CRIS S

Foreword by Ferial Haffajee – Editor-in-Chief of the Mail & GuardianIllustrations by Sowetan’s Yalo

Public Relations according to Thabo Mbekinot

Rams Mabote

WHAT CR SIS?i

Introduction

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People lack a sense of humour. We cannot laugh at ourselves. And wecertainly cannot laugh at those who go out of their way to make us laugh. I mean howelse can one explain how we all missed countless attempts at making us laugh byPresident Thabo Mbeki, in his illustrious 10 years at the helm of South African politics?

Instead, what happened? Political analysts decimated forests of paperlambasting and castigating our stand-up comedian turned president instead of justunderstanding that this was an honest shot at humour.

And it is understandable. What man would easily saunter into the shoes ofNelson Mandela without a touch of humour? I mean the man called Madiba was asaint — although our comedian tried hard to disprove this. Madiba could put no footwrong. No he did, but when he did, he would do a shuffle to make it look like a dance,which we later called the Madiba dance. We would all laugh and move on, hastily.He forgave us.

President Thabo Mbeki on the other hand, came into office and found thatthe only solution to the multiple problems besetting South Africa and the Africancontinent — a champion of which he did not become — and offered the best medicine,LAUGHTER.

He made several hilarious jokes. He criticised Nelson Mandela and othersages like Archbishop Desmond Tutu. He made mockery of the racial reconciliationof Madiba. He called unionists and communists racists. He helped us understandPresident Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe. He fired effective operatives and defendedunder-performing ministers, premiers and friends. He chose his enemies everywhere.But at least, he did not say �HIV does not cause Aids.�

But we did not laugh. Was it us or was it just that he was not funny?

This book is about a hero turned villain; a master of public relations fauxpas; a man who buried his head in the sand and exposed his ass. But most importantly,although irreverent, this is a serious book aimed as a tool for all sorts of leaders —politicians or managers in business — to teach them what not to do in the game of PR.

This is not an academic book. In fact, this is supposed to be a funny book. Myown irreverent take on the public relations lessons we can all learn from President Mbeki.

I hope he reads this and laughs. I hope he does not take the Mickey out ofme and call me a lackey of the white imperialists. I hope he does not send his mosteducated bootlickers to write tomes of clap trap attacking me.

But if that fails, I hope you find this book funny and laugh. If it is too tragicand you cannot laugh, at least take the lessons.

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Chapter One

PRESIDENTIAL AID(e)S

“IN POLITICS, absurdity is not a handicap”– French Leader Napoleon Bonaparte (1769-1821)

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I do not remember anyone laughing. But you have to give it to PresidentMbeki. He tried every trick in the book to make us laugh. Pity the subject was tragic.No, it was a matter of life and death and this time, absurdity became a serious handicap.

One of the greatest suicidal moves leaders make is failure to read the moodof the moment. There are many reasons this may happen. Sometimes it is simplybecause once they assume office, some leaders, become literally drunk from power.I mean most of such people, although they dreamed of power, they never really thoughtthey would get it. And once they do get it, they really cannot stop waking up andpinching themselves. Sometimes they pinch themselves into insanity.

The AIDS matter was probably that moment of insanity for President ThaboMbeki. Again, there is a part of me that suspects he was honestly trying to make uslighten up and laugh, but with the benefit of hindsight, it was the first of his publicrelations faux pas, and too many others, the worst if not one of the worst.

When South Africa was called up to take its role in the battle against HIVand AIDS, Mbeki proved that in politics, as the short French warmonger Napoleonsaid, absurdity is not a handicap.

A litany of errors followed. A comedy of errors unfolded. We became thelaughing stock of the world.

First it was Virodene. To quote Wikipedia, that online source passionatelydetested by Mbeki and his learned friends and aides, Virodene was “a South Africanexperimental drug …'c9 which later proved to be ineffective…'c9 The episode appearedto have increased his skepticism about the scientific consensus that quickly condemnedthe drug.”

Sometime early in his presidency, Mbeki made acquaintance with somescientists who held what was to be known as dissident views on Aids. He roped theminto his Aids Advisory Council, and in no time, he began singing their tune. Hequestioned the efficacy of antiretroviral medication. He attacked pharmaceuticalcompanies. He lashed on the West for virtually dumping their medicines on poorAfricans with only a view of making money. He spoke atthe International AIDSConference in Durban in April 2001, and never mentioned HIV once. At that point,he was to be called an AIDS denialist. Although there is nothing on the record tocorroborate the accusation that he ever said that HIV does not cause AIDS, hisperformance at this conference judged guilty by omission.

When this caused embarrassment he told the country, his cabinet and theruling African National Congress that he is withdrawing from the AIDS debate. Butwilily, he sent to the fore his biggest Chihuahua – Minister of Health Manto Tshabalala-Msimang, she who told a radio talkback show host “don’t call me Manto. I am notyour friend”.

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Tshabalala-Msimang started fighting Mbeki’s dirty fights. She took oneveryone (including the talkback host) that seemed to questioned Mbeki’s stance orlack thereof on HIV and AIDS. She picked a fight with civil society organisations,particularly Treatment Action Campaign, spent time in courtrooms againstpharmaceuticals and at every turn criticised anyone who stated that South Africa hadan AIDS problem. And throughout, President Mbeki stood by her friend or maybeurged her on.

And then they made friends with another “madman”, one Matthias Rath. Thisis a German-born medic who took advantage of the confusion just to market his concoctionof vitamins as the best solution to cure AIDS. What Chutzpah! In newspaper advertsin some of the widely read papers in the world including the Sowetan and the New YorkTimes Dr Rath repeated the oft-spoken twaddle that Aids drugs were toxic “and potentiallydeadly”. Instead, he advised the sick and the dying to buy his vitamins. And the beetrootMinister backed him up several times, even when others took him to court for being adeadly fraudster. The President kept quiet or maybe urged them on.

It is one thing to argue that one important aspect of fighting HIV and AIDSis improving nutrition, but when Tshabalala-Msimang made beetroot, olive oil, Africanpotato and garlic her mantra, absurdity had become a serious handicap.

As if the Durban conference five years earlier had not done us enough damage,Tshabalala-Msimang went for a kill in Toronto, Canada in 2006 at the next InternationalAids Conference. When she opened the South African Aids exhibition, in her displaywere her weapons of mass destruction: garlic, lemon and beetroot. She turned SouthAfrica into a public mockery. But the man called the Big Chief did not budge. In herdefence, she also detailed the government’s comprehensive plan for management,care and treatment of HIV/Aids, but all this was overshadowed by her absurdity at theexhibition.

Tshabalala-Msimang was not alone in aiding Mbeki in his battle againstconvention and accepted wisdom. In his last days on earth, former ANC Youth Leaguepresident and firebrand as well Deputy Minister of Environmental Affairs, PeterMokaba took the cudgels to fight those who advocated drug treatment for AIDS.

In an interview with South Africa’s Financial Mail in March 2002, Mokabawas quoted as saying: “The issue of HIV/AIDS is being used by those who are HIV-causes-AIDS believers to divide the organisation and the country. There have beenvarious attempts by quasi-scientists to say HIV is a problem of blacks. The story isthat blacks are vulnerable to this thing because of their sexual morality. We alsochallenge the use of all antiretrovirals. If you don't have the virus isolated, then youcan't have a tablet that cures it.” I rest!

The only person to go one up on Mokaba in such absurdity was to be the BigChief himself at the inaugural ZK Matthews Memorial Lecture on October 12, 2001,

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where he said, in criticising his critics, “Convinced that we are but natural-born,promiscuous carriers of germs, unique in the world, they proclaim that our continentis doomed to an inevitable mortal end because of our unconquerable devotion to thesin of lust”. Need I say more?

Do not believe your own propaganda. This was captured better by DavidMulholland, business editor of Jane's Defence Weekly – a United Kingdom-basedmagazine when he was asked regarding America’s War on Terror “but what happenswhen the propaganda and spin gain such power and traction that the actions of ourpolitical leaders spiral out of control?”

Mulholland said the answer was what the military calls “incestuousamplification”, which he described as ''a condition in warfare where one only listensto those who are already in lock-step agreement, reinforcing set beliefs and creatinga situation ripe for miscalculation''.

No lesser a person than Mandela in an interview with the Sunday Times in2002, described HIV/AIDS thus:

"This is a war. It has killed more people than has been the case in allprevious wars and in all previous natural disasters. We must not continueto be debating, to be arguing, when people are dying.”

In this regard, Mulholland’s response is on the mark in describing Mbeki’spublic relations faux pas in handling this matter.

Already Mbeki had chosen who he believed and it did not matter what theopposing view was, however legitimate and logical. Mbeki only listened to his dissidentfriends and he fought their fights.

PUBLIC RELATIONS NOT ACCORDING TO THABO MBEKI

1. In public relations, you do learn to listen and hear the other side, even if youdo not agree with it.

2. And if the opposing view makes sense, even if it is for a specific moment, embrace it

3. If the opposing view wins the argument, avoid name-calling

4. If you hold a view, express it unequivocally

5. If you ask others to represent your view, make sure they can carry themselveswith dignity and integrity

6. If you change your mind, don’t go into a shell. Say so.

7. If you are a leader, remember you are not a leader for some. You are a leaderfor all, even those who disagree with you. Show leadership

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Chapter Two

MENTAL BLOG

“We all live in the protection of certain cowardices which we call our principles.”– Mark Twain, US humorist, satirist, lecturer and writer (1835 – 1910)

Do you recognise these names: Tony Trahar, Cosatu, the media, Jani Allen,SACP, Charlene Smith, Bronwyn McIntosh and “some among us”?

These are some of the South Africans that for one reason or another, at somepoint or another have taken the trouble to voice their view about Thabo Mbeki andfor which they received bludgeoning attack.

For the record, Thabo Mbeki is a coward. All the books he reads and all thehours he spends on the internet have not helped him to be brave and be able to debatewith his adversaries. Since he discovered the internet and started his blog which hecalled “Letter from the President” he has used this space to attack those that criticisehim rather than take them on in open debate.

So effective in its Stalinist designs to shut anyone up who dared entertain athought of being critical of Mbeki or any of his policies, that at some point in hispresidency even dogs feared howling at night lest they disturbed Mbeki while surfingthe net or writing one of his instructive and seminal criticisms. After all, it is notfarfetched to think that Mbeki would attack the dogs for being used by enemies ofour people or ultra-leftists, or racists or careerists or indeed some among us.

Whether it was explaining his quiet diplomacy on handling Zimbabwe,defending government’s black economic empowerment policy, HIV/AIDS, explainingcrime statistics, clarifying why he fired a Minister or more often than not, why he didnot fire a floundering minister or government official or even how he thinks racistsare against his government, Mbeki spent hours on end in front of his laptop, to supplythe country with his weekly feed of his letter.

And not only were these letters scathing, most of the time they were personalhe used his trademark quintessential race card, and in fact, not presidential in nature.Mbeki stooped too low even when attacking unknown or discredited characters.

Take his response to this unknown internet blogger Bronwyn McIntosh wholeft South Africa. McIntosh had written from the United States about the fear of crimein South Africa. Mbeki wrote:

“After commenting on the difficulties she experienced trying to acclimatiseherself to her new surroundings in the US, she says: ‘Sure life is cheap there,in more ways than one! And for foreigners, the climate, the scenery, thepeople and the opportunities available must seem boundless. However, I feelthat if one considers relocating a family or business, one has to know andbe prepared for the reality of life in the country that has the highest murder,rape and AIDS statistics in the world.’

“Of course what she is conveying to the rest of the world about a ‘wealthywhite suburb on the fringe of Cape Town’ is an outright lie. But peopleelsewhere in the world who do not know our country, might take her at her

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word, having no reason to suspect that there are some from our country whowill not hesitate to tell the lies she tells.

“Having convinced her listeners that she fled from her white suburb in CapeTown, because the black savages were at her door, some editor in our countrywill then seize on her victory triumphantly to proclaim that ‘overseas. Theperception remains that SA is one of the world's crime capitals’.”

But it is this attack on journalist Charlene Smith that takes the cake. You see,Smith – had been raped and in fear of whether she contracted HIV in the process, starteda crusade to attack government’s policies on HIV/AIDS. But it was one particular articleshe wrote for the Sunday Independent titled “"Rape has become a sickening way of lifein our land", that invited the wrath and ire of Mbeki’s acerbic pen:

"To her, this assertion would have been obviously correct, because, after all,we are an African country and therefore have the men conditioned by Africanculture, tradition and religion to commit rape."

There is no doubting that Mbeki had a right to reply to attacks made on him,his government or his policies. There is absolutely nothing wrong with the Head ofState clarifying his policies where he feels he is being misunderstood.

But there is a pattern that Mbeki’s column took. There would be a debate inthe country about one subject or the other and the silence from his West Wing officeof the Union Buildings would be deafening. Once the debate had quietened down, orhaving failed to respond to some questions asked directly on him in the NationalAssembly, Mbeki would then in his own space and his own time, go on tirades attackinghis critics, calling them names and accusing them of being a threat to the hard-foughtdemocracy. Sometimes he would accuse them of being puppets of some unknownmasters or uninformed radicals.

And that, in his view, was the end of the debate. He had set the record straightand it was time the country and the world moved on, understanding where he wascoming from. No further correspondence entered.

Choose your enemies carefully. This is a very well-known mantra used bypoliticians and masters alike, but it was the late former Palestinian leader who gaveit more flesh when he added to that mantra, your enemies will choose you.

But in his Letter from the President, Mbeki did not choose his enemiescarefully. And did his enemies choose him!

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PUBLIC RELATIONS NOT ACCORDING TO THABO MBEKI

1. In public relations, you choose your battles and you learn to accept defeat and move on.

2. If you do not have a defence for your views or policies, do not pull the race,gender or class card. That is shallow. That betrays leadership

3. If you have a view, be prepared to defend it publicly. Do not hide behind spokespeople or worse, the internet

4. Do not argue with a fool, people may not notice the difference

5. Contrary to popular belief, the media will give you space to defend yourself.Just know how to state your case without being personal

6. If you live in a glass house, don’t throw stones.

7. Do not assume the leadership throne unless you can take criticism with a smile and dignity.

8. Not everyone misunderstands you

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Chapter Three

SOME OF MY BEST FRIENDS ARE WHITE

“It is by the goodness of God that in our country we have thosethree unspeakably precious things: freedom of speech, freedom

of conscience, and the prudence never to practice either.” – Mark Twain

History has shown that Thabo Mbeki hates criticism. But if there is a biggerlesson to learn from history, is that this non-racialist of note, left South African aneven bigger legacy where criticism by or from white people is completely unacceptableand inevitably, racist. This includes white people on the side of the ruling ANC or thegovernment.

Mark Twain must have been referring to Mbeki in the above quote for thelatter is wont to bark freedom of speech and freedom of conscience – often askingpeople to criticise him – only to hate it madly when those freedoms are exercisedagainst him.

It is difficult to understand what Mbeki had thrown into his pipe when hecriticised as being racist labour movement Congress of South African Trade Unions(Cosatu) and the South African Communist Party (SACP), both allies of the ANC.But on close scrutiny, one can realise that Mbeki was attacking Patrick Craven,Cosatu’s white spokesman and Jeremy Cronin, SACP’s deputy secretary general andcritic of Mbeki’s style of leadership.

In December 2006 Cosatu and the SACP had questioned the allegedinvolvement and financial benefiting by ANC Ministers in the rapid rail project calledthe Gautrain.

In responding to an investigation by the Sunday Times on the beneficiariesof the Gautrain, Cronin had raised a concern about the collapse of boundaries betweenbusiness and public office. Craven added salt to injury when he said “it was importantfor the ANC to maintain the high standards of governance it had brought with it andnot sink to the corruption levels prevalent during the apartheid era."

Instead of clarifying the government’s position, Mbeki first accused Cosatu,the SACP, the Democratic Alliance (also quoted in the Sunday Times story) and thenewspaper itself of lying and not allowing facts to come in the way of a good story.Then he went on further in the only way Mbeki responds to criticism:

“The Gautrain story confirms the hard reality that as long as the racistconviction that Africans are naturally prone to corruption, venality andmismanagement persists, so long must we remain on guard to fight thecanards that will be peddled, serving as media headlines with greaterfrequency than the summer rains.”

Nobody captures this shallowness better than Cosatu’s own rebuttal to Mbeki:

"We find it particularly offensive that President Mbeki has seen fit to playthe race card in a manner that suggests that the people with business interests- whom he is defending - are somehow blacker than the working classcomponents of the alliance.

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"Moreover the president's style of engagement leaves much to be desired.He never debates on the strength of his arguments or correctness of thepoints he is raising…'c9 He throws the race card even against organisationswhose membership is constituted mainly by the very ANC members he isleading.”

It is easy to dismiss Mbeki as being obsessed with race, but sometimes thereis a context to his ranting. There is no doubting that South Africa still has seriouschallenges of race relations as well as balance of power between whites and blacks.

In defending Mbeki’s attack on white people complaining about crime, DrCharles Villa-Vicencio, head of the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation, says thatMbeki is spot-on when he says white fears of crime are influenced by racism.

"But, it's a pity that he is at this stage restricting his comments on crime, bybringing in racism. We really need to hear him expressing himself in a principled wayagainst crime," adds Villa-Vicencio. And this is instructive.

What is most confusing about Mbeki and his obsession about race and racismis perhaps this statement in response to a Parliamentary question in February 2005:

"But, for the experiment to succeed, to achieve non-racism and nationalreconciliation a mere 10 years after the end of three-and-half centuries ofracism, racial conflict and racial domination, requires an extraordinaryvisionary imagination from all our people, black and white, united in theirdiversity.

"It calls for what may perhaps be called a miracle of true nationalreconciliation, and the miraculous discovery that, after all, South Africabelongs to all who live in it, black and white, united in the diversity.

"The practical consequence of that discovery would be that all of us take thistruly on board, and into the depths of our consciousness, that South Africacannot but be as black and white as it is.

"All of us would have to internalise the reality that our very collective futuredepends on the ability of all our people to understand that the success of black SouthAfrica is conditional on the success of white South Africa, and that the success ofwhite South Africa is conditional on the success of black South Africa," said Mbeki.

As you make your bed, lie in it. This was captured better by DavidMulholland, business editor of Jane's Defence Weekly – a United Kingdom-basedmagazine when he was asked regarding America’s War on Terror “but what happenswhen the propaganda and spin gain such power and traction that the actions of ourpolitical leaders spiral out of control?”

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Mulholland said the answer was what the military calls “incestuousamplification”, which he described as ''a condition in warfare where one only listensto those who are already in lock-step agreement, reinforcing set beliefs and creatinga situation ripe for miscalculation''.

Since HIV and AIDS have been described by many in terms of warfare,Mulholland’s response is on the mark in describing Mbeki’s public relations faux pasin handling this matter.

Already he had chosen who he believed and it does not matter what the opposing viewwas, however legitimate and logical. Mbeki only listened to his dissident friends andhe fought their fights.

PUBLIC RELATIONS NOT ACCORDING TO THABO MBEKI

1. Be consistent. You cannot have policies, missions or values on paper and practice something different

2. Accept that your adversaries are not necessarily your enemies

3. If you have to address sensitive subjects like racism, be sure to be accurate and not generalise. Moreover, be sure not to make it sound like a broken record

4. Understand that your personal views should not be above the policies or values of the country, company or organisation

5. If it really annoys you and gets under your skin, move away from it, but donot fall into a trap of name-calling

6. Stick to facts, not analysis

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Chapter Four

TELL MORE LIES, CLAIM MORE EASY VICTORIES

“Tell no lies. Claim no easy victories.” - Amilcar Cabral, Secretary-General of the Party for the

Independence of Guinea Bissau and Cape Verde (PAIGC)

It is funny how none other than Thabo Mbeki loves making reference to thiswonderful quotation by Cabral. Funny because instead of heading Cabral’s teaching,Mbeki’s mantra seems to have been: tell more lies, claim easy victories.

A story published by the Sunday Times in May 2008 (Lies, lies and yet morelies. Mbeki knew all about the investigation into the national police commissioner,says Pikoli) tells it all:

Vusi Pikoli thought it was his mandate to root out crime, but when he tackledthe country’s top cop on allegations of bribery and corruption, it cost himhis job.

After getting an arrest warrant for National Police Commissioner JackieSelebi, National Director of Public Prosecutions Pikoli was suspended byPresident Thabo Mbeki.

However, in January this year, the President apparently lied to the nationwhen he claimed to have had no clue about the case against Selebi “untiljust a few days ago”.

In fact, he knew all along, because Pikoli, in a bid to avoid embarrassingthe government, kept him and Justice Minister Brigitte Mabandla informedof Selebi’s role in the criminal investigation dubbed Bad Guys.

This is according to Pikoli’s detailed submission to the Ginwala inquiry, setup by Mbeki to determine if Pikoli is fit to hold office.

Over 18 months, Pikoli or Scorpions boss Leonard McCarthy had more than23 meetings with either the President or Mabandla and provided writtenreports and detailed explanations of affidavits in which Selebi was implicated,Pikoli said.

This week Pikoli’s submission detailed the extent to which Mbeki andMabandla were kept informed about the case.

Pikoli said he and his team met Mbeki more than 10 times — including inMarch, August and November 2006 — until his suspension in September2007.

Around the time of the November 2006 meetings, Mbeki defended Selebiwhen he told religious leaders to “trust me” on the matter. The group hadasked him to set up an inquiry to investigate Selebi’s links with alleged crimeboss Glenn Agliotti. Mbeki also said no state organ had informed him thatit was investigating Selebi, and expressed his confidence in Selebi.

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Pikoli had another meeting with the President in March 2007, he told theinquiry, and, two months later, on May 27, McCarthy gave Mbeki a “detailed briefingof the progress in the Selebi investigation”.

In October 2007 a news reporter with independent broadcaster etv askedhim if he had knew about the warrant of arrest issued for Selebi, Mbeki was cagey,instead asking the reporter whether she had seen presidents issuing warrants.

As Justice Malala, a columnist with The Times wrote in his Monday MorningMatter column of October 8 2008, Mbeki lied.

“Mbeki knew about the warrants, but he chose to try to intimidate a reporterinstead of answering the question.

“It might be argued that he did not lie directly, but he certainly added to theconfusion by not telling the truth. He lied by omission. He was covering up.”

Spin is about managing the truth, not about lying. Throughout my careeras a communicator and a spin doctor, I have made this line my mantra. I counselledmany clients, who like Mbeki, from time to time found themselves with their backsagainst the wall. The natural instinct is to lie – to deny knowledge of fact, to rubbishthe truth and to hide behind officialdom.

PUBLIC RELATIONS NOT ACCORDING TO THABO MBEKI

1. Always tell the truth. Other the fact that it liberates your conscience to doso, there are many virtues about the truth:

2. You do not have to remember what you said yesterday

3. Unlike lies, the truth never comes back to bite

4. It may not happen immediately, but lies have a way of surfacing

5. And when they do, credibility is lost

6. And when credibility is lost, nothing else matters

7. In bad times, in crisis, the truth is a TEMPORARY INCONVENIENCE. You will always recover for telling the truth, but liars are tormented by theirlies forever, ask Richard Nixon.

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Chapter Five

WHEN SAINTS GO MARCHING

“He attacked everything in life with a mix of extraordinary genius and naiveincompetence, and it was often difficult to tell which was which.” – Douglas Adams, English humourist and novelist (1952 – 2001)

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In a chapter titled THE ONE GOOD NATIVE from his seminal book onThabo Mbeki titled Thabo Mbeki: The Dream Deferred, author Mark Gevisserreveals what I regard as classical cases where Mbeki, in trying to paint his canvass,interfered with things he should have known better to leave alone.

In one instance Gevisser writes:

When I asked Mbeki about his differences with Mandela while in office, heconceded only one real problem: conflicting approaches to racialreconciliation. Mbeki felt that the way Mandela dealt with the issue negativelyaffected his own acceptability as his successor, and thus his ability to effectreal transformation. South Africa just could not ‘sustain a view of nationalreconciliation of the kind of which the media approved’ and with which‘Madiba co-operated’, he told me. I have seldom seen Mbeki as exercised,or as impassioned, as when he spoke about this: ‘You just couldn’t do it! Itwas wrong! Just wrong!’

It is important to remind myself and everyone who lays their hands on it thatthis book is not about the politics of Mbeki or indeed Nelson Mandela. It is a publicrelations’ appraisal of the works and words of Mbeki. Therefore, I am not concernedwith why Mbeki differed with Mandela. In fact, it does not matter whose approachwas right or wrong, or which one you liked most. Fact of the matter is that in publicrelations, it is naï'95ve to attack something or someone held in high or indisputableesteem and hope to get away with it. In attacking Mandela and his policies, publiclyso nogal, to quote Mbeki: ‘You just couldn’t do it! It was wrong! Just wrong!’

In the same chapter Gevisser refers to a Sunday Times editorial in February1996, which questioned Mbeki’s fitness to rule after Mandela. This was as a resultof the rand crashing on the back of an unfounded rumour that Mandela was dyingand the media speculating on Mbeki stepping into Madiba’s shoes.

Writes Gevisser:

For Mbeki, the Sunday Times editorial was the sharpest example yet of the‘one good native’ syndrome. Referring to it a few years later in his onlinenewsletter, he wrote about how ‘the cynics and the sceptics …'c9 tried toscare the people about their future …'c9 pretending that President Mandela,with his “magic”, was the only person capable of guaranteeing the betterfuture for our country …'c9’

Now in office, Mbeki seemed to fix his political psyche on two things: first,that, despite national reconciliation, whites were still racist in that they didnot believe that blacks were equal to the task of running the country; second,that he would prove them wrong.

Mbeki believed that Mandela was complicit in promoting the notion of ‘theone good native’ by sending the message to white South Africans that nothing

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was going to change. And so ‘national reconciliation’ – Mandela’s mantra– became shorthand for ‘maintaining the status quo’. This accommodationhad its roots, we will recall, in Mbeki’s own analysis that reassuring whiteSouth Africans was the key to assuming power.

If Mbeki’s resentment of Mandela’s “good nativeness” was kept under wrapsand clandestine, it certainly spilled over in 1988 because of the Truth and ReconciliationReport. This is also captured well in the same chapter on Gevisser’s book:

Three years later, in 1998, the differences between Mandela and Mbeki overhow to deal with the past erupted over the report of Archbishop DesmondTutu’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission. After receiving advance proofsof the TRC’s findings, Mbeki led the ANC in an unsuccessful legal attemptto prevent their publication. His primary objection was to the way the reporthad found the ANC guilty of gross violations of human rights for its treatmentof detainees in its Angolan camps in the mid-1980s. The TRC was ‘wrongand misguided’, he said, in its ‘scurrilous attempts to criminalise the heroicstruggles of the people of South Africa …'c9 as gross human rights violations’when these struggles had, in fact, ‘brought about the dawn of peace, democracyand justice.’

As constitutionally required, the report was submitted to President Mandela.But Mandela, due to retire in six months, was no longer the president of theANC – and the new party boss was clear that he and his officials did notneed to debate the matter with Mandela, but merely needed to inform himof their intention to reject the report. Mandela, for his part, was equallyadamant that he wanted no part of the ANC’s action: he made a point ofpersonally calling Archbishop Desmond Tutu, to let him know that he acceptedthe report in its entirety.

Tutu responded angrily to Mbeki’s action: ‘Yesterday’s oppressed can quiteeasily become today’s oppressors,’ he said in a radio interview. Mbekiretaliated by accusing Tutu himself of the crime of Mandela exceptionalism.The archbishop, he said in parliament, was full of ‘dark foreboding abouta future without President Mandela, the defender of national reconciliation,tolerance and liberty, all of which are thought to stand in grave danger’now that ‘tyrants-in-waiting’ were poised to take over.

What was most perplexing is that Mbeki had originally been a great proponentof the TRC – and of the fundamental principle, within it, of even-handedness.In 1993, he had even said in an interview that if ‘the ANC was responsiblefor violations of human rights’, then ‘we need to air the truth.’ He usedhimself as an example: ‘If information came out that Thabo Mbeki wasresponsible for these various misdeeds, …'c9 I could not be part of theprocess of constructing the new South Africa. I would retire quietly intosome corner, somewhere. And so it should be! That principle applies toanyone responsible for the horrors of the past.’

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The TRC for all its faults and shortcomings was a contract between theoppressed – largely represented by the ANC and the former oppressors. For all itsfaults, its legitimacy depended on the unity in purpose among the leaders of the ANCespecially to defend it. For Mbeki to attack the TRC – and then Mandela and Tutu– he committed a PR faux pas. He created a perception that the ANC did not agreewith the TRC and that it was just another part of Mandela’s reconciliation project,another one of those “good native’ attempts.

US abolitionist and novelist Harriet Beecher Stowe once said: I would not

attack the faith of a heathen without being sure I had a better one to put in its

place.

There is nothing disagreeing with a popular view, especially espoused by apopular person, but for goodness sake when you do, give an alternative in its place.Do not just use sharp words of intellect without giving an alternative. Mbeki did justthat, he attacked the TRC and the saints associated with it, but did not give anyalternative.

PUBLIC RELATIONS NOT ACCORDING TO THABO MBEKI

1. If you are going to take on a personality of Mandela in public, don’t.

2. It does not mean that people like Mandela and Tutu are never wrong, it is just that they refuse to accept your gift of the attack and you remain with thevile.

3. Besides, rather than attack publicly, maybe just pose questions and suggestthat there should be more debate about the issue. Make it the responsibilityof the saints to defend their views – rather than themselves against your attack.

4. The best way to criticise a saint-like character, wrap it in humour. Let the audience guess whether you attack was genuine or jest

5. Even when you are convinced you are right, accept someone to question ordiffer with you

6. Remember the prayer of serenity by Saint Francis of Assisi: "Lord grant me the serenity to accept the things I cannot change, the courage to change the things I can, and the wisdom to know the difference."

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Chapter Six

STAND BY YOUR MAN

“Well, if I called the wrong number, why did you answer the phone?”- US author, cartoonist, humorist, & satirist James Thurber (1894 - 1961)

in a New Yorker cartoon caption, June 5, 1937

Word has it that in his usual way of appointing ministers, mayors and other

government officials, one evening in newly elected President of South Africa Thabo

Mbeki instructed his staff to put on the phone one NJ Mahlangu. Once the minnows

in the president’s office had obliged and Mahlangu was on the phone, Mbeki conveyed

the all-important news that Mahlangu would be appointed Premier of Mpumalanga

province and that this announcement would be made the next morning.

Trouble is, according to legend, the Mahlangu on the line to Mbeki was the

wrong one. It was Ndaweni Johannes Mahlangu former collaborator with the National

Party government. He served as Chief Magistrate in Lebowa and KwaNdebele

homelands. In 1988 he was elected into the former KwaNdebele Homeland Government.

Those in the know say Mbeki was looking to speak to, and appoint MJ

Mahlangu, Mninawa Johannes not Ndaweni Johannes. You see the “right” Mahlangu,

who at the time of publishing was Chairman of the National Council of Provinces,

the upper house of parliament, who although also has a history of serving in the

homeland government of Lebowa, changed his political colours before the new South

Africa, becoming a leading figure in the opposition politics of the Lebowa administration

before joining the ANC upon its unbanning.

Whether this rumour is malicious or the truth is beside the point. One thing

clear though is Ndaweni Mahlangu, the man who replaced a distinguished if overzealous

Matthews Phosa as Premier of Mpumalanga, was to become South Africa’s idea of

Inspector Clouseau of Peter Sellers’ Pink Panther fame. Mahlangu had a fair number

of embarrassing moments, but none stands out as his statement that “it is ok for

politicians to lie” citing former US President Bill Clinton as an example of a politician

who lied and survived.

Mahlangu, it seems could do nothing right. He was very unpresentable. He

was inarticulate. If media reports are anything to go by, he was not a good politician

or leader either. But Mahlangu – in spite of the fact that the president realised much

earlier that he was the “wrong” Mahlangu, or at least, he was not what the president

thought he was – kept his job for a full 5-year term.

But so did the late former Minister of Public Works Stella Sigcau who

presided over one of the most important ministries in the quest to create employment,

but failed dismally. Sigcau, to Mbeki’s defence, was appointed first by Mandela in

the inaugural cabinet of the new South Africa.

Pundits say, like other appointments of former National Party stalwarts,

Sigcau despite her homeland background and allegations that she had received bribes

from Sol Kerzner, was politically important for the ANC to retain its influence in the

Eastern Cape from where she hailed. She also was of the Xhosa royal family and the

ANC we are told used her to appease the blue-blooded folk.

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If Mahlangu and Sigcau were the political albatross on which Mbeki hung

his proverbial neck, then friend and Minister of Health Manto Tshabalala-Msimang

has to rank as the joker in the pack of Mbeki’s cards of trickery. The litany of her

indiscretions, utterances, unbecoming behaviour and questionable past is littered in

the media and yet, not only did Mbeki keep her in office for two full terms as Minister

of Health, but he turned a blind eye and deaf ear to all criticism of her. Tshabalala-

Msimang has been reported to have supported controversial and obscure cures for

HIV and Aids. The Sunday Times in 2007 revealed that she was both a drunk and a

thief. She did not deny this. Neither did Mbeki. Instead, she sued the Sunday Times

for obtaining privileged information illegally. From the office of the president, well,

it was deafening silence. No, in fact, the president’s henchman and former best man,

Minister in the Office of the President Essop Pahad, suggested that government should

stop advertising in the Sunday Times.

Sometime in mid-March 2008, at the height of his campaign for presidential

nomination contest between against former US First Lady Hillary Clinton, Senator

Barrack Obama was served what could have easily become a death knell to his

campaign.

In a controversial much quoted sermon, Obama’s spiritual leader and pastor

for more than two decades Reverend Jeremiah Wright damned America and told his

congregation that the United States had brought on al Qaeda's attacks because of its

own terrorism.

Said Wright:

"We bombed Hiroshima, we bombed Nagasaki, and we nuked far more thanthe thousands in New York and the Pentagon, and we never batted an eye,"Rev. Wright said in a sermon on Sept. 16, 2001.

"We have supported state terrorism against the Palestinians and black SouthAfricans, and now we are indignant because the stuff we have done overseasis now brought right back to our own front yards. America's chickens arecoming home to roost."

This was cannon fodder for Clinton and other people who wanted to stop

the Obama juggernaut. This should have been the end of Obama. But the young

statesman that he is, Obama did not ignore the matter, did not defend his pastor and

friend, did not attack those who attacked him for his association with Wright. Instead,

he rose above everyone else and said:

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"I categorically denounce any statement that disparages our great countryor serves to divide us from our allies," Obama said in his blog posting. "Ialso believe that words that degrade individuals have no place in our publicdialogue, whether it's on the campaign stump or in the pulpit. In sum, I rejectoutright the statements by Reverend Wright that are at issue."

The rest is history. The controversy died a natural death, in spite of how

much the Clinton campaign and the media tried to use it against him – repeating the

fact that Obama’s children still attended Wright’s church. In fact, on June 3, 2008,

Obama all but won the Democratic Nomination and became the first black to lead a

major party in US Presidential elections.

Writing in the New Yorker, on March 4, 2007, in an article titled “Politics

Means Sometimes Having to Say You’re Sorry” Patrick Healy takes a swipe at

Hillary Clinton for refusing to apologise for her 2002 vote authorising military action

in Iraq, instead choosing to “artfully” turn around her supposed apology to “generate

sympathy for herself”.

Mbeki cannot be held responsible for the faux pas of his ministers, premiers

and friends that have embarrassed him. But he is responsible for restoring the confidence

of the nation if actions and utterances of his appointees can lead to controversy.

Sometimes, all he needed to do is distance himself from their utterances, denounce

them or at least apologise for “the inconvenience this may have caused”.

PUBLIC RELATIONS NOT ACCORDING TO THABO MBEKI

1. Public relations, like politics, means sometimes having to say you are sorry.

2. In the event of controversies or outrage, set the record straight sooner rather

than later

3. Do not protect people that mess up with your administration, work or legacy

4. Past mistakes do not disappear, unless you take responsibility

5. Everything comes to pass, but not if you do not deal with it

6. If you bury your head in the sand, you put your ass in the air

7. And when you show sensitivity to criticism, you seem to always attract it.

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26

Chapter Seven

IF IT AIN’T BROKE, BREAK IT

“Ordinarily he was insane, but he had lucid moments when he was merely stupid.”- Heinrich Heine, German critic & poet (1797 - 1856)

Writing in his electronic newsletter’s The Buzz Bin, in an article titled “Is

Hillary Making Gore’s Mistake communications specialist Geoff Livingston, wrote

this about 2008 American presidential hopeful, Hillary Clinton:

Presidential elections feature the very best in PR strategy. This one hasalready seen some brilliant maneuvers, most notably by the (Barrack) Obamacamp, but also by (Hillary) Clinton and McCain. But lately Hillary’scampaign suffers from a negative Rovian attack style criticism strategy, anda certain resolve to separate herself from hubby Bill Clinton, a mistake thatAl Gore made.

See, Obama is masterful at deflecting and combating these types of attacks.He has his eye (or at least his messaging) on the country’s future andprosperity. Notice that in his defense Obama brings it back to the economy.Obama rarely waivers from his focus, which is leading the country throughreform towards a reinvigorated country.

This negative attack style hurts Hillary. It reinforces her image as a coldperson, and also reminds America of the current administration’s prolificattack style, which was a successful at first, but is now despised.

More importantly, Hillary seems bent on separating herself from Bill, insistingon demonstrating her own values as a leader. I agree that she must be herown person, but it’s a mistake to separate herself from Clinton. Aside fromthe fidelity issue, his administration has a legacy of economic prosperity,relative world peace and generally good government.

Al Gore made the same mistake in 2000. He separated himself from theClinton administration, insisting on painting his run as a different effort.Unfortunately, his personality could not carry the day.

Ironically, George Bush (the first) won his 1988 election by doing theopposite. His campaign was a promise to extend the good times andRepublican leadership established under Ronald Reagan.

Hillary must be kidding herself if she wants America to believe that BillClinton and associated colleagues won’t have an influential role in heradministration. Instead of focusing on her individual capability and attacks,some of her messaging should remind Americans of the 90s. Specifically,messaging should invoke the economic prosperity and peace this countryenjoyed during the first Clinton administration.

In the context of this book, just replace the names Hillary Clinton and Gore

with Mbeki. And then put the name Nelson Mandela every time you see Bill Clinton.

From day one when he was elected president of the ANC in 1997, Mbeki has sought

very hard to prove that he is not Mandela. Nothing wrong with that. After all Mandela

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was not a snazzy dresser. Those who are politically astute say that he was not a great

politician either. In fact, Mandela has repeatedly endorsed Mbeki reminding everyone

who cared to hear that Mbeki was the best president South Africa ever had.

But Mandela had achieved some great PR kudos in his brief time in office.

Notably, he managed to foster reconciliation among and between black and white

South Africans when only two years before ascending to power, South Africa had

become a powder keg with violence and hatred everywhere you turned. Mandela had

literally hugged white people and dipped his hand into their pockets. He gave them

reconciliation in return of their money for development. That’s PR if you asked me.

Mandela stepped down from office voluntarily after only one term, the only post-

liberation African leader in history to do so. This was despite the fact that he had

carved himself a place in history as one of the 10 greatest leaders of our time in the

league of Mahatma Ghandi and Winston Churchill. He could have stayed on and

nobody would have questioned it. Mandela won the PR war over any doomsayers

and adversaries.

Mbeki on the other hand, became his biggest PR nightmare in a short space

of time. He wanted to appoint everyone into office, politicians and senior civil servants

alike. And by extension, became the all-powerful. He ran a campaign of highlighting

racism at every opportunity, thus reversing the (superficial) gains Mandela had made.

He hated criticism. He refused debate. He never admitted his mistakes. He became

Mister-Know-It-All. And just in the twilight of his rule, he tried to retain party

leadership against popular support and advice.

Is this reality or just my perception? Well, therein lies the trick about public

relations. It is about perception management. For all I know, Mbeki may be the

greatest democrat ever born among us. He may very well have proved himself to be

the best political manager of our times. No doubt, looking at his history and his

education, he sure is a non-racialist of note. But the problem is that the perceptions

held about him were a complete opposite of what he probably was.

Let’s take this further. What if Nelson Mandela was the worst racist among

us? What if he was a real power monger? A communist? A sexist? A control freak?

Well, we do not know. We won’t know. What we know is that when he was in public

office, he fostered relations that left a positive impression about him.

Before you accuse me of advocating lies, let me make this abundantly clear:

good PR is not about lying. It is not about concealing what you feel. In fact, PR is

about nothing but the truth.

But PR is about accepting what works even if it is not your preference or style. Good

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PR is not going against the grain just to show you are “your own man”. Good PR is

about maximising on what works for most, not just for you. Good PR is also knowing

when to back off. To shut up. To ignore. To smile and say “it is ok”.

Better flatter a fool than fight him. I suppose this English saying is easier

said than done. It actually takes a big man to do this. In our everyday lives, we get

governed by ego and do not allow ourselves to function outside our egos. Only a few

leaders have been known to do that and more often than not, they are remembered

fondly: Ghandi, Mandela and Mikhail Gorbachev, to mention just a few.

It would appear that Mbeki got into office with pretty much preconceived

ideas about Mandela’s legacy, especially where he thinks he failed dismally: in the

area of transformation and race relations. And he sought to correct that.

But in doing so, he picked a fight with racists and started to look like them.

He forgot a great lesson from another adage: Never argue with a fool, people may

not know the difference.

PUBLIC RELATIONS NOT ACCORDING TO THABO MBEKI

1. The best lesson of PR is to spend more time on what works than to focus on

what does not work

2. Do not change things for the sake of change

3. If it is for a specific moment and reason, embrace change

4. If the opposing view wins the argument, avoid name-calling

5. If you hold a view, express it unequivocally

6. If you ask others to represent your view, make sure they can carry themselves

with respect

7. If you change your mind, don’t go into a shell. Say so.

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30

Chapter Eight

THE ENEMY OF MY ENEMY IS MY FRIEND

“If the facts don't fit the theory, change the facts.”- Albert Einstein US (German-born) physicist (1879 - 1955)

Under the Presidency of Thabo Mbeki, South Africa simply lost the moralhigh ground that we had attained under Nelson Mandela. Filled with his theories ofself-determination, Mbeki sought to ignore or even change facts about the world welived in, if only to fit his theories.

And it was on the world stage that he had to demonstrate his moral ineptitude.

In an article titled “South Africa isn't bringing its moral weight to diplomaticdeliberations” published on March 3, 2007, by the International Herald Tribune,Michael Wines wrote:

After just three months as one of the Security Council's nonpermanentmembers, South Africa is mired in controversy over what could be its greatstrength: the moral weight it can bring to diplomatic deliberations.

In January, South Africa surprised many, and outraged some, when it votedagainst allowing the Security Council to consider a relatively mild resolutionon human rights issues in Myanmar, whose government is widely seen asone of the most repressive on earth

Last week, the government again angered human rights advocates when itsaid it would oppose a request to brief the Security Council on the deterioratingsituation in Zimbabwe, where the government is pursuing a violent crackdownon its only political opposition. South Africa later changed its stance, butonly after dismissing the briefing as a minor event that did not belong onthe Security Council's agenda.

In trying to find possible reasons why South Africa under Mbeki is takingsuch morally irreprehensible positions, Wines continues:

Seasoned scholars might and do differ, but to many analysts here the realquestion is why, given its standing as a beacon of human rights, South Africahas taken theses positions at all. Perhaps nobody outside of Pretoria knows,but there are plenty of theories.One, advanced by a committed advocate of Myanmar's freedom, is that SouthAfrica is feathering its strategic relationship with China, which largelycontrols Myanmar, supports Zimbabwe's authoritarian regime and hasassiduously courted President Thabo Mbeki. China has big investments, adecent-sized immigrant population and great ambitions in South Africa.

Another is that South Africa is playing the role of bad boy on the SecurityCouncil to underscore its demand that the council be overhauled to reflectnew global realities. South Africa and many other developing nations deeplyresent the great powers' veto over major UN actions, often against roguedeveloping states like Zimbabwe and North Korea. They want the emergingsouthern hemisphere to have more sway in the body's policies and actions

South Africa’s deputy foreign affairs minister Aziz Pahad defended thestance saying that South Africa “was deeply concerned about the situation in Myanmar”but adding that South Africa’s vote against resolution (to condemn the government

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of Myanmar) was “technical”.

Pahad added rather cynically that Myanmar did not pose a threat to internationalpeace and security and was a matter best left to the United Nations Human RightsCouncil.

You have to have seen Pahad speak publicly to know that anything he sayscan be mistaken for a joke. He has a squeaky voice. He has some of the most ludicroussound bites and his comments on Myanmar, if it was not tragic, and uttered by agovernment official, it could easily have been transposed to a comedy stage show bygreat actors like Americans Chris Rock or Chris Tucker.

It is therefore befitting that former head of the South African Anglican church,Nobel Peace Prize laureate Archbishop Desmond Tutu responded thus:

I am deeply disappointed by our vote. It is a betrayal of our own noble past.Many in the international community can hardly believe it. It is inexplicable.

If others had used the arguments we are using today when we asked themfor their support against apartheid, we might still have been unfree.There is no doubting that Mbeki’s presidency was characterised by the need

to assert South Africa’s, Africa’s and indeed the developing world’s independencefrom the tyranny of the West. Mbeki’s signature, right from the day he assumed office,wanted to put Africa on the map and make sure that the continent assumed its rightfulplace in the dinner table of world politics.

And there is no doubting that he did well in this score. The world, throughthe United Nations started taking Africa more seriously since Mbeki and his otherAfrican peers formed the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad). Mbekiand his peers would be invited to forums like the G8 where historically Africa wouldbe discussed, but not necessarily invited. South Africa’s assumption of the UN SecurityCouncil’s chairmanship was a further feather on his cap.

But the positions that South Africa has since taken against the grain of world morality,beggar belief.

In his world acclaimed book The 7 Habits of Highly Effective People,leadership guru Stephen R Covey structures his seven habits into three levels or stageof human development: "dependence, independence, interdependence." The uneducatedor immature human being is dependent of his surroundings, inculcated ideas andnatural surroundings. Independence corresponds to the human being standing on hisfeet and fending on his own. Interdependence is when the abled human being iscapable to interact positively with his fellow human beings.

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PUBLIC RELATIONS NOT ACCORDING TO THABO MBEKI

1. In public relations, like in leadership, your own surroundings and ideas cannotstand alone.

2. Being independent, does not mean ignoring popular views and sentiment

3. He may never have been branded as a PR guru but Jesus Christ left us a greatlesson when he said: “Do unto others as you would love them to do unto you.”

4. The practice of public relations requires to the wisdom to make tougher choices. Your ideas and ideals alone are not enough

5. When caught between a rock and a hard place, choose neither. State the prosand cons and broaden the debate

6. Small town heroes don’t last in PR. It is better to support a popular idea thatyou do not agree with and try and influence from inside, than to support anunpopular idea just to prove a point

Often times, your success depends on the networks you build more than just what youknow or believe.

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34

Chapter Nine

IF YOU CAN’T BEAT THEM, FRAME THEM

“I am free of all prejudices. I hate everyone equally.”- W. C. Fields, US juggler, comedian and actor (1880 – 1946)

Paranoid! In reading a few opinions about Thabo Mbeki, I bumped into this word at

least 30 times before I terminated the search.

I do not know what motivated some of the commentators to use this word repeatedly

to describe him, but what I know is that one thing stands out about him: he has a very

thin skin. By definition, this may mean he is paranoid. It may mean that he sees

enemies where there are none. He is always looking over his shoulder. And shadows

scare the living daylights out of him.

But one incident has to stand out as the most vivid display of paranoia. Technically,

Mbeki can defend himself and claim that he had nothing to do with it and should

therefore not be blamed for it. But that argument would be hard to sell even to the

most trusting of his fans.

In April 2001, barely two years after he became President of South Africa, and just

less than three years since becoming party boss of the ruling African National Congress,

South Africa woke up to one of the most shocking stories since independence: that

three top ANC politicians were plotting to overthrow Mbeki.

Appearing under the headline “Ramaphosa, Sexwale named in anti-Mbeki

plot” the story published by Independent Newspapers on April 24, 2001 read:

Safety and Security Minister Steve Tshwete has named three senior membersof the African National Congress who are being investigated in connectionwith an alleged plot to oust President Thabo Mbeki.

They are former Mpumalanga premier Mathews Phosa, former Gautengpremier Tokyo Sexwale and former ANC secretary-general Cyril Ramaphosa.

They were being investigated by a top-level team, Tshwete told the SABC onTuesday night.

"The department (of safety and security) has an interest in the matter becausethe allegations involve the head of state," said Tshwete.

The allegations were brought to the attention of the ministry by formerMpumalanga ANC Youth League leader James Nkambule, who himself wasinvestigated for fraud.

Tshwete said Nkambule's allegations would not be dismissed because "hewas pretty close to some of the leaders (alleged to be behind the plot)".

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Tshwete said among the allegations was that a disinformation campaignwas being waged against Mbeki.

This included a claim that "(Mbeki) was behind the death of South AfricanCommunist Party leader Chris Hani".

Security around Mbeki had been increased, said Tshwete.

One would have expected Mbeki to summarily dismiss this matter as ridiculous

and bringing the party and country into disrepute, not least because it was not true

(as proved years later) but also because the source of the story – Nkambule – did not

smell of roses himself.

Instead, asked on an e.tv interview to comment on the reports of the possible

plots, Mbeki said: "This is not a problem."

He said the report of the plot was about people having “natural ambitions.

Some people want to be president of South Africa”.

He also went on that although it was fine for people to have ambitions he

had qualms with “the manner in which people pursue their ambitions", meaning that

he believed the reports of the plot.

These comments left the suspicion that he believed the reports and possibly

fuelled them. But suspicion was confirmed in the next comments on the same interview

where he accused the media and business for being behind the plot.

"It's a conspiratorial thing. I know you have business people who say: 'Wewill set up a fund to promote our particular candidate and we will then tryto influence particular journalists.

"If there is any talk of plotting, those who have the information must comeout openly, publicly and say: 'This is what we know about the plotting. Thisis who is involved', and so on. It is better.”

It is no secret that Phosa, Sexwale and Ramaphosa had presidential ambitions.

Phosa stood against Zuma for the deputy presidency of the ANC leading to the 1997

party conference only to step down weeks before, after being lobbied by party elders

that standing against Zuma was divisive. Sexwale has never minced his words about

whether he has the qualities to lead South Africa. And of course, it is common

knowledge that Nelson Mandela favoured Ramaphosa as his deputy in his first Cabinet,

but was seduced out of it by advisors, putting Mbeki’s name ahead of that of Ramaphosa.

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Had Mandela got his way then, clearly Ramaphosa would have been his heir-

apparent to take over when Mandela stepped down.

The truth about this plot is still unknown. A man known as Vladimir D

Solomon, who also goes by the pseudonym Bheki Jacobs was arrested and later

released in relations to the plot. He later unsuccessfully sued the government for R10-

million for wrongful arrest. Tshwete died almost a year later to the day, going to the

grave with the “truth”. Mbeki has never spoken about it again. About Nkambule, well,

firstly he quit the ANC in 2005. And then he made a half-hearted retraction insinuating

that he was duped by “some people” to make the allegation about the plot against

Mbeki. He has since disappeared from the political landscape.

At the time of publishing this book, the reputations of the alleged plotters

were not only restored, but all three of them were elected into the National Executive

Council of the ANC at the conference that ousted Mbeki as party leader in December

2007. Sexwale even ran briefly against Mbeki and party deputy leader Jacob Zuma,

before withdrawing his candidacy and throwing his wait – and money allegedly –

behind Zuma. Ramaphosa remains a dark horse to run for presidency of the country

in 2009, and Phosa is running the coffers of the ANC.

US Civil Rights Leader Martin Luther King Junior once said: “The ultimate

measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort and convenience,

but where he stands at times of challenge and controversy.”

Outside HIV and Aids, Zimbabwe and perhaps crime, this story resembled

one of the most controversial events during Mbeki’s presidency. But when he

should have been a true leader and taken the moral high ground, he exploited

the farce and played in the hands of those behind this plot.

It is no secret that the Ramaphosa, Sexwale and Phosa trio never had

political ambitions – in fact, as stated already, at least Ramaphosa and Phosa

contested for the second most powerful seat at some point or another. But to

dignify smear campaigns against them is unbecoming of a good leader. It sends

a poor message of either having a hand in the allegations or endorsing the smear

campaign. It points towards someone paranoid.

Former British Prime Minister Winston Churchill captured this sentiment

better when he said: “The truth is incontrovertible, malice may attack it, ignorance

may deride it; but in the end, there it is!”

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PUBLIC RELATIONS NOT ACCORDING TO THABO MBEKI

1. Rise above petty politics. Do not associate with lies and malice

2. Retain a level of honour even when dealing with opponents

3. Disassociate yourself from underhanded actions and things that smack of

conspiracies or smear campaign

4. Do not allow your name to be used in what seems like a faction-fight or

power struggle

5. If you suspect there is a semblance of foul play, do your homework before

making public statements that make an ass of you

Your first duty is to instil confidence in your leadership, rather than attack phantom

enemies.

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39

Chapter Ten

CRISIS, WHAT CRISIS?

“Whom the gods would destroy, they first make mad.”– Euripides, Greek dramatist (484 BC – 406 BC)

Let’s face it, being an unpopular leader is a curse, especially when there was

a time when everybody sang in chorus every thing that you ever said. The last two

years of Thabo Mbeki in office can be described as that of crisis. He was fighting one

fire after another, and unfortunately he found himself functioning in the crisis mode

day after day, after day.

Let’s go through some of the crises that Mbeki was faced with. It is important

to note that the learned leader would never have agreed that these were crises. But if

they were not crises, one thing is for sure, Mbeki’s response to these was crisis

personified.

Jackie Selebi

When things are not going well for you, the last thing you want are friends

that dig you deeper in pooh when they should offer support. With friends like his

Commissioner of Police, Jackie Selebi, poor Mbeki did not need enemies.

There are lighter moments and quotations from Selebi that are worth noting,

although not critical. In 2007 he was quoted as saying: “What’s this fuss about crime?”

This comment was more intriguing not only because the crime problem in South

Africa was common knowledge, but more so because Selebi said these words on the

week the chief denialist himself, Mbeki, acknowledged rather begrudgingly that South

Africa had a crime problem.

In the same year, the Big Cop suggested that for the FIFA 2010 Soccer World

Cup, South Africa must legalise prostitution and public drinking, I suppose to be

hospitable to the nations that will be visiting us during this spectacle.

But it was not a joke when Selebi admitted to a friendship with Glenn Agliotti,

a known contraband criminal linked to the murder of another rogue businessman Brett

Kebble. Selebi claimed he did not know about his buddy’s unsociable behaviour. The

media revealed reams and reams of evidence that Selebi and Agliotti were good

buddies and even showed that Selebi was involved in blocking Agliotti’s arrest.

Selebi rubbished the media reports, refused to leave office and Mbeki, not

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he went further to say that no one had brought any complaint to him about Selebi.

In 2008, after virtually firing the Chief Prosecutor Vusi Pikoli for issuing a

warrant of arrest against Selebi, Mbeki appointed a commission to, strangely, investigate

whether Pikoli was fit for office. It was at this commission that it was revealed that

Pikoli had informed Mbeki enough times about Selebi and there was more than enough

documentary proof to substantiate this.

The President lied.

Nozizwe Madlala-Routledge

Typical of vintage Mbeki, in 2004 when he set up his second Cabinet, he

thrust into positions some unknown figures into positions of ministers and deputy

ministers. Although she had served as deputy minister of defence for five years between

1999 and 2004, Nozizwe Madlala-Routledge could not be referred to as a household

name in national politics when Mbeki made her deputy minister of health, second-

in-charge to mistake-prone Manto Tshabalala-Msimang.

Little did Mbeki know that the KwaZulu-Natal-born communist had her own

agenda. Unlike most Mbeki appointees, Madlala-Routledge either motivated by the

fact that she knew Mbeki is yesterday’s leader and holds no sway over her future, or

simply acting out of character, started becoming a thorn in the flesh of both the

president and his unlikeable minister of health.

No sooner had she come into office did she start making friends with “enemies

of the state” especially the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC), which for years had

been a thorn under Mbeki’s flesh over his poor Aids policies and the rolling out of

antiretroviral treatment. Under Mbeki, the TAC had become persona non grata and

it was not kosher for any appointee of Mbeki’s to side with them. Madlala-Routledge

went on further to take a public Aids test and urged other leaders (read Mbeki) to

follow suit. She was treading on thin ice.

But Madlala-Routledge took a thunderous slip on ice when in 2007, responding

to media reports on Frere Hospital in the Eastern Cape, described the situation as a

national emergency. You see, the Daily Despatch had investigated and published a

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damning story about alarming stillborn birth rate at the hospital. Breaking mould with

the response mode of Mbeki and his lackeys, Madlala-Routledge flew immediately

to the hospital and acknowledged there was a problem. Mbeki was miffed.

But the Big Chief waited for an opportune time to fire the deputy minister.

Realising that firing her for the Frere matter would be too soft, Mbeki aborted Madlala-

Routledge’s International Aids Vaccine Initiative in Spain, by not approving her

memorandum to travel. Curiously, Mbeki’s letter only reached her after landing in

Madrid. Thinking that she was being diligent, she flew back immediately. But the

horse had bolted. Not only was she fired for – well, the President does not give reasons

for firing anyone – she was also instructed to pay back all the fees incurred in taking

the trip with her son.

This is made more interesting by the fact that only 18 months earlier, Mbeki’s

replacement Deputy President, Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka reportedly used the South

African Air force's Falcon 900 jet at a cost of between R400 000 and R700 000 for

a "holiday" to the United Arab Emirates.

Although she later claimed she was working – inspecting cranes in Abu

Dhabi, the controversy about whom she travelled with and what benefit the country

derived from this remained unsolved.

Agree with the president then you can have a holiday with family and friends at the

state’s expense, but disagree, you will be made to pay for going to a work related

jaunt.

The ANC

Somebody once said that Thabo Mbeki will leave behind three legacies:

1. He re-racialised a country Nelson Mandela had deracialised

2. He fired working public servants and preserved those that brought shame to

the country and his government

3. He found a united ANC and left it fragmented at the end of his tenure

I could go on and mention the suspension of Pikoli, chief state prosecutor,

the decision to swim against the tide and challenge Jacob Zuma for the presidency

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Mandela had this to say:

"One temptation of a leader elected unopposed is that he may use that powerful position to settle scores with his detractors, marginalise them andin certain cases get rid of them and surround himself with yes men and women," he said.

"Nobody understands that principle better than my comrade, president ThaboMbeki. I have not the slightest doubt he is not the man who is going to sidelineanybody.”

Madiba, being a statesman that he is, will not admit publicly that he was wrong about Mbeki, or that he was sending a veiled message to his successorwhen he made that speech.

PUBLIC RELATIONS NOT ACCORDING TO THABO MBEKI

1. If your associates are messing up with your good name or good work – get

rid of them (ask Barrack Obama)

2. If you do not want to answer questions, keep quiet, but for god’s sake DO

NOT LIE

3. If you have to fire someone you do not like, do it in style, especially if

that person is likely to attract public sympathy

4. Do not wag the dog. Don’t blame one person for the sins of others. Worse

still, don’t blame others for your sins

5. If there is a dirty job to be done, do it yourself, do not send third parties

6. Last and most importantly: TAKE ADVICE

And if all else fails, QUIT

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