Western Journal of Speech Communication, 53 (Winter 1989), 52-65

Reagan's Quest for Freedom in the1987 State of the Union Address

MARK P. MOORE

This essay examines Ronald Reagan's 1987 State of the Union Address as a quest storythat reaffirms his vision of America's endless search for freedom. The quest for freedomis viewed as a persuasive, archetypal pattern that produces a common vision of the futurethrough the mythic appeals ofthe past. These appeals are essentially formal and can beidentified in the discourse as a general pattern of life for humankind to follow. To acceptthis pattern is to participate in the quest and achieve excellence and success in life. Thus,Reagan offers an altogether positive myth of transcendence for the future of America ashe enters into the twilight of his Presidency.

r r i HE QUEST STORY IS A LITERARY FORM involving a n adven tu rous j o u m e yA. filled with romance, intrigue and danger. To go in quest is also to

pursue something imagined but not yet experienced. Seekers go in questof the ultimate truth; adventurers search for the "holy grail"; and thechivalrous pursue honor. Quest stories have m3rthical origins, and theyaffirm a belief in human nature as "a nature continually in quest ofitself, obliged at every moment to transcend what it was a momentbefore."' Tremendous sources of human motivation can be found in allof the stages of a quest, including initiation, conflict, struggle, andrecognition of the hero.'

While the archetjrpal quest is found primarily in literature, elementsof it are clearly present in political discourse. Walter Fisher suggests,for example, that the Presidency " . . . is a dramatic place, a stage forconflict between heroes and villains, a ground for mji;h, ritual andlegend."' Various critics have approached the Reagfin presidency as onebased on drama and fiction. Reagan has been termed an "archetypal"and "presidential" hero; the "Soviet threat" has been described asReagan's arch villain; and the "myth of freedom" has been designatedas one of the President's primary ideals.* Taken separately, thesedramatic elements represent the m}rthical qualities of presidentialrhetoric, but in a rather piecemeal fashion. That is, evidence of heroes,villains, plots and mythic themes in presidential rhetoric give credence

MARK P. MOORE is Lecturer of Rhetoric and Communication, University of Califomia,Davis, 95616.

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to the "drama of politics," appropriately labeled "real-fiction" by Fisher,but the analyses do not reflect the coherence of a literary form.'

A critical jterspiective that emphasizes a complete dramatic form canreveal how a quest story, with all of its essential elements, functionsto persuade in discourse.* I will argue that the quest story in Reagan's1987 State ofthe Union Address represents the President's mythic idealof social, political and moral life as it pertains to America's "new begin-ning," a rhetorical vision initiated hy the President during his 1980 elec-tion campaign.' This "objective" vision exists, however, only to the ex-tent that it interacts with the "subjective experiences" of his audience.Therefore, a quest form is well suited to this task because ofthe appeal"to its validity as a symbolic description of our subjective personal ex-perience of existence as historical."'

Within the context of a quest, Reagan's State of the Union speechis noteworthy because his own subjective experience as President (quest-hero) is described as a general, archetypal pattern for humankind (anadventure-quest for freedom), starting with his 'TDirth" as President in1980, and continuing on to the end (or symbolic death) of his Administra-tion, while the search for freedom continues forever. Thus, in one speech,there is a powerful archetypal appeal to the "vision ofthe cycle of humanlife, from birth to death to rebirth" with a number of heroic adventuresin between." This is the ritualistic background for Reagan's adventurestory during the ceremonial State of the Union. All of this is told, ofcourse, in the "twilight" of Reagan's political career, as if he were pass-ing his knowledge and experience on to the next generation of America'sleaders.

The purpose of this essay is to identify the quest form in Reagan's1987 State of the Union Address as a persuasive, archetypal pattemthat produces a common vision ofthe future through the mythic appealsof the past. Since the quest story is as old and jjervasive in humanthought as mythology itself, this essay will also demonstrate the en-during nature ofthe form in discourse as it arouses hximan emotion andactivity.

THE QUEST STORY

There are six essential elements in the traditional quest story: 1) Aprecious object and/or person to be found and possessed; 2) A long journeyto find the object or person, the whereabouts of which are not originallyknown to the seekers; 3) A hero, who must find the object, possessingthe right breed or character; 4) A test or series of tests that screen outthe unworthy and reveal the hero; 5) "Guardians ofthe Object who mustbe overcome before it can be won"; and 6) Helpers who assist the herothrough knowledge and magical powers and whose help the hero mu^thave in order to succeed." In its most traditional role, the quest givesliterary form to the romance. According to Northrop Frye, "the completeform ofthe romance is clearly the successful quest," anA this completed

54 Western Joumai of Speech Com.munication

form h£is three primary stages: 1) "the perilous journey and preliminaryminor adventures"; 2) "the crucial struggle," "involving usually somekind of battle"; and 3) "the exaltation of the hero."^* Frye sees the questas a pervasive pattern that is cyclical and contains the entire vision ofhuman life, "^om birth, to death to rebirth."" The archetypal quest sym-bolizes the struggle, challenge and pursuit of human excellence. Andin form, "the resultant vague image of quest," writes George H. Szanto,"merely reflects the technical search for improved methods to displayreality."" As a result, the quest pattern not only sjonbolizes the humanstruggle for excellence, but also indicates to the critic an attempt onthe part of an author or speaker to transcend previous methods ofdescribing the human condition.

While all these elements exist in Reagan's speech, it is possible toidentify more narrowly the type of quest pattern found in the discourse,namely, "The Adventure Story."" The adventure-quest follows the tradi-tional quest form with one exception. It emphasizes the endless natureof the journey. For Reagan, there is no end to the struggle for freedom.One battle leads to the next, and once achieved, freedom must be pro-tected and preserved.

Since the adventure-quest is typically endless, little distinction isfound between the journey and the goal. In fact, they are virtually thesame. That is, the quest is for more adventures, and it never endsbecause there will always be another journey. The adventure-quest sym-bolically reinforces the idea of transcendence, moving higher and im-proving with experience. Therefore, it is an extremely useful patternfor creating and extending a vision, since there is no limit to what canbe achieved. Consistent with the ideal of human nature, the quest livesto improve itself. The "telling" of the story ends, but the quest does not.Such, then, is the critical perspective of Reagan's address as a queststory.

REAGAN'S QUEST FOR FREEDOM

In a quest story, there are only two fixed points, a beginning anda final achievement. These correspond to life itself. The starting pointof a quest symbolizes birth, and the attainment of the goal marks thedeath or end of a complete life. During its lifespan, however, a queststory may include countless adventures. For Reagan, these adventuresare identifiable in three stages, representing themes of conflict, strug-gle and achievement. Thus, Reagan's "equation" for ultimate freedomconsists of a quest story expressed in the following developmental seriesof ideas: 1) Freedom is on the march; it is d3m£imic and constantly mov-ing forward. 2) Freedom is being tested; it must be protected and pre-served. 3) Freedom is an endless experiment; it has no limits or boun-dfiries. These stages become evident as the story elements are individu-ally examined.

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Precious Object and Long Journey

Since America is destined to be an endless experiment in freedom,the quest is essentially for more and more adventures. Hence, "thejourney and the goal are identical."" The intrinsic triumph of anadventure-quest can be viewed as "an expansion of consciousness andtherewith of being," as in the case of "illumination, transfiguration,"or "freedom."*® In addition, many quest stories feature the recovery ofthe precious object as an act of will for the common good of the societyto which the hero belongs." Thus, for Reagan, the intrinsic reward offreedom (subjective experience) matches the extrinsic (objective ex-perience). In other words, his personal triumph is identical to that ofthe expressed common good of society.

Reagan begins the quest pattern early in the address by discussingthe first stage of the journey, "freedom is on the march."" The marchrepresents the departure phase of the quest, and for the President, itmarks a new beginning. For evidence of a departure from the old, hereports that much has been done "to restore our defenses, our alliancesand our leadership in the world." The specific reference to restorationimplies improvement. Hence, Reagan's new beginning carries thepositive connotations of being better, stronger and more capable. Inessence, Reagan's America stands in sharp contrast with the "weaker,"previous administration Qife), He was "pleased to report," for example,"that, because of our efforts to rebuild the strength of America, the worldis a safer place." Thus, freedom on the march is characterized as theinitial phase of the regenerative process necessary for the continuationof the life cycle, that of birth, death and rebirth. Here Reagan beginsa pattern that supplies the audience with " . . . the symbols that carrythe human spirit forward," rather than hold it back." A march is sym-bolic of forward motion, and the idea of freedom moving forward is, inthis case, a translucent one.

If the march symbolizes departure after rebirth, then Reagan's sec-ond theme, "freedom is being tested," admits to the many trials, adven-tures, and conflicts throughout the journey. First, the President declaresthat "there is no surer way to lose freedom than to lose our resolve,"For Reagan, the resolve to preserve freedom is an ideological justifica-tion for taking action against those who hold freedom captive. In otherwords, the commitment to freedom serves as notice to countries suchas "Syria, Vietnam, Cuba, Libya, Angola, Ethiopia, Afghanistan andNicaragua" that the march will never end. While there are several"Guardians" holding freedom captive, Reagan particularly emphasizesthe test offered by the Sandinistas in Nicaragua:

Nicaragua freedom fighters have never asked us to wage their battle, but I will fight anyeffort to shut off their lifeblood and consign them to death, defeat, or a life without freedom.There must he no Soviet beachhead in Central America.

By associating "a life without freedom" with "death" and "de-feat," Reagan cleeirly indicates a threat to his forward-moving vision.

56 Westem Journal of Speech CommuniccUion

Communist aggression is described in this scenario as restrictive, bind-ing the human spirit and holding it back. As an antidote, Reagan offersa proposal that carries the human spirit forward in the quest for freedom:The Soviet Union aayB it wants a peaceful settlement in Afghanistan, yet it continuesa brutal war and props up a regime whose days are clearly numbered. We are ready tosupport a political solution that guarantees the rapid withdrawal of all Soviet troops andgenuine self-determination for the Afghan people.

The final stage of Reagan's quest symbolizes transcendence, con-tinuous rebirth and regeneration. "The csJendar can't measure America,"he says, "because we were meant to be an endless experiment in freedom,with no limit to our reaches, no boundaries to what we can do, no endpoint to our hopes." At this point, all of Reagan's references point tothe ultimate achievement of "becoming" and "perfecting." What beganas restoration and repair ends as a vision of entering "the next centuryhaving achieved a level of excellence unsurpassed in history." The pro-spect of excellence reinforces the need for spirit and morality, and sug-gests to the audience that it is America's destiny to complete the quest:The responsibility of freedom presses us toward higher knowledge and, I believe moraland spiritual greatness... government has its ways of freeing people's spirits. But onlywe, each of us, can let the spirit soar against our own individual standards.

Excellence is what makes freedom ring. And isn't that what we do best?

The emphasis on transcendence appropriately suggests that freedomis a process that never really ends. The journey goes on and on, and,as a result, the "perfection" lies in the quest itself. Thus, Reagan's questfor freedom can be outlined as a progression of ideas that offer a mythicvision of life in the form of an endless, adventure-quest. The endlessnesssymbolizes the constant reaffirmation of life that hsis a divine purpose:. . .we are here to serve Him by living free, that living free releases in us the noblestof impulses and the best of our abilities. That we would use these gifts for good and generouspurposes and would secure them not just for ourselves, but for all mankind.

By connecting freedom with spirit, Reagan is able in his final stageof the quest to unite three important elements. First, freedom is con-nected to divine will as a means of serving "Him" (God). Second, theconditions of freedom allow for divine will to be carried out on earth(materialization of spirit). And third, divine will is being fulfilled asAmerica's endless experiment in freedom spreads throughout the world(spirit grows through quest). In this sense, the quest for freedom becomesa spiritual matter, symbolized by the material struggle with enemiessuch £18 communism.

Freedom is, therefore, both the precious object and the long journey."While Reagan's passion for freedom has been duly recorded throughouthis political career, he refers to freedom in the 1987 State ofthe UnionAddress in distinctly adventurous contexts.** Freedom is being restored,as if preparing for battle. It is also on the march, as if engaging in bat-tle. In addition, freedom must be secured, suggesting that its owner-ship is transitory at best, like a journey. It has also not been fullyrecovered, indicating that more adventiires will occur. Regarding the

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Iran Contra Crisis, Reagan claims that "it wsis not wrong to securefreedom for our citizens held in barbaric captivity." By referring to theAmerican hostages in Iran, Reagan literally captures the transitory stateof freedom which is imposed by the Guardians, or enemies of freedom.The hero is not discouraged, however. Instead he goes on to state that"we did not achieve what we wished and serious mistakes were madein trying to do so," but we must not let this or any mistake prevent usfrom continuing in search of freedom.

The failed hostage rescue attempt is a specific example of the ongoingstruggle for freedom. It symbolizes the captivity of the precious objectand delay of the journey by the Guardian enemies. Captivity stymieslife itself, writes Louis Reitmeister, because freedom "is favorably andnecessarily required in order to process etnd attain a more satisfied andnonconflictive life."** This captivity does not, however, negate freedomas an object of quest. Rather, it further symbolizes Reagan's concept offreedom as an endless journey. The quest form merely presents the ob-ject as an "endless experiment." Thus, freedom assumes a higher,transcendent quality, and Reagan's search for it is similar to that ofa seeker, whose purpose is a lifelong quest for spiritual consciousness.*'

The conflict resulting from this spiritual alignment between thefreedom fighters and their enemies results from Reagan's attempt toexpress his subjective experience of freedom as objective. In his rhetoric,preserving what is ours meeins the same as extending it throughout therest of the world. The potentially aggressive tendencies of the processof spreading freedom are justified with a self-proclaimed, universaJ pur-pose. As a result, the stages of marching and defending which arenecessary to complete the quest allow the audience to accept the formas an objective experience of reality while Reagan simultaneously in-cludes his subjective experience of foreign poliigr and commimist aggres-sion as part of the objective expierience. Not surprisingly then, Reaganpaints a picture of America's destiny as an endless, often adventurousjourney in search of freedom. Early in the speech, for example, he arguesagainst denying "ourselves" the "successes of the future," stating thatcurrent failure over the Iran Contra Crisis should not prevent Americansfrom taking "risks that could further the caiise of pmace and freedomin the world." By adventuring for the sake of freedom, Reagan feels thatAmerica is fulfilling its destiny, emd the strongest appeals to the journeyappear in his concluding comments. Here, Reagan turns to the future,referring to America's "quest for excellence" that will come aboutthrough the perfecting of freedom. The journey itself unfolds in thefollowing manner: by reducing its size, government can "free" people's"spirits"; by living free, people can then strive for excellence and serveGod; by striving for excellence and serving God, people can securefr-eedom for all humankind; and by freeing humankind, people canachieve "higher knowledge" and "moral and spiritual greatness." Thus,becoming free and perfecting freedom are at once the goal and journeyof the quest.

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The Hero

In a quest, the call to adventure is answered by a hero, who is usu-ally summoned by destiny to take the journey and possess the object."Since assuming the Presidency, Reagan has been portrayed as a heroon several occasions, and he lived up to this label in the 1987 State ofthe Union address." Throughout the speech Reagan presents himselfas courageous, strong, moral, persevering, humble, and perhaps aboveall else, dedicated to the quest for freedom. Reagan reveals his strengthof character by standing up to the Soviets in Iceland when they sought"to cripple" the Strategic Defense Initiative: "I wouldn't let them do itthen. I won't let them do it now or in the future." He displayed courageand dedication while announcing his position on the Monroe Doctrine,stating that "some in this Congress may choose to depart from thishistoric commitment, but I will not." Reagan also wants to make clearthat he is strong and in control, declaring that "I will take whateveraction is called for" to correct the problem in Iran over the sale of arms.On the other hand, he humbles himself by taking full responsibility forthe crisis, saying simply that "I took a r isk. . . and it did not work."

While Reagan's rhetoric emphasizes the traditional qualities of a hero,he also identifies himself with other "heroic" figures." To restate thechallenge of a new year, for example, he quotes Dwight Eisenhower inhis introduction, telling Congress that Ve shall have much to do together;I am sure that we shall get it done, and that we shall do it in harmonyand goodwill." He also refers to Franklin Roosevelt, Harry Truman andJohn Kennedy in his bi-partisan defense of the Western Hemisphere:Franklin Roosevelt said we " . . . are determined to do everything possible to maintainpeace in this hemisphere." President Truman was very blunt: "International com-munism. . .seeks to crush and undermine and. . .destroy the independence of theAmericans... we can't let that happen here."

And John F. Kennedy made clear tha t" . . . Communist domination in this hemispherecan never be negotiated."

He concludes his speech with a brief story about James Madison,Benjamin Franklin and Greorge Washington.

In traditional form, the establishment of credibility through examplesof character, and the portrayal of high moral values through identifica-tion with past greatness reinforce the attractiveness of the "hero-president." Naturally, this persona transcends differences of opinion,so Reagan is depicted as a hero for all of America. Since he has thequalities of an epic hero, Reagan can also portray himself as a worthychoice to embark on the quest. He has both the character and the proji-er political bloodline. It is only up to destiny, through a series of tests,to determine if the choice is correct.

The Test

In order to determine the hero in a quest, a test or a series of tests,trials, or minor adventures take place. Sometimes a test can be

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ritualistic. For Reagan, the most obvious ritual would be an election."The relationship between candidate and election campaign is quitesimilar to that of hero and test. In addition, the test of an election cam-paign represents the life-cycle so dominant in the quest story: the laimch-ing or birth of a campaign leads to eventual competition with an oppo-nent, culminating with an emphasis on the victorious champion. Indeed,the election process symbolizes the reafEirmation of life. As the cycleof birth, struggle, victory-rebirth continues, so does America's endlessexperiment. The seime can be said for Reagan's term in office. Once pass-ing the election test, he represents the birth of a new presidential ad-ministration. Hence, the appropriateness of his "new beginning" visionin the 1980 election.*'

If an election literally screens out the unworthy, then the Presiden-cy itself becomes the ultimate testing ground for the hero. As if "beyondthe threshold" of adventure, as Campbell writes, "the hero journeysthrough a world of unfamiliar yet strangely intimate forces, some of whichseverely threaten him," and others which provide aid.'* The threats testthe hero's ability, strength and character, and Reagan speaks of severalin his speech. On the domestic front, he refers to a successful battleagainst the "inflation rate," which has "fallen from the 21% percent themonth before we took office to 7% percent today," and the "unemploy-ment rate," which "is the lowest in nearly seven years." These ac-complishments verify Reagan's worthiness as a hero, and "the boon thathe brings" as a result, "restores the world. "'"Note, for example, Reagan'sinterpretation of America's economic recovery during his Administra-tion: "We've had great success in restoring our economic integrity, andwe've rescued our nation from the worst economic mess since the Depres-sion."

On the other hand, many trials remain unsettled. Selling arms toIran proved to be a failure of his efforts simultaneously to bring hostageshome and increase aid for the Contras in Nicaragua.'* With news oftheIran Contra Crisis only a few weeks old, Reagan rationalizes the failedtest in the following way:The goals were worthy. I do not believe it was wrong to try to establish contacts witha country of strategic importance or try to save lives. And certainly it was not wrong tosecure freedom for our citizens held in barbaric captivity.

After establishing "pure" motives for his actions, Reagan describes thistest as a demonstration of national, rather than personal strength andcharacter. "Much is at stake here" he says, "and the nation and the world,are watching to see if we go forwau-d together in the national interest,or if we let partisanship weaken us."

Within the context of a quest story, freedom's test represents themany trials and adventures that the hero must survive. At times,however, it is difficult to determine when Reagan is describing a "march"or a "test." He meet clearly refers to a testing situation when he describesthe importance of protecting and preserving freedom at home, in the

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United States. References to "our commitment to a Westem Hemispheresafe from aggression," and to S.D.I, as a path "to a safer future," for ex-ample, indicate a defensive posture, but his positions on ousting theSoviets in Afghanistan and the Sandinistas in Nicaragua are clearlyoffensive forms of protection. Thus, Reagan's interpretation of freedom'stest also includes the march theme, leaving the audience with the im-pression that the best defense is, perhaps, a good offense. Again, thisattitude is consistent with the overall forward moving imagery createdby the quest form, and shows that the hero is willing to face £inyadversary.

The Guardians

The Guardians or enemies who must be overcome before freedom canbe won take two primary forms. First, there is world communism. TheSoviet Union obviously plays the leading role by supplying "clients likeSyria, Vietnam, Cuba, Angola, Ethiopia, Afghanistan and Nicaragua"with extensive military aid." Reagan states that the Soviets threatenfreedom in the Westem Hemisphere, and that the spread of communismthroughout the world has resulted in more captivity. "With 120,000Soviet combat and military personnel and 15,000 military advisors inAsia, Africa and Latin America" alone, he argues, freedom's captivityis self-evident. Therefore, with a sense of urgency, Reagan reinforcesthe need to overcome communism by asking, "can anyone still doubttheir single-minded determination to expand their piower?"

In addition to the Soviet Union smd world communism, terrorism alsomust be overcome in order to obtain freedom. Since the speech was givenduring the Iran Contra crisis, and since the United States had been foundselling arms to a "terrorist" nation, it was imperative for Reagan tojustify these events. All he wanted, claims Reagan, was to establish con-tact with a strategically important country and save lives. Establishingcontact is certainly ambiguous, but saving lives means securing freedomfor our citizens held in barbaric captivity by the evil Guardians. In ad-dition, Reagan clearly states that "we will not sit idly by if our interestsor our friends in the Middle East are threatened nor vrill we yield toterrorist blackmail." Even though terrorism is an elusive enemy, its holdon freedom is quite evident. And, since terrorism and world communismare such powerful Guardians, Reagan cannot possibly defeat themwithout aid.

The Helpers

For Reagan the primary helpers in the struggle against the enemiesof freedom are the American people. Unfortunately, as Stelzner notes,the helpers in a free society are not obligated to assist the President."Instead, they must be persuaded. Therefore, the speech can be viewedas an attempt to rally and solidify help for the cause of freedom, throughwhich the audience is not only the object of persuasion, but also a

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collective participant in the quest: the audience is persuaded throughtheir own subjective experience ofthe drama. Reagan's primary appealfor help in this re;^)ect is directed to the idea of luiiting the nation againsta common enemy, Reagan reveals this, for example, by repeating "justthree words" from the Constitution that reflect shared values amonga diverse people:

In our Constitution, we the people tell the government what it can do.. .We the peo-p le . . . are the kids on Christinas Day.. . We the people. . . are the warmhearted.. . Wethe people. They're farmers on tough times. . .We the people. . .refute last week's televi-sion commentary down-grading our optimism and idealism. They are the entrepreneurs,the builders, the pioneers, and a lot of regular folks, the true heroes of our land who makeup the most uncommon nation of doers in history.

Through praise, Reagan creates an identification of spirit characteriz-ing heroism. He also stresses shared attitudes, values, and beliefs thatset America apart from the rest of the world and create a bond that isuniquely American. While emphasizing the greatness of all Americanshe gives his highest praise to the so-called "regular folks": 'Tou knowthey're Americans because their spirit is as big as the universe, andtheir hearts are bigger than their spirits."

Reagan's portrayal ofthe American people as helpers sends a mythicmessage of boundless, limitless achievement. No quest would be com-plete, however, without the assistance of a divine or supernaturalHelper," Here Reagan follows tradition by referring to himself and thenation as servants of God. And as the nation serves God, God helps thenation:Finally, let's stop suppressing the spiritual core of our national being. Our nation couldnot have been conceived without divine help. Why is it that we can build a nation withoiir prayers but we can't use a schoolroom for voluntary prayer? The 100th Congress ofthe United States should be remembered as the one that ended the emulsion of God fromAmerica's classroom.

This passionate plea for voluntary prayer in public schools reaffirmsReagan's commitment to Grod by admitting to the nation's real andultimate source of strength and existence. For Reagan, "divine help"is the "most fundamental inspiration of our existence." Thus, faith anddevotion to Grod produce greatness and excellence while reducing doubtand fear during the quest. As such, the acknowledgement of a DivineHelper stiikes at the very core of America's religious beliefs, therebyencouraging prompt, decisive action on the part of the citizen helpers.

CONCLUSION

In a world where magic and myth no longer rule, their literary formsnevertheless continue to have a tremendous impact on human emotionsand actions." The archetypal quest, found in countless romances andadventures, not only reflects, but also inspires the drive for excellenceand achievement. I have argued that the quest form exists and operatesperauasively in Reagan's 1987 State ofthe Union Address on two distinct

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levels. First, it reveals an overall, general pattern that positively reaf-firms the human lifecycle in a typically mythic form. There is birth (ini-tiation of the quest and statement of the new beginning of the vision),followed by conflict and struggle (trials, tests and adventures that thehero survives), and ending with death and rebirth (end of a Presiden-tial term of office, continuation of being free and perfecting freedom).**

In addition to the sequence of events described, all of the essentialelements of a quest story are presented. Naturally, the President-Herodominates the story, but unlike many quest-heroes, Reagan greatlystresses the importance of the Citizen-Helpers. For Reagan, unity of pur-jKise is the greatest weapon Americans have in the struggle against theGuardians. This unity is established through the affirmation of severaltraditional values, such as love of country, hard work, perseverance,productivity, achievement and success. Throughout, however, the ob-ject of quest, freedom, rules supreme. Every action taken, every valuestressed, leads to the acquisition and perfection of freedom.

By describing the state of the union in terms of a quest, Reagan ex-presses his "objective reality" that idealistically coincides with the sub-jective experiences of his audience. "The whole sense of the ubiquitousmyth of the hero's passage," Campbell writes, "is that it shall serve asa general pattern for men and women, wherever they stand along thescale."*' In this way, Reagan instills the need for taking action againstthe enemies of freedom by adopting a rhetorical form that invites, ifnot demands, the audience to participate. After all, they are Helpersin the quest.

Once the invitation is accepted, Reagan gratifies the needs of the au-dience, needs created by the form.*" He accomplishes this by progress-ively moving the audience through the stages of his quest, highlightingthe essential elements along the way. Thus, the speech presents Reagan'svision for America and his myth of freedom as one archetypal patternof human behavior. As a ceremonial address, it also ritualizes the stateof a nation as it searches for freedom, and Reagan's quest reaffirms theexperiences and confirms the dreams of his listeners. At such a point,individuals need only "to discover" their "own position with referenceto this general human formula, and let it then assist" them past their"restricting walls."*' Meanwhile, another adventure awaits.

Thus, in the 1987 State of the Union Address, Reagan identifies amythical ordeal and offers it to the American people as a formula forsuccess. The formula is archetypal, appealing perhaps to hiunankind'sinnermost being. However, this preoccupation with heroic imagery alsocontains serious moral implications. That is, Reagan's command of magicand myth appears to cloud rather than illuminate certain harsh politicalrealities such as the Iran Contra scandal. Instead of informing peopleof critical errors and controversial policies, the persuasive effect of thisrhetorical disguise is to picture a happy, mythical President and a lov-ing, optimistic nation resting comfortably on the firm belief that

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ignorance is bliss. Even as his term comes to a close, the media remainhard pressed to account for the President's ability to eliminate all badnews from the political vocabulary. Recently, for example. Timemagazine reported that "Reagan's ability to overfly troubles of his ownmaiking on a magic carpet woven of his own illusions remains awonderment. "*"

As my analysis has shown, however, much of the "wonderment" canbe explained by recognizing how Reagan employs a mythical quest forfreedom. His use of this myth seems to support the claim that "Reaganhas redefined the presidency into a cheerful con game that works bestwhen the m£in in the Oval Office believes his own upbeat patter."*' Here,then, lies the unresolved tension between Reagan's world of myth andthe practical realities of political decision-making. When the m3rth ofthe hero surpasses its rhetorical function to inform and becomes an endin itself, a permissive fantasy life can turn a nation into a world wheremagic and illusion are allowed to rule.

ENDNOTES

1. W. H. Auden, "The Quest Hero," Texas Quarterly 4 (1961): 81.2. See Northrop Frye, Anatomy of Criticism (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton Univer-

sity Press, 1957), 187.3. Walter E. Fisher, "Rhetorical Fiction and the Presidency," Quarterly Journal of

Speech 66 (April 1980): 119.4. Reagan is described as an archetypal hero by Sarah Russell Hankins in "Archetypal

Alloy: Reagan's Rhetorical Image," Central States Speech Journal 34 (Spring 1983): 33-43;he is described as a "possible" hero in the romantic tradition by Walter R. Fisher in "Roman-tic Democracy, Ronald Reagan, and Presidential Heroes," Western Joumai of Speech Com-munication 46 (Summer 1982): 299-310; Robert L. Ivie discusses Reagan's arch villainin "Speaking 'Conunon Sense' About the Soviet Threat: Reagan's Rhetorical Stance,"Western Journal of Speech Communication 46 (Summer 1984): 39-50; and for a descrip-tion of Reagan's myth of freedom as a lifelong goal, see David C. Klope, "Defusing a ForeignPolicy Crisis: Mytti and Victimage in Reagan's 1983 Lebanon/Grenada Address," WesternJournal of Speech Communication 48 (Winter 1984): 51-61.

5. Fisher, "Rhetorical Fiction and the Presidency," 122.6. See, for example, Hermaim G. Stelzner, "The Quest Story and Nixon's Novennber

3, 1969 Address," Quarterly Journal of Speech 57 (April 1971): 163-72.7. Although this is not a fantasy theme analysis, Reagan's rhetorical vision of "A New

Beginning" can be viewed from this perspective. The phrase "new beginning" grew outof Reagan's 1980 presidential campaign and has continued throughout his term of office.In the speech under investigation, Reagan uses the phrase in his introduction and againin his conclusion, reassuring the nation that the new beginning is still "new." For a discus-sion of how rhetorical visions operate in political campaigns see Ernest G. Bormann, "Fan-tasy and Rhetorical Vision: The Rhetorical Criticism of Social Reality," Quarterly Jour-nal of Speech 58 (Dec. 1972): 396-407, and "The Eagleton Affair: A Fantasy ThemeAnalysis," Quarterly Journal of Speech 59 (April 1973): 143-59.

8. Auden 82.9. See Frye 322 and Auden 85. There are several "adventures" described in the speech,

such as the Iran Contra AfTair, War in Nicaragua, War in Af^ianistan, the fight for S.D.I.,the struggle over the deficit, the competitive race in science and technology, the farmcrisis, and the challenge of education. These all contribute to an endless quest story.

10. Auden 85.11. Frye 187.

64 Western Journal of Speech Communication

12. Frye 322.13. George H. Szanto, Narrative Consciousness: Structure and perception in the fiction

of Kafka, Beckett, and Robbe-Grillet {Austin: University of Texas Press, 1972) 150.14. See Auden 85.15. Auden 85.16. J(»eph Campbell, Tke Hero With A Thousand Faces (1949; Princeton, New Jersey:

Princeton University Press, Bollinger Series, 1973) 246. For more discussion, see WayneShumaker, Literature and the Irrational A study of anthropological backgrounds(Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1960) 133-36.

17. See Auden 84.18. "Transcript of President's Message to Nation on the State of Union," New York Times

28 Jan. 1987: A16. All further quotations from Reagan are taken from this text unlessotherwise noted.

19. Campbell 11. This distinction is also made hy Fisher with regard to the presiden-tial imagery of Reagan versus that of Carter. See "Presidential Heroes," 303-04.

20. Freedom is a consistent, if not dominant "object" of Reagan's political life, and itappears throughout his oratory. See, for example, "Text of Reagan's Speech Acceptingthe Republicans' Nomination," New York Times 18 July 1980: A8; "Transcript of Reagan'sSpeech Accepting G.O.P. Nomination," New York Times 24 August 1984: A12; "Transcriptof Second Inaugural Address by Reagan," New York Times 22 January 1985: A17; and"Transcript of President's State of Union Address to Congress," New York Times 7 February1985: B8.

21. See Klope, and Scheele for other views on Reagan's object of freedom.22. Louis Aaron Heitmeister, A Philosophy of Freedom <New York: Poseidon Books, 1970):

71.23. See, for example, Dr. Paul Brunton, Essays on the Quest (York Beach, Maine: Samuel

Weiser, Inc. 1985).24. See Camphell 58.25. See Hankins, and Fisher, "Presidential Heroes."26. While this is not imconunon in presidential oratory, it can also be found in Stelzner's

analysis of Richard Nixon's Vietnamization speech (see 166-168).27. Many aspects of election campaign rituals have been examined. See, for example,

W. Lance Bennett, "Assessing Presidential Character: Degradation Rituals in PoliticalCampaigns," Quarterly Journal of Speech 67 (1981): 310-21; Ellen Reid Gold, "PoliticalApologia: The Ritual of Self-Defense," Communication Monographs 45 (Nov. 1978): 306-16;and Judith S. Trent, "Presidential Surfacing: The Ritualistic and Crucial First Act," Com-munication Monographs 45 (Nov. 1978): 281-92.

28. The 1987 State ofthe Union begins with a reference to the New Beginning vision,or the "birth" of Reagan's presidency. He declares, "six years ago I was here to ask theCongress to join me in America's new beginning. The results are something of which wecan all be proud."

29. Campbell 246.30. Campbell 246.31. According to Attorney General Edwin Meese, the diversion of funds in the Iran Con-

tra scandal occurred in the following manner: First, the United States provided Israelwith 12 million dollars worth of arms, who in turn sold them to Iranian representatives.Then, payment was negotiated by Israeli and Iranian representatives who came to terms,whereby payment was transferred. Israeli representatives then transferred part of thepayment to the CIA and deposited the rest in Swiss bank accounts held by Nicaraguanrebels. For more details, see "Disarray Deepens," New York Times 26 Nov. 1986: Al, Al l .

32. See Ivie for fvirther discussion of Reagan's view of the Soviet threat.33. See Stelzner 170.34. In many quest stories, especially those found in ancient mythology, the hero can-

not succeed without the help of some magical, ̂ iritual or supernatural power. Sometimesthese powers will take either animal or human form, hut in Reagan's case, power comesfrom God and remains, as it were, to be a force without form. For discussion, see Auden83, Frye 190, and Campbell 69-77.

Winter 1989 65

35. See, for example, Clement Woods, Dreams: Their Meaning and Practical Applicartion (New York: Greenberg, 1931); Sigmund Freud, The Interpretation of Dreams, trans.James Strachey (London: Hogarth Press, 1953) vols. IV and V of The Complete Worksof Sigmund Freud; and C. G. Jung, Symbols of Transformation: An Analysis of the Preludeto a Case of Schizophrenia, trans. R. F. C. Hull (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press,1967) vol. 5 of The Collected Works of C. G. Jung.

36. Reagan concludes his speech by returning to the vision, asking, "Are we at the end?Or are we at the beginning?" He answers by saying, "America isn't finished, her best dayshave just begun."

37. Campbell 121.38. See Kenneth Burke, Counter-Statement, rev. paperback ed. (Berkeley: University

of Califomia Press, 1968): 138.39. Campbell 121.40. Laurence I. Barrett, "The Torch is Passed," Time 22 August 1988: 18.41. Barrett 18.