms of accessing and controlling local knowledge on these factors whose linkage to household food security is not far-fetched. The colonial-induced systems of

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assigning crops to each gender as women's and men's crops is another factor with bearing on gendered knowledge. Subsistence crops especially those with small seeds such as cow-peas and millet are usually regarded as a woman's crop domain while men control cash-crops and grains (Mascarenhas & Mbilinyi, 1983). Gathered from this discussion therefore, women's knowledge systems tend to be more broad-based in comparison with men with respect to household food security.

The gender ̀ roles' stereo-typing has yet other social implications to indigenous and local knowledge systems. For one thing, participation in such roles create associated needs and interests particular to each gender but which are not necessarily similar. These have to be met by the eco-system with the use of local knowledge. Yet, it is pointed out elsewhere that women interests, knowledge and priorities are neither consulted nor are they considered as important inclusions in most development programmes aimed at managing agro-biodiversity (Mascarenhas and Mbilinyi, 1983; Koda & Mukangara, 1997).

This does not mean however that indigenous knowledge under men's command is always considered and used during the planning and implementation of all development programmes. There has been a growing tendency for instance, for most development planners and policy-makers to marginalize both indigenous and local knowledge systems during planning and policy-making at micro and macro levels.

(b) Marginalization of local knowledge systems in formal knowledge structures

The bias against local knowledge in Tanzania has its own history. It originates from the interaction with European and Arabic culture which introduced both the formal education and new religions in Tanzanian communities. The manner in which formal education was introduced to the local communities to a great extent facilitated for gross marginalization of local knowledge systems. Formal education which tended to reflect European culture attempted to replace local knowledge as reflected in the curriculum (content) of such education and its pedagogical methods. It was generally assumed for instance that local people were less knowledgeable than the white colonial personnel. The colonial masters and to some extent the African students seldom acknowledged the existence of some groups of black (African) people who had more knowledge than the white people.

Moreover, most of the traditional structures for packaging and dissemination of local knowledge were demolished while attempts to replace them have been futile. Formal media for instance has been monetized and urbanized and even where traditional knowledge is promoted, the tendency has been for its content to be commercialized and hence the decreased accessibility for the majority of non-affording users. Also, where indigenous knowledge systems managed to survive, the tendency has been to consider them as backward/primitive even where alternative knowledge systems were inaccessible or inappropriate. A good example is medicinal knowledge which was highly marginalized (after the introduction of the so-called "modern" health systems (i.e hospitals/dispensaries, formally trained doctors, etc). Only recently have formal institutions such as the Institute of Traditional Medicine been established in the country to give traditional medicine some prominence/respect and to study the inherent benefits as well as generating information for a broader spectrum of users. Indeed, an increasing use of traditional medicine and associated institutions has also been noted after the adoption of the Structural Adjustment Programmes especially its component on cost-sharing in the social services sector (Nyamuhanga, 1997).

Despite government efforts to distribute essential drugs to dispensaries for community members, demand has always surpassed supply. Yet liberalization of the health sector to allow private hospitals to fill the gap created by inadequate government services has tended to raise the cost of medicine to the extent that a large number of rural people are using traditional healers/medicine as a strategy to minimize costs (Nyamuhanga, 1997). Todate, traditional healers are also recognized and given space in the government initiatives to eradicate diseases (their NGOs are registered like any other NGO and their works are being promoted to the general public). The increasing use of "Nem" tree (Muarobaini) as a cure for malaria for instance has been noted in recent years as a coping strategy but more so as an alternative to the use of malaria drugs which are increasingly becoming unaffordable to the poor effective (personal observation).

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The colonial system and Christianity have played different roles in marginalizing local knowledge systems. The value systems instilled in the elite group for instance and which advocated that "new"/imported things are always superior to old/ traditional/ local products and that indigenous religions and associated knowledge systems and institutions (initiation ceremonies, traditional dancing & singing and traditional healing processes/ procedures/medicine) were bad/un-Godly/primitive has been quite damaging to the promotion of local knowledge. The needed respect for traditional foods as well as accommodation of cultural diversity were also missing in colonial government-initiated programmes. Incidentally, these processes were inherited by the post-colonial governments, hence the marginalized current status and the seemingly threatening disappearance of local knowledge.

As for marginalization of women's local knowledge, more factors including the general inferior position of women in many ethnic groups also at play. Despite their more frequent visits to the forests to collect vegetables, firewood, mushrooms, fruits and other food items and hence their high level of knowledgeability on this subject matter, women's knowledge was/and is still conspicuously ignored both in terms of disseminating it and in using it for development purposes. Even social science researchers used to ignore women's local knowledge systems until recently when issues of gender were broadened and included in scientific knowledge paradigms and research questions. Yet women's key role in agro-biodiversity management and their holistic understanding of agro-biodiversity and issues of food security need to be well researched on, in order to understand the complex nature of indigenous/local knowledge systems and their potential and effectiveness in addressing broader issues of food security. 1.3.4 Contextualizing the role of Social Analysis within the LinKS project

It is worth noting that issues of indigenous/local knowledge systems and gender are within the realm of power relations, especially at the public level. A good example is the competition existing between local maize seeds (some of which are more draught and pest resistant) and hybrid seeds promoted by big agro-business companies such as "Cargil" which are threatening farmers' self-reliant farming systems (Mbilinyi, 1997). While farmers are finding it increasingly difficult to afford buying hybrid seeds and accessories such as fertilizer and pesticides, their local seeds are disappearing at the same time and at an alarming speed. Another example is the knowledge on traditional medicine which is seemingly competing with "modern" pharmaceutical science and technology both in terms of the given value and economic contribution.

Power relations as embedded in local knowledge systems are broad-based as they encompass different levels beyond the household. At the village level for instance where members from several clans are residing, differential patterns of knowledge control are evident, although the gender differential is still the major pattern. Apart from the differential ownership and control of resources along class and ethnic lines which determine the type of activities one is engaged in, and hence the form of accessed knowledge system, there are knowledge systems which are inherited along clan lines as pointed out in section 1.2 (e) above. These include knowledge on specific procedures/principles for healing certain diseases (secretive knowledge) as well as knowledge on the science of rain-making. It also applies to knowledge on production of local technologies where only certain clans are well-versed in, usually through inheritance. The "iron-smithery" clans such as the "Washana" of Pare ethnic group from Same and Mwanga districts in the northern part of Tanzania are a case in point where such skills were "discretionary" and hence not public. Other discretionary knowledge systems include medicinal knowledge where an apprentice chosen by the herbalist/traditional doctor to carry the "medicinal bag" ("mkoba wa mganga" as it is known in Swahili) is likely to gain the relevant knowledge from the traditional doctor partly through observation but more so through "initiation" into the medical field.

Issues on power relations are even worse at both national and global levels as state policies and legal frameworks protect big agri-business and pharmaceutical companies and allow to them the opportunity to research, produce and distribute crop and livestock seeds, pesticides, insecticides and human and veterinary medicine as well as power to control the seed banks (including "livestock seeds" banks) at the expense of

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local knowledge systems and farmers' self-reliance concerns. Issues of "intellectual property" rights, "patents" and "trade marks" over local knowledge also depict power imbalances as local knowledge providers and managers of agro-biodiversity are increasingly being robbed of the opportunity to establish small income-earning enterprises through the use of local knowledge. These rights are usually acquired by the "well-placed" (influential) and rich companies who are quicker in buying the "patents" before the grassroots people are aware of the legal implications, yet such patented knowledge originates from the latter through research and botanical prospecting.

Incidentally, even the knowledge on intellectual property rights is unevenly distributed in Tanzania as well as between developed and less developed countries and largely to the advantage of advanced countries. Undoubtedly, local knowledge and skills exist and could be exploited for production of commodities, both medicinal and consumables. Knowledge on certain purplish fruits which provide palatable juice which is used for treatment of anaemia cases, wild roots known as "mdudu" in Pare language which produce energy-rich liquid after pounding the roots (used during food shortages) and powder-like product known as "kimpa cha ibwe" (in Pare language) used by the local people as anti-poison medicine could easily be used to produce industrial products albeit at small scale basis. Yet, the political will to motivate local people to engage in such enterprising activities (on the part of policy makers) seems to be lacking. To a large extent also these processes are not advocated for, by both researchers and the donor community. As for the gender dimansion, the issue is more complex. As highlighted above, women's perception of the eco-system tends to be holistic as influenced by their way of life which also tends to be multidimensional. Women are therefore believed to have more of the inherent power in managing the greater part of agro-biodiversity, yet because of structural and cultural inhibitions this power is seldom allowed to surface and assume its optimal utility.

Power sharing is an essential component of democracy and transformation dynamics. However, contemporary democratic processes initiated globally, Tanzania inclusive, have not yet addressed issues on power sharing of indigenous/local knowledge nor have they adequately challenged the gendered hierarchy associated to both gender-roles stereotyping and knowledge systems. Women for instance are believed to have acquired very unique knowledge on agro-biodiversity management as influenced by their role in food production, child & health care, vegetable and firewood collection, etc., yet most of them have no decision-making powers over productive resources (land, trees, etc.,) and no say on what to grow on land even where they are more knowledgeable on the best habitat for crop/tree species to be grown on such land (Mascarenhas & Mbilinyi, 1983; Koda & Mukangara, 1997). The unequal power relations which gives men more prominence in socio-economic and cultural systems are largely maintained both locally and globally amidst the well applauded democratic processes witnessed in Tanzania and elsewhere to-date. Issues of power relations and especially on property rights and security over resources to guarantee women and men's assurance over employment opportunities, adequate incomes and food security are therefore pertinent in the management of agro-biodiversity and should thus be reflected in contemporary research programmes.

To be able to address all these challenges however, one has to have a clear gendered vision, mission and commitment to realize such ideals, the issues which the national policies, national research institutions and individual researchers are still grappling with, as shall be discussed in part two below.

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CHAPTER TWO: RESEARCH AGENDA FOR THE PROJECT ON GENDER, AGRO- BIODIVERSITY AND LOCAL KNOWLEDGE SYSTEMS

2.0 INTRODUCTION

It is contended in this report that issues related to gender, agro-biodiversity and indigenous/local knowledge systems are both complex (in their own individual rights) and dynamically linked to each other. One can also argue that it is partly this complexity which has forced most rural development researchers/information seekers as well as advocates on food security to shy away from seriously articulating the relationship between these three variables in their research and development programmes. Besides, there are very specific underlying factors which have rendered the task of collecting, managing and disseminating information on gender, bio-diversity and indigenous/local knowledge systems a difficult venture. These include the type of approaches used in the collection and dissemination of information as well as mechanisms put in place by both individual researchers and research institutions for information accessibility, dissemination and use. The following discussion is an attempt to highlight the dynamism embedded in these factors especially with respect to issues of methodology and communication. 2.1 Approaches used by Institutions/Individual to document/record and disseminate information

on gender, agro-biodiversity and indigenous/local knowledge systems

Information gathering on issues of food security is a challenge to researchers not only in terms of broadening the interpretation and understanding of rural development dynamics but also in terms of developing appropriate methodology for accessing, analyzing and disseminating information on such issues. Invariably, this challenge is to be articulated within the areas of choice of the needed information, sampling of information providers, methods of documenting and recording the acquired information, choice of targeted users of such information and the media of communication.

(a) Understanding research and communication challenges on local knowledge systems

Research is an essential tool for understanding development dynamics and as a component of the communication sector, it gives opportunity for raising issues of content, domestication, packaging, reproducing and transmitting information (both qualitative and quantitative) on such dynamics. Media choice and language are added components of the communication sector which are a means of reaching targeted groups during research and information dissemination, hence their importance in the research process.

Communication on the other hand is normally a two-way process involving different stake-holders and ensuring accessibility and control of accurate and appropriate information for development purposes. In the case of research, communication plays the role of channeling information on both the research agenda and the research findings. Communication is usually targeted to a development purpose, but to be able to ensure its effective utility, certain basic principles are to be followed. These are highlighted by Gaviria (1999:3) as she points out that:

Communication for development efforts start by listening to what people already know, what they aspire to become, what they perceive as possible and desirable and that which they can sustain.

Inherent in this type of communication is the challenge to create an environment for acknowledging

the need to listen to the voices of different stake-holders in order to tap adequate information for addressing development issues. The challenge further calls for recognition that viable solutions to local developmental

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problems are usually those which are locally proposed and implemented with the use of local resources including local knowledge, technology and human resource.

Responding to communication challenges is one thing but there are other pertinent issues related to research processes which are worth discussing at this juncture. These include choice of the research theme/topic and geographical location (coverage), choice of research tools (methodological issues), sampling of information givers/suppliers, analysis of gathered information and packaging/storage and dissemination of information as discussed below. (i) Coverage

The word "coverage" as used in research activities is multi-dimensional. On the one hand it connotes both issues addressed (research themes/topics) as well as sampled stake-holders/information suppliers in terms of age, gender, class, ethnicity and even race where it applies while on the other hand it implies a geographical area.

(a) Choice of research theme/topic

Researchers normally choose research themes/topics which are of interest to them as individuals and/or as representatives of research institutions. The basis for such interest is usually the noted information gaps on the subject matter researched on, either for academic purposes or policy and project designs although other factors such as donors' preference also bias choices of the research agenda. A researcher may also be enticed to choose research topics which pose theoretical challenges and where a new contribution and social relevance is foreseen. It is rare however, for researchers to respond to information needs of grassroots people, largely because the research agenda is drawn without their input.

(b) Geographical coverage

In a country like Tanzania where diverse geographical features are evident, geographical coverage becomes a concern, especially when a national picture is expected to emerge from a single research activity. Most institutions including government ministries and departments, NGOs and parastatal organizations which are engaged in collecting information on development issues seldom use survey methods in data collection which allow for a bigger geographical coverage. The most common approach has been the use of case studies (which could be either purposeful or randomly selected) where a few regions or districts or even villages are used as sources of the needed information.

In choosing the sampled area for information collection again, there is a tendency to marginalize some regions, districts and villages due to factors such as poor infrastructure (transport, radio wave reception, telephones, etc.), availability of field work logistics (comfortable accommodation, commonality of language used by research partners (or else availability of interpreters, etc), location preference by the sponsors of the study, adequate time & financial resources and interest in geographical area of study by the research team. There is also the general tendency for donors to sponsor research activities in areas where there are already some projects sponsored by the same donor, a bias which is also influenced by the quality of infrastructure.

As correctly pointed out earlier, issues of gender, agro-biodiversity and indigenous/local knowledge systems cut across all rural settings, yet available information has been generated from few regions, districts and villages. The least popular regions for mainland Tanzania (with varying degree of popularity) include Mbeya, Tabora, Kigoma, Rukwa and Ruvuma. As for the districts, the ones which have received more attention include Singida rural, Same, Simanjiro, Ngorongoro, Monduli, Muheza, Kibaha and a few in Mtwara and Lindi regions (Koda, 1999).

This lop-sided pattern of research coverage portrays areas which have donor supported projects either in soil conservation, water and irrigation, food and nutrition or in management of bio-diversity resources.

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Indeed, this supports the contention that donors do influence the choice of study area. Nevertheless, the so-called "well researched" districts only account for only limited issues on agro-biodiversity management and not in the holistic and gender-desegregated manner as expected by the LinKS project. (c) Who supplies the information: Gender specificities

The choice of suppliers of information (information providers) is another area of concern in this report. As repeatedly pointed out earlier, issues of local knowledge systems and agro-biodiversity have much to do with gender. Recognizing gender as a useful variable in research is attributable to sensitivity on the different roles, needs, aspirations, experiences, status and position of women and men from different age, wealth status and ethnic groups. However, gender sensitivity is not an inborn quality. One needs to be exposed to both knowledge on gender concerns/gaps & differences and skills in gender analysis either through experience or by formal sensitization and training initiatives before she/he can seriously attend to the gender variable in research. The baseline study mentioned above has revealed that most researchers/managers of research institutions are gender-insensitive as reflected in both the content and methodology of implementing their research agenda. The largely gender-blind content of available information on issues of agro-biodiversity as noted during the baseline study (Koda, 1999) is further verification on this contention.

Gender blindness is usually reflected both in sampling of information givers/suppliers and in the type of information collected/recorded and documented. Women tend to be more marginalized in both these processes. Yet concerns on choice of research partners are broader than the question of gender sensitivity. As noted in previous sections, providers of local knowledge and managers of agro-biodiversity are broad-based in terms of age, class, ethnicity and professional orientation. Given the conviction that information on local knowledge is sought for addressing community development issues, choice of local participants to the envisaged research process need to reflect the analysis of research partners' socio-economic characteristics as well as selection of strategic audience so as to ensure that knowledge tapped represents input from all the stake-holders. Such an analysis could only be done by researchers who advocate for "real" partnership in research.

(ii) Other Methodological issues/Research tools

The choice of methodologies used for data/information collection also bears some influence on the quality and magnitude of collected information. It should be underscored however, that there is no single methodology put in place to capture all the needed information on development issues but it is also true that some methods deliver better gendered results. The marginalized status of local knowledge systems together with the general marginalization of gender issues in formal research processes has hampered the development of appropriate methodology for capturing information on gendered local knowledge. Contemporary research methods are often extractive and essentially pre-determined by researchers whose choices of issues to be addressed and responses expected from information providers are based on assumptions usually contextualized outside the realm of the value system of the community from which that knowledge is obtained. Hence their inadequacy in capturing gendered local knowledge. The shortfalls of the extractive research methods also include failure to acknowledge the power dynamics involved in local knowledge systems as influenced by age, gender, class, ethnicity and race (where applicable).

Included in the extractive methods are both structured and semi-structured interviews and structured observations and experiments which are largely influenced by the researchers' conceptualization, categorization and classification of the "researched" knowledge. The anthropological approach which has the ability to capture local values and related conceptual frameworks is as marginalized in today's research processes as local knowledge itself. It should be acknowledged at this point however, that even where this approach is applied, it has to use several tools for data collection.

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It is encouraging to note however that in the recent past, local knowledge systems have attracted a good number of researchers for various reasons, including the failure of some development initiatives to achieve the intended goals and where shortcomings were associated to marginalization of local peoples' participation. With the increasing acknowledgement of grassroots-oriented development thinking, research methodologies capable of facilitating for peoples' involvement both as respondents and as research partners are being developed, among which are the Rapid/Participatory Rural Appraisals (PRAs).

Tanzania has been a late adopter of PRA methods aimed at people's involvement/ participation through the use of their value systems such as use of local symbols, categories, materials, concepts, and classifications in providing the needed information and in linking information sharing with analysis and planning of development activities. The use of PRA methods enhances peoples' confidence as they are given opportunity to collect data in a shared manner and challenge each other's perception, analysis and location in the development process (Van Vlaenderen, 1999; Swantz, M-L, 1984). Apart from structured and semi-structured interviews which are part of the PRA methods the use of local songs, proverbs, stories and vernacular is given prominence to facilitate for provision of insights into local values and principles. Yet analysis of data generated through such methods needs a particular perceptual framework and skills.

There are few but prominent PRA methods which add more authenticity to information collected on local knowledge systems and are therefore worth mentioning. These include mapping, diagramming and video making where data is visualized and analyzed at the same time. Commenting on these methods, Van Vlanderen (1999:6) contends that:

The diagram is drawn as a reflection of the knowledge of the people who draw it and simultaneously provides an anchor for the explication of further knowledge... as the diagram enfolds the visual nature of it helps participants to further access and analyze aspects of their knowledge that are more tacit... The enfolding diagram enables individual participants' thinking and memory and stimulates them to add to what others have already provided. Diagrams have an added advantage in the dissemination stage where both literate and semi literate participants can access the intended information.

Gathered from the baseline study done in April-May 1999, only a few institutions/researchers based

in Tanzania use PRA techniques despite their known benefits as pointed out by many authors.5 It is also a truism that existing PRA processes are little documented. For the few institutions such as (IRA, TFNC, ERB, SUA and OXFAM/IDS), which managed to collect information on at least two of the three key variables embedded in the LinKS project (e.g say on gender and agro-biodiversity) ,the use of PRA methods was very instrumental in ensuring collection of adequate and appropriate gendered information. While the most common PRA methods used include mapping, transect walks, seasonal calendars, venn diagrams (chapati), historical profiles (life stories), ranking matrices, time trends and flow diagrams, the use of video production and popular theatre both as research tools and a dissemination media has attracted very few users such as the Mtwara based (RIPs) Media Centre (RIPS Media Facility) where extension workers have collaborated with villagers to make the video known as "Matumizi ya Ardhi Chilambo" in Swahili (Land Use in Chilambo) which highlights issues of land use management and how local knowledge systems relate to the role of women and men in biodiversity management as influenced by gender-roles stereotyping. Yet the issue of copy right of both the video and the knowledge disseminated through the video remains a challenge to be addressed by both the researchers and extension workers who continually advocate for sharing of local knowledge but are less articulate on the issue of intellectual property rights. Advocating for artistic methods of data collection, Gaviria (1999:3) contends that:

Beyond listening, communication for development requires participation from local artists and media specialists in preparing and testing messages

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for each specific audience... It requires efforts to enable local people to document and share their own knowledge so that they become partners able to articulate their perspectives.

The use of PRA (research) tools calls for training/capacity building since not all research

institutions/individuals are well versed in such specialized skills. PRA tools also call for team work as well as proper sampling to ensure reaching of the diverse population of suppliers of information. Although choice of research methods is a function of ideology (value system biases), time and finance, it is usually assumed that researchers will use their discretion to select specific techniques as deemed appropriate to the research process and prevailing community dynamics. (iii) Information Dissemination/Communication Issues

Issues of communication cut across media and language choice. The research process does not end with information generation. Such information has to be packaged, stored in a user-friendly and disseminated. This implies the language and format in which such information is packaged, storage facilities and a mechanism put in place to make stored information easily accessible in terms of affordability, reachability and readability, hence the issue of media choice.

(a) Language

The first challenge for information dissemination lies in choosing the relevant communication media for the targeted users. More often traditional media such as theatre, songs and plays which are said to be more gender-friendly especially for women and more so for old women (Koda & Ngaiza, 1991) are over-shadowed by electronic and print media which is more popular among the elite and urban-based group.

In Tanzania, Swahili language is popular both in urban and most rural communities and this same language is normally used in research, but despite all this the language is seldom used in information dissemination. Out of more than 70 references on Tanzania assessed in April-May 1999 on issues of gender, local knowledge systems and agro-biodiversity for instance, only one was written in Swahili. The rest were in English. This implies that the packaged information was not meant for the grassroots people who were supposedly research partners during the stage of information collection. Any information is "no information" if needs and interests of targeted clusters of readers are hardly satisfied. Hence, the concern on the issue of information accessibility in its broad context i.e. content, packaging, language and other aspects of communication.

The issue of media selection is pertinent not only during information collection but also during dissemination of such information. As previously highlighted, the communication media for dissemination of local knowledge in the past emphasized the use of songs, riddles, stories, proverbs, and other verbal skills. As noted earlier, also, information-sharing with information providers is not only a matter of basic democratic rights but also a component of the research process. Yet, this is seldom done, partly because of the language problem but more so due to the general assumption that information providers would not need the same information they had shared with others. To say the least, this assumption be-littles the importance of both intra and inter-community dialogue emanating from the research process, which as noted earlier contributes to raising peoples' confidence in controlling the process of managing agro-biodiversity and ensuring household food security.

(b) Electronic media

Dissemination of information on issues related to biodiversity, gender and indigenous knowledge systems is also done through the radio and television media which is more accessible to semi-illiterate people

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although rural-based communities have limited access because of the predominance of English language as the medium of communication. The complex form of the documented information, the uncoordinated manner in which such information is disseminated to the rural-based communities and the poor system of distribution of print and electronic media due to the underdeveloped communication system especially in reaching remote villages are additional stumbling blocks for communication of the relevant information.

Other limiting factors for the electronic media include lack of electricity in most rural areas, poor incomes to guarantee money for purchase of both radios and batteries, timing of radio programmes and poor repair services for radios and television. Women's lack of control over cash income also limit their control over use of family-owned radios (Koda & Mukangara 1997). (iv) Packaging and Storage of Information on local knowledge

Most local institutions and individual researchers on local knowledge, gender and agro-biodiversity store the information they generate from their research initiatives in the form of articles in journals and newsletters, chapters in published books, bibliographies, printed indexes, booklets, pamphlets, magazines, reports, newspapers, i.e mainly in print media. Others store information in tapes, computers and other electronic gadgets which are stored in libraries, documentation centers/rooms and individual offices. All institutions visited during the April-May (1999) baseline study have documentation centers/rooms of varying capacity and sophistication both in terms of number of documents stored, storage format and number of employees and related support systems. For the University of Dar es Salaam there is even a collection and an electronic database on biodiversity with 5,000 records. A concern was raised however on failure of researchers/suppliers of information on biodiversity to feed such information to the relevant libraries for inclusion in the database and collection. The gravity of this problem was demonstrated by the tendency found in almost all institutions visited during the baseline study to locate several very important and rare reports in individual authors' offices rather than in libraries or documentation centers/ rooms which are easily accessed by a bigger audience. It is even argued that reports on Tanzania are easier located in Europe than in Tanzania itself.

It should also be pointed out at this juncture that much of the information generated by Tanzanians on Tanzania is not found in international journals because most Tanzanian authors have limited networking with international publishers. As for local publications, the area is still grey since the publishing sector is still very rudimentary. Few institutions such as the University of Dar es Salaam (at faculty/institute level) have started their own journals usually with the donor support, hence the danger for not being able to ensure self-sustenance. Few positive initiatives also exist for joint publications between local institutions/authors and external partners but these also tend to be programme/project- oriented. Some manage to survive for a longer time while others die off after producing only a couple of issues, usually after completion of a research project. Accessibility to some of these publications is also rendered difficult by the limited number of copies available for distribution. It is not rare to find a single copy of an important document in a public library/documentation center, to the disappointment of readers.

In terms of quality of institution-based documentation centers, there are mixed feelings. For the small documentation centers/rooms one could safely conclude that they are user- unfriendly in that very little professional input has been invested, probably due to inadequate/poor resource-base (finance, human resource, etc). For almost all these centers and even libraries, donor support has been very instrumental in putting them in their present shape. The University of Dar es Salaam Library and in particular the biodiversity department for instance has benefitted and continues to benefit from FAO support for its existence and maintenance.

For those documentation centers/communication initiatives which receive support to produce publications, distribution of such publications is either free of charge or else their price is heavily subsidized. These include WRDP newsletter called "Mwenzangu" which is a quarterly Swahili publication targeted to both rural and urban communities, TGNP newsletter known as "Ulingo wa Jinsia" which contains articles on

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gender issues both in Swahili and English languages, and TAMWA's magazine called "Sauti ya Siti" which reports on various socio-economic and political issues with a gender focus and which is in both Swahili and English languages and hence accessible to rural Swahili-speaking communities as well as English readers. Others include "Mazingira Yetu" and "Misitu" published by DONET and ITPP respectively. Although these publications contain little information on gender, biodiversity and indigenous knowledge systems, they are potential distributors of such information since they cater for both rural and urban-based audience. 2.1.4 Addressing Communication hurdles

Attempts to address information dissemination hurdles include the use of PRA methods, action-oriented research and animation methods where part of the acquired information is continuously shared by the research partners during the data collection process. The use of workshops, seminars, meetings, round-tables discussions, press release and other fora where information is shared/discussed, analyzed and internalized for development purposes is another fast means of information sharing. Nevertheless, most research budgets do not cater for dissemination fora despite their high value. This is probably due to the cost involved in terms of providing logistics, including the cost of workshop venues, transport for participants (because left on their own most of them could not afford to pay their way to the workshop venue given their low incomes) and other incidental expenses. It is also true that some people are good at attending workshops/seminars but worse in utilizing knowledge and skills gained from such fora. Worse still, most workshop/seminar organizers do not have a follow-up mechanism to assess the impact of these fora on intended development concerns. A challenge is therefore posed for the workshop organizers to ensure that such workshops become an in-built component of a research/development activity (project/ programme) where one is enabled at some point to challenge workshop participants on how they are utilizing information gathered from such fora. A degree of commitment is however needed to facilitate this move. 2.2 Partnership in generating and disseminating information on Gender, Agro-Biodiversity and

Local Knowledge Systems Information gathered from both the few institutions visited and individuals interviewed during the

baseline study in April-May 1999 and from secondary sources point to the fact that although very little information exists on gender, biodiversity and indigenous knowledge systems, a good number of individuals/ institutions is interested in these issues. Included in the partnership on these issues and in various capacities are both Local Institutions, Bilateral Organizations and International NGOs. These include: • FINNIDA/RIPS • DANIDA • NORAD • Oxfam, • SIDA/SAREC • UN organs such as FAO, UNEP, UNICEF, UNESCO and UNDP As for local institutions' based partners, these include: • Sokoine University of Agriculture (SUA), • University of Dar es Salaam (especially IRA, IDS, ERB, Library, Department of Botany &

Department of Zoology), • Institute of Traditional Medicine based at the Muhimbili University College of Health Sciences

(MUCHS), • Tanzania Food and Nutrition Center, • Ministry of Agriculture and cooperatives • Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism

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• National Environmental Council (NEMC). As for the NGO community, the following are in the fore-front: • Women's Research and Documentation Programme (WRDP), • Tanzania Gender Networking Programme (TGNP), • Journalist Environmental Association of Tanzania (JET) , • Tanzania Women Leaders in Agriculture and Environment (TAWLAE), • TAWOSTE, As for grassroots based level:

Indeed, the main cluster of partners in the endeavour for sustaining the linkage between gender, agro-biodiversity and local knowledge systems although last mentioned, is the Local community itself especially the rural community whose accumulated experience becomes the basis for information generation on these issues.

Invariably, most of these partners' activities are embedded in the mission statements, as verified by

the case of NEMC.7 It is envisaged that collaboration with these institutions will ensure coverage of issues of research, training and documentation/ dissemination of the relevant information for various uses including awareness creation and lobbying, policy designing, technical support and conservation of useful flora and fauna.

A general fear (sometimes unfounded) haunts some researchers as to whether the grassroots people would willingly supply information on indigenous/local knowledge systems. One way of addressing such a fear is to ensure that research is geared towards addressing peoples needs and that local peoples' contribution is given its due recognition in terms of according it all the rights it deserves including intellectual rights. There is a tendency however for local knowledge to be accessed from grassroots people, and transformed to global knowledge without acknowledging the original owners (pirating on/and commercializing of indigenous knowledge) hence the immediate need to address legal aspects of patenting local knowledge.

As for needs' assessment, this can be easily facilitated by PRA methods. A particular need related to local knowledge is the "value adding" to such knowledge for income generation. Although we are not advocating for payment for information given/shared as is done in formal institutions where publications are sold and instructors/information givers are paid, "value adding" is a general challenge on how local knowledge givers can benefit from their accumulated knowledge on agro-biodiversity. Examples are found elsewhere in Africa where local knowledge givers have benefitted in several ways after their knowledge was applied in pharmaceutical industries. The case of preparation of "aloe" juice for pharmaceutical purposes as cited in the Morogoro FAO/TFNC workshop held on June 22-23, 1999 suffices to support this contention (Van Vlaenderen, 1999).

From the above-mentioned example, it is evident that processes can be started in Tanzanian rural communities to enhance small scale businesses through application of local knowledge systems. Nevertheless, efforts have to be made to identify available skills and facilities and where necessary upgrade them for this purpose.

Other needs of local knowledge providers include legal protection of their right to control their knowledge systems especially where such systems are integrated into the commercial world as an effort to apply available knowledge for greater developmental utility and for poverty eradication (income earning).

In Tanzania where pharmaceutical industries are at embryonic stage, local knowledge providers are not aware of the dangers of non-discretional sharing of local knowledge especially the useful knowledge for medicinal purposes. The researchers who are relatively more aware of commercial use of such information are equally slow in questioning the current knowledge dissemination practices which do not raise issues on "intellectual property rights" accreditable local knowledge providers. Indeed this is one of the grey areas which should form part of future research challenges for the LinKS project.

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Collaboration with CBOs, and NGOs is another useful strategy for winning the support and confidence of information givers. It is also argued by most researchers (Koda, 1999) that there are "silent"/ informal ways of getting grassroots peoples' support/ confidence, where one does not need a formal certificate to be able to use such techniques. Learning by seeing, having an inquisitive mind, acknowledging that some groups have more knowledge than others, knowing these groups and talking to their members are just few hints for generating useful information/knowledge from a confident research partner. 2.3 Knowledge Gaps, Areas for Further Research and the Challenge of Partnership 2.3.1 Knowledge Gaps:

As gathered from the discussion provided above, local knowledge on varieties of both plant and animal species is closely related to issues of gender. To be able to determine knowledge gaps and consequently issues for further research, one has to thoroughly assess available information through probing on the following issues/questions:

(a) Who are the local keepers/managers of biodiversity. (b) What do women and men know about positive practices and local technologies related to

sustainable use and management of agro-biodiversity for food security (in terms of quality and quantity).

(c) Factors which influence both women and men's ability to manage agro-bio diversity8. (d) Traditional mechanisms used in the past for collecting, packaging and disseminating local

knowledge for addressing issues of food security. Although we are not claiming to have exhausted all available literature able to give more answers to

the above-mentioned questions, the little information gathered from the April-May baseline study suffices to make some preliminary opinions on the content of available information on gender, agro-biodiversity and local knowledge systems in Tanzania. The discussion which follows is a modest assessment of this ̀ content': (i) Research done on Agro-biodiversity components (a) Plant species

Information gathered from the above-mentioned baseline study shows that more research has been done on varieties of plant (including sea weeds) than on animal species. This is partly explained by the fact that a substantial number of projects have been initiated on source of energy, exploitation of forest products, knowledge on vegetables, and fruits, general issues on environment including soil conservation, and the traditional medicine sector. As far as the linkage between energy sources/ forestry activities and indigenous knowledge systems is concerned, at least 35 studies conducted in Tanzania were assessed during the baseline study. These studies provide information on various issues including:

• Traditional methods of preserving local vegetables and fruits (TFNC, MCDWAC, UDSM etc)

• Local technologies in production, processing, utilization and marketing of crops and vegetables (TFNC, TAWLAE, UDSM)

• Indigenous soil conservation practices (UDSM, SUA) • Traditional/Local structures for food storage facilities and methods of food preservation

(TFNC, TAWLAE, UDSM). • Traditional techniques for preparation of weaning foods (Kimea) (TFNC) • Traditional diets (including togwa) and nutrients' content (TFNC) • Level of Community awareness on biodiversity values (TFNC, UDSM, SUA, ME&T

MoA&C, Several NGOs, etc.)

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• Indigenous knowledge on tree and shrub species and their use (UDSM, SUA, NGOs) • Knowledge on local indigenous trees and herbs useful for medicinal use (ITM, NGOs,

MoE&T, etc) • List of plants used by traditional healers (REPOA, UDSM, ITM, etc) • List of fauna and flora resources and implication on environmental and related policies

(individual researchers etc.) • Issues of access and dependence on forest and tree products in relation to household food

security (UDSM, MoNR&T, NGOs, SUA, etc.,) • Forest products as source of firewood (energy) and medicine (MoNR&T, SUA, UDSM,

NGOs, etc) • Impact of forest activities on food security and identification of plant species (wild fruits and

vegetables in tropical countries including Tanzania) (MoA&C, NGOs, UDSM, etc) • Deforestation and impact on household food security and agro-forestry initiatives

(MoNR&T, NGOs, UDSM, SUA etc.)

A point to note at this juncture is that information gathered on the above-mentioned aspects is basically gender insensitive except for very few cases which will be highlighted shortly. Besides, most of these studies were case-studies, hence the small geographical coverage as pointed out in previous sections of this report. It should also be pointed out that research institutions like the UDSM especially the department of Botany, TPRI and the Institute of Traditional Medicine have done various scientific researches on agro-biodiversity with bias on botanical characteristics, an area which is very useful for addressing the "value-added" component of local knowledge systems.

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(b) Animal Species

Scanty information exists on the relationship between animal species and local knowledge systems. Koda (1999) informs that studies conducted so far which have paid attention to animal species are just a handful. These are mainly concerned with issues on:

• Small animal stock keeping • Indigenous/local knowledge on shrubs and tree species for veterinary purposes.

As was the case with (a) above, very little was said on the gender aspect. Besides, the geographical

coverage was very limited as it was almost confined to pastoralist communities. At the June, 1999 workshops mentioned above, participants expressed their concern on this marginality which is said to have drastic effects on the livestock sector. A number of recommendations to this effect were proposed as highlighted in section 2.3.2 below. (ii) Research on the Gender Dimension of agro-biodiversity and local knowledge systems

This is one of the areas which received minimal attention in previous research activities. Information from the baseline study mentioned above shows that less than ten references were more articulate on the linkage between gender and local knowledge systems. As for areas covered (content), particular highlight and general conclusions were made on the following aspects: • Appreciation of women as main care-takers of agro-biodiversity • Differing needs of women and men with respect to agro-biodiversity as influenced by gender roles

stereotyping • Gendered roles in gathering of wild animals, fruits, leafy vegetables and wild foods. • Issues on women and men's roles/workload • Women empowerment in relation to forest and environmental activities • Women marginalization in decision-making processes in planning and management of rural projects'

geared towards agro-biodiversity management • Women's work patterns in relation to the use of both local and modern technology. • The prominence of women's role in management of energy resources. • Women's abundant knowledge on food processing, preservation and storage in relation to household

food security and marketing of food. • Women's role in fish production, processing and marketing. • Women's role in commercial mushroom and seaweed production at small scale level.

Conclusions proposed in studies conducted so far on gender biodiversity and indigenous knowledge systems are:

• That most forest products directly related to household food security (collection of wild vegetables and fruits) are collected by women while those associated to cash earning are a "man's domain"

• That most foresters (forest professionals) are men (Koda 1994, Koda & Mukangara, 1997) and that most forest programmes are organized and managed by men even where women provide the bulk of the labour force e.g in tree planting activities

• That women are the main custodians of agro-biodiversity • That the type of training offered in schools and the value systems promoted there-in tend to down-

grade the importance of women's local knowledge. A good example is knowledge on "inter-cropping" and "transplanting" which tends to be more practiced by women but which was considered un-professional in the teaching of agricultural sciences in Tanzania in the past. It is only recently that this agro-related science is being re-introduced to farmers (personal interviews with agricultural

20

experts in May, 1999). Another often cited example is the use of local knowledge for food preservation such as banana drying and preservation, whose marginaliation has resulted into abandonment of banana preservation as a coping strategy for food security. Consequently, huge loses of bananas and hence food insecurity has been noted amidst abundant harvests. This reiterates the fact that policy makers, planners and educationists marginalize women's local knowledge systems during decision-making on development issues.

Much as efforts were made to articulate these issues in relation to gender, agro-biodiversity and local

knowledge systems, the connections between the three variables as portrayed by contemporary researchers still leaves a lot to be desired. The main focus on gender issues for instance was in relation to women's role in the collection of wild vegetables and food processing/preservation and storage. But even here very few case studies were cited to validate the implied connection between women's knowledge systems and agro-biodiversity.

There are also other pertinent areas with respect to local knowledge systems which are yet to be addressed. These include issues on property relations and effects on agro-biodiversity management. Little is known for instance on the level of security over control of property such as land, natural forests and other natural resources which women and men use to perform their gender-based roles in agro-biodiversity management. More information is also needed on the dynamics involved in addressing women and men's conflicting interests arising from the gendered roles stereotyping as it relates to agro-biodiversity management and household food security. Needless to say, the issue of property rights has to be juxtaposed with issues of copy rights, patents, intellectual property rights and the policy framework for protection of providers of local knowledge systems. This therefore calls for evaluation of both the policy and legal frameworks put in place in Tanzania on issues of gender, agro-biodiversity and local knowledge systems, an area which is beyond the scope of this report. 2.3.2 Problematizing Areas for further research

Based on the literature review carried out for this report, there is no doubt at this point that very few studies and hence very scanty gendered information exists on the issue of agro-biodiversity and local knowledge systems in Tanzania. Qualitative data from interviews held with individuals from institutions visited during the baseline study and the input from the two June (1999) workshops mentioned above point to several limitations which have either caused or aggravated the noted gendered information gap. These include:

(i) Little conceptual knowledge and analytical skills on gender and more so on the symbiotic relationship between gender, agro-biodiversity and local knowledge systems. This situation is aggravated by the fact that most researchers pay little attention to the multi-disciplinary nature of research on agro-biodiversity management and food security. Indeed, this has much to do with the confines of professional disciplines which are "inward" rather than "outward" looking in that experts in each discipline such as botany, zoology, chemistry, economics and sociology work on their own without involving research partners (such as gender specialists) outside their professional backgrounds. Yet, this imbalance can easily be addressed by forming multi-disciplinary research teams as is the case in some research projects implemented at the University of Dar es Salaam and else where e.g the Rural Food Security project based at IDS where economists, political scientists, sociologists and educationists have teamed up.

(ii) The general lack of awareness among researchers on how to articulate the gender dimension of their research themes. The general gender-insensitivity portrayed by many researchers is partly attributable to cultural values promoted in both informal and formal socialization

21

processes where women and their knowledge systems are accorded inferior position in society. Much as indigenous/local knowledge systems as a whole were considered inferior by the formal schooling curriculum, women's knowledge systems were even more marginalized and hence suffered double marginalization. During the 1970s for instance, research on women's knowledge systems was considered non-academic/non-professional even by social science faculties at the University of Dar es Salaam. A case in point is the research proposal for the M.A. programme in Education in the late 1970s where a female researcher wanted to research on "women and agricultural knowledge" only to be told by her male supervisors that such a topic was not academically sound. If it were not for her assertiveness, the student would not have had chance to research on her area of interest (Personal encounter/ discussion with the student).

iii) Limited policy framework for dissemination of indigenous knowledge systems in schools and colleges: (This entails guidelines on the contents/syllabi for subjects taught in schools)

iv) Lack of workable institutional policies on dissemination/ sharing of research findings and information collected from consultancy work (absence of a sound and implementable library policy). Indeed, there is a regulation which obliges researchers to deposit copies of their research/ consultancy reports in public libraries but like many other laws, there is little enforcement. Perhaps there is need to revisit and streamline this law in relation to the manner in which consultancy/research reports on local knowledge systems should be disseminated with emphasis on the concern on intellectual property rights.

(v) Lack of adequate policy framework which would ensure more serious and well coordinated initiatives on biodiversity management: There are very few NGOs/CBOs dealing with gender and biodiversity issues. As noted in section 2.1 above, both NGOs and CBOs are addressing issue on gender, agro-biodiversity and local knowledge systems in one way or another, but in a very limited manner. At the University of Dar es Salaam for instance, there are at least six research groups addressing gender issues in research. These include TAWOSTE, IDSWSG, WRDP, MEWATA, TRHG, WED and SWAAT. However, although the main focus of their research is gender analysis, their concentration has been confined to the generally mainstreamed subjects such as politics, economics, health, education, agriculture, and environment but not in local knowledge systems per se. Invariably, focus on local knowledge systems and biodiversity is still missing in their research and analytical work and this also applies to the work of other NGOs such as JET, TAWLAE, TAWLA, TAMWA and TGNP. Failure to address the multiplicity of gender issues in local knowledge systems and biodiversity is not just a matter of lack of research funds but rather a function of limited conceptual framework on the inter-relationships involved as well as the needed push/ motivation to adopt such a framework in their research activities. Introducing a specific project on gender, agro-biodiversity and local knowledge systems would definitely stimulate such an interest/motivation.

(vi) Inadequate capacity in terms of funds, material resources (computers, office-space etc.) and human resource (researchers and policy makers are ill-equipped with gender analytical knowledge and skills for assessing local knowledge and agro-biodiversity issues). It was also evident during the April-May 1999 base-line study that most research institutions allocate very small budgets for research activities.

As noted in the definition of local knowledge systems existence of a democratic dissemination mechanism/media is a major factor in sharing information on agro-biodiversity management and concerns on food security. Implicit in this report are three types of groups targeted for information dissemination.

(a) Individual Partners: These need to know both the research agenda and the research findings. Accessing the generated information either for further re-packaging to ensure wider

22

dissemination or for immediate use in planning their development interventions is a felt need by this target group.

(b) Advocacy level (groups) where available information could be repackaged, disseminated and used for advocacy on rights, policy changes and legal reforms on agro-biodiversity management and food security.

(c) Mass level where there are more consumers of information and where challenges for developing alternative media (popular media) need to be stimulated and addressed. Advocacy on issues of property rights/copy rights on local knowledge systems could also be initiated at the community level.

2.3.1 (a) Specific Areas for further research

As far as areas for further research is concerned, one is tempted to echo feelings expressed by several heads of institutions interviewed during the baseline study mentioned earlier, that the area of gender, agro-biodiversity and indigenous knowledge systems in its perceived connectedness as highlighted in the project document is not only new but also calls for a well grounded conceptual framework. The need for more research and analysis on issues of gender, biodiversity and indigenous knowledge systems is therefore widely acknowledged not only by the research community but also by policy makers, advocates of food security and human rights and experts on rural development and environmental issues. The need to broaden the analysis and show the symbiotic linkages between the three issues of concern as well as expanding the geographical coverage so as to have what one could safely call a "national" picture is even more felt at this point in time given the inherent information gaps. At the June workshop held in Morogoro, Tanzania the following specific areas for further research with respect to broader issues of gender, biodiversity and local knowledge systems were considered important: • Analysis of socio-economic and political factors which have led to erosion and/or marginalization of

local knowledge systems and their institutions • Impact of AIDS on local knowledge systems • Impact of Structural Adjustment Programmes on local knowledge systems • The erosion of traditional social systems (community socialization of children and youth, respect to

old people, traditional structures/institutions/media for knowledge dissemination) and impact on local knowledge systems.

• Modalities for "adding value" to local knowledge for entrepreneurship development (commodity production) - packaging and re-packaging local knowledge for use in production of pharmaceutical drinks

and other commodities, etc. - market assessments for such commodities

• Review/assessment of existing policies and laws with respect to property rights on issues on local knowledge systems.

• Different power relations between local knowledge systems and the so-called modern knowledge systems.

• Household based and gendered power relations over local knowledge systems.

These are just few examples of research areas which are supposedly new areas which could be addressed together with areas already started e.g on livestock, agricultural promotion and environmental protection and management. 2.4 Proposed Mechanism for Sharing existing information/literature on gender, agro-biodiversity

23

and local knowledge systems

Existing mechanisms for dissemination of information on gender, agro-biodiversity and indigenous knowledge systems are not only underdeveloped but are also largely user-unfriendly. As yet, there is no serious attempt to systematize the collection and storage of reports, papers, publications and other forms of records on this subject matter. Of-course occasional and adhocly organized workshops/meetings, round-table discussions and electronic media announcements have been organized as useful dissemination strategies but their impact has been minimal due to small coverage in terms of content and audience. Besides, one finds it difficult to know who to network with, given the fact that researchers tend to hide information in their own individual offices/institutions instead of depositing their reports in public libraries/ documentation centers, the limited nature of such public services not with standing.

Sharing information especially with grassroots people is even more curtailed by the issue of language used in packaged materials. The use of Swahili and even local (ethnic) languages is a necessary factor for information dissemination to non-English speakers who are the majority in Tanzania. One sometimes wonders however why Swahili publications are so few despite the fact that most research instruments used in Tanzania are designed and administered in Swahili language. As noted earlier also, the use of PRA research methods is acknowledged as a mechanism for information sharing, but which is still very much under-utilized; as is the case with the traditional media. Supportive publishing mechanisms are also lacking in Tanzania for local researchers to make use of. Inspite of increasing number of private publishing firms especially after the adoption of economic liberalization measures under the currently implemented SAPs, one has to pay for publishing services while most researchers do not have the ability to do so.

A new mechanism for sharing of information on gendered local knowledge systems is therefore needed to address these and related limitations. The task in setting up this mechanism is however simplified by opportunities offered by available/advanced information technology, the use of which is gaining popularity among research institutions, government ministries and the NGO community. This include the use of E-mails and internet. An added advantage is the increasing acknowledgement by both researchers and the donor community (as verified by the LinKS) project) of the key role played by local knowledge systems in agro-biodiversity management and rural development. Nevertheless, communities need to be motivated and assured of gainful returns so as to win their active participation and commitment in sharing their local knowledge with other development partners.

To ensure that this mechanism is put in place therefore, the following activities are proposed: • Developing training packages on the linkage between gender, agro-biodiversity and local knowledge

systems for different target groups highlighted in this report. • Initiating training/sensitization programmes on gender, agro-biodiversity and local knowledge

systems. • Establishing a central data bank/unit on institutions, individuals, networks and materials on local

knowledge systems, agro-biodiversity and gender. • Initiating a national & sustainable journal/publication on gender, agro-biodiversity and local

knowledge systems • Advocating for laws/policies on protection of rights of givers/bearers/managers of local knowledge

systems. • Establishing a national network on gender, biodiversity and local knowledge systems (probably

through the LinKs project). • Preparing/Publishing & disseminating an annotated bibliography (with national and regional

coverage) on gender, agro-biodiversity and local knowledge systems (probably under the LinKS project).

• Promotion of small scale (local based) pharmaceutical and related enterprises with the aim of "adding

24

value" to local knowledge and providing incomes to appropriate knowledge providers.

- This calls for initiation of pilot projects addressing issues of development of appropriate technologies with farmers for the same purpose, joint priority setting with the government and farmers and actual production of commodities at rural-based small scale level. To some extent also this would act as an incentive for more sharing of local knowledge systems.

• Publicize existing laws/conventions on local knowledge systems (if any) and intellectual property rights.

• Lobbying and advocating for establishment of by-laws at local level on biodiversity management. • Propagating for the use of traditional media (stories, songs, riddles, etc) in disseminating information

on local knowledge systems. • Enhancing/strengthening existing information dissemination channels/networks (including schools'

curricula). 3.0 CONCLUSION

Previous sections of this report have shown that information gathering and dissemination and hence networking on issues of gender, agro-biodiversity and indigenous knowledge systems has tended to be limited in Tanzania. Few attempts made to articulate the relationship between these three variables have also been inadequate both in terms of content (addressing the pertinent issues involved) and the geographical coverage, despite an increasing number of interested partners. Limited knowledge and analytical skills in articulating and problematizing inherent relationships between these three variables is considered a major stumbling block. Little appreciation of the important role played by both local knowledge systems and gender analysis in planning and policy designing has also been noted as a factor which made this venture even more difficult.

The challenge to come up with a research agenda and related approach which ensures adequate linkages between gender, agro-biodiversity and local knowledge systems therefore need to be addressed. This will not only promote local knowledge systems but also assist in creating a new perspective to agro-biodiversity management.

25

ENDNOTES 1. Details on the conceptual framework of the project are found in the project document. 2. This definition borrowed much from the project document. 3. For details read Siaka Kroma's article in Indigenous Knowledge and Development Monitor, Vol. 3,

Issue 3, Dec. 1995 p. 13. 4. This definition was borrowed from the project document 5. Information gathered from various references consulted during the April-May baseline study. 6. For details see the annotated bibliography on gender, agro-biodiversity and indigenous knowledge

systems located at the FAO office. 7. NEMC aims at establishing and operating a national environmental information system and fostering

cooperation between the government local authorities, the general public and the private sector. 8. These questions were considered crucial in the project document. 9. For details see the annotated bibliography compiled in April-May 1999.

26

REFERENCES Gaviria, L. (1999): " LISTENING TO COMMUNICATE. Concept script for an audio-visual programme

on Communication for Development". Unpublished paper presented at the First National TFNC\LinKS Project Workshop organized by FAO\TFNC on Gender, Biodiversity and Local knowledge systems (Links) to strengthen Agricultural and Rural Development held at Tanesco Training Center, Morogoro, Tanzania, 22 - 23 June 1999.

Brouwer, J. (1998): " IK, IKS and ITK" in Indigenous Knowledge & Development Monitor, Vol.6, Issue 3,

Dec. 1998 (P. 13). Kauzeni, A.S. (1999): "Local Knowledge and Food Security: The Experience of Magindu Village-Kibaha

District- Coast Region". Unpublished Paper presented at the FAO/TFNC workshop on gender, agro-biodiversity and local knowledge systems held in Morogoro, Tanzania, 22-23rd June, 1999.

Koda, B & Mukangara, F (1997): Beyond Inequalities. Women in Tanzania A profile of Women in

Tanzania. TGNP/WIDSAA/SARDC, 1997. Printed by SCE Printing Ltd. Mauritius. Koda, B. & Ngaiza, M. (eds) (1991): The Unsung Heroines. Women's Life histories from Tanzania Dar es

Salaam: DUP, 1991 Koda, B. (1994): Women Agriculture and Rural Development in Tanzania Consultancy Report

prepared for FAO/AIDOS, October, 1994. Koda B (1999): " Bibliography on Gender, Agro-biodiversity and Local knowledge Systems"

Unpublished bibliography prepared for FAO\TFNC, Dar es Salaam, June, 1999. Kroma Siaka (1995): " Popularizing Science education in developing countries through indigenous

knowledge" in Indigenous knowledge & Development Monitor, Vol 3, Issue 3, Dec. 1995 (P. 13 - 16).

Mascarenhas, O & Mbilinyi, M (1983): Women in Tanzania. An Annotated Bibliography. Stockholm:

Scandinavian Institute of African Studies. Mascarenhas, A (1999): Key note address to FAO\TFNC Morogoro Workshop, 22nd June, 1999. Mbilinyi, M. (1997): "The end of Small holder farming in Tanzania". Unpublished paper presented at the

Annual Gender Studies Conference, TGNP, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, Sept. 1997. Mbilinyi, M. (1997): "Impact of SAPs on rural women: Women workers and Self-Employed in the Rural

Sector" Report to ILO/Geneva. Nyamuhanga, T (1997): (Socio-Economic and Cultural Factors influencing maternal mortality in

Tanzania. The case of Mbeya Region. Unpublished M.A dissertation of he University of Dar es Salaam.

Swantz M-L (1984): Methodology on Non Traditional Research Technical Cooperation (TECCO)

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Publication No. 4 University of Helsinki, IDS. Van Vlaenderen, H. (1999): " Local knowledge: What is it and why and how do we capture it?"

Unpublished paper presented at the First National TFNC\LinKS Project Workshop organized by FAO\TFNC on Gender, Biodiversity and Local knowledge systems (Links) to strengthen Agricultural and Rural Development held at Tanesco Training Center, Morogoro, Tanzania, 22 - 23 June 1999.

1

Annex I WORKSHOP ON GENDER, BIODIVERSITY AND LOCAL KNOWLEDGE SYSTEMS FOR STRENGTHENING OF AGRICULTURE AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT TANZANIA EPISCOPAL CONFERENCE (TEC), KURASINI, TANZANIA 7th JUNE, 1999 LIST OF PARTICIPANTS

NAME

ADDRESS

Prof. Maeda Machangu

SUA, Morogoro Tel. (056) 4944, 4698 Fax: (056) 4648, 3718 SUA

Prof. A. Mascarenhas

Institute of Resource Assessment University of DSM P.O. Box 35097 DSM E-mail ira@ira.udsm.ac.tz Tel. 410144 Fax: 410393

Prof. A.S. Kauzeni

Institute of Resource Assessment, UDSM. P.O. Box 35097, DSM E-mail: ira@ira.udsm.act.tz Tel. 410144 Fax: 410393

Mr. Kweba D.

TGNP P.O. Box 8921, DSM E-mail: tagnet@ud.co.tz Tel.43205/43450 Fax: 43244

Ms Theresia Mruma

Tanzania Women Leaders in Agriculture and Environment (TAWLAE) DSM

Mrs Msaki

Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives (MoA&C) P.O. Box Dar es Salaam Tel.

Ms. Hadija Ramadhani

Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, Forestry Extension Section Tel. 362130/865833/865816 Fax: 866162

2

E-mail: misitu@twiga.com

Ms Magdalena Rwebangira

TAWLA, DSM Tel. 117684

Ms Bertha Koda

Institute of Development Studies University of Dar es Salaam P.O. Box 35169, DSM. E-mail: ids@udsm.ac.tz Tel. 410075

Ms Hidaya Misanno

Tanzania Food and Nutrition Center P.O. Box 977 Dar es Salaam E-mail tfnc@muchs.ac.tz Tel: 118137-39

Mrs T. Kaiza-Boshe

Tel. 0811 616344 781172 (h) DSM

Mr. Lars Otto Naess

FAO (DSM office) P.O. Box 2 DSM E-mail LarsOtto.Naess@field.fao.org

1

Annex II TFNC/FAO LinKS PROJECT LIST & ADDRESSES OF INSTITUTIONS VISITED DURING THE BASELINE STUDY IN APRIL-MAY 1999

Name of Institution

Person Contacted

Mailing Address

E-Mail

Tel/Fax

1. Institute of Resource

Assessment (IRA)

Dr. E.K. Shishira (Director)

Institute of Resource Assessment, University of Dar es Salaam P.O. Box 35097 DSM

ira@ira.udsm.ac.tz

410144/410393

2. National Environment

Management Council (NEMC)

Mrs Maembe & Mr. Bakobi, B.L.M (Director of Research, Environmental Education and Documentation)

P.O. Box 63154, DSM

nemc.cross border@twiga.com

121334/ 1213334

3. Economic Research Bureau

(ERB)

Dr. Wilbard Maro (Director)

P.O. Box 35096 DSM

ERB@Uchumi.ac.tz

410134/ 410212

4. University of Dar es Salaam

Main Library

Prof. Julitha Nawe (Director)

P.O. Box 35092 DSM

director@libis.udsm.ac.tz

410241/ 410241

5. Botany Department University od Dar es Salaam

Dr. F.M. Elia (Senior Lecturer & Head)

P.O. Box 35060 DSM

elia@udsm.ac.tz

410764/ 410038

6. Zoology department, University of Dar es Salaam

Dr. Fatina, A,. Mturi (Senior Lecturer)

P.O. Box 35064 DSM

zoology@udsm.ac.tz

410500/ 412127

7. The Journalists Environmental

Association of Tanzania (JET)

Mr. Francis Nyange (Coordinator)

P.O. Box 15674 DSM

jet@africaon.line.co.tz

180005/ 182240/ 180005

8. Tanzania Media Women

Association (TAMWA)

Mr. Pius Wanzara (Programme Officer)

P.O. Box 8981 DSM

tamwa@raha.com

132181/115278

9. Tanzania Food and Nutrition

Center (TFNC)

Mrs L. Kayumbo & Mr. Tumaini Charles

10. Ministry of Community

Development, Women Affairs

Mr. Ernest Zayumba (Community Development Officer)

P.O. Box 3448 DSM

-

134649

2

and Children (MCDWAC) 11. Institute of Traditional

Medicine (ITM) Muhimbili

Prof. Rogasian L.A. Mahunnah (Director)

P.O. Box 655001 DSM

ditm@muchs.ac.tz

150096/ 150302/6 Fax: 151599/ 1504465

12. Tanzania Gender Networking

Programme (TGNP)

Ms Mary Rusimbi (Programme Coordinator)

P.O. Box 8921 DSM

tagnet@ud.co.tz

43205/ 43450 Fax: 43244

13. Tanzania Women Leaders in

Agriculture and Environment (TAWLAE) DSM

Ms. Fatma Sobo (Executive Secretary)

P.O. Box 76498 DSM

tawlae@ud.co.tz

700085 Fax 700090

14. Tanzania Commission for

Science and Technology (COSTECH)

Mrs E. Lyaruu (Principal Scientific Officer)

P.O. Box 4302 DSM

costech@costechan.apc.org

700745/6 Fax: 75313

15. Ministry of Agriculture

Mrs Msaki

16. Muhimbili College of Health

Sciences (MUCHS) Library

MUCHS@ud.co.tz

150302-6

17. Ministry of Natural Resources

and Tourism

Ms. Hadija Ramadhani (Senior Forest Officer)

P.O. Box 426 DSM

misitu@twiga.com

362130 865833/ 865816 Fax: 866162