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SCRIPTA CLASSICA. RADU ARDEVAN SEXAGENARIO DEDICATA

BOOK EDITED WITH THE FINANCIAL SUPPORT OF THE ROMANIAN NATIONAL AUTHORITY FOR SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH

(ANCS)

“BABEŞ-BOLYAI” UNIVERSITY, CLUJ-NAPOCA DEPARTMENT OF ANCIENT HISTORY AND ARCHAEOLOGY

CENTRE FOR ROMAN STUDIES

SCRIPTA CLASSICA. RADU ARDEVAN SEXAGENARIO DEDICATA

Editors:

ioan Piso

Viorica rusu-Bolindeţ

rada Varga

silVia Mustaţă

EugEnia BEu-dachin

Ligia ruscu

MEGA PUBLISHING HOUSECLUJ-NAPOCA

2011

Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naţionale a României

SCRIPTA CLASSICA : Radu Ardevan sexagenario dedicata /editors : Ioan Piso, Viorica Rusu-Bolindeț, Rada Varga, ... – Cluj-Napoca : Mega, 2011.

ISBN 978-606-543-196-6.

I. Piso, Ioan (ed.)II. Rusu-Bolindeț, Viorica (ed.)III. Varga, Rada (ed.)

082.2 (Ardevan, R.)902 (498) (082)904 (498) (082)

COPYRIGHT: © 2011, MEGA PUBLISHING HOUSE & THE AUTHORS OF THE ARTICLES

DTP: Andreea MacaveiCover: Romeo Cîrjan

Plates and figures: Silvia Mustaţă

MEGA PUBLISHING HOUSECluj-Napoca

e-mail: [email protected]

CONTENTS

Ioan PISO Laurum lauro digno . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .11

Livio ZERBINI Amicitiae memor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .13

Tabula gratulatoria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .15

List of publications of Radu Ardevan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .17

Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .25

ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES

Giulia BARATTA Il paradosso di Eutropos: sull’iconografia di ICVR VI 17225 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .31

Vitalie BÂRCĂ “Sarmatian” bronze cauldrons in the Sarmatian environment between Don River and the Carpathians . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .41

Corneliu BELDIMAN, Diana-Maria SZTANCS, Ioan Carol OPRIŞ Data about the antler objects from Capidava . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .51

Dorel BONDOC Bust representations in bronze of the god Mercurius at the Lower Danube . . . . . . . . .71

George BOUNEGRU Roman cemeteries from Apulum. Demarcation and chronology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .79

Ana CĂTINAŞ Représentations de la scène du festin funéraire sur les monuments de Potaissa . . . . . . .89

Daniela CIUGUDEAN “Ringschnallencingulum”-type belts from Apulum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .99

Dan ELEFTERESCU A mould for casting ornamental bronze buttons discovered at Durostorum (Ostrov) . . . .115

Florin FODOREAN Landscapes of Roman Dacia. Potaissa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .121

Constanze HÖPKEN, Szilamér Péter PÁNCZÉL Verzierte Importgläser aus Porolissum. Neufunde aus Gebäude C3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .135

Silvia MUSTAŢĂ A Roman panther–shaped bronze vessel handle from Porolissum (Moigrad, Sălaj County, Romania) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .141

George NUŢU, Mihaela IACOB, Natalia MIDVICHI Two enamelled finds from Troesmis (Moesia Inferior) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .151

Radu OTA From Beauty to Wisdom: votive statues of Venus, Minerva and an unidentified Goddess from Apulum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .159

Mariana PÎSLARU Wasters from Roman pottery workshops at Potaissa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .167

C. Sebastian SOMMER Abusina–Eining an der Donau – archäologische Quelle, römische Ruine, denkmalpflegerisches Problem, Ort der Vermittlung? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .183

EPIGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL STUDIES

Alexandru AVRAM Marginalien zu griechisch beschrifteten Schleudergeschossen (I) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .195

Carmen FENECHIU Narrating Dreams in the Annals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .201

Marc MAYER I OLIVÉ Sobre Tácito, Historias, 1, 24, y la posible remuneración de los pretorianos en el reinado de Galba . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .207

Géza ALFÖLDY Ein gallischer Adliger in Aquincum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .211

Mihai BĂRBULESCU History of epigraphic research regarding Potaissa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .221

Doina BENEA Einige Bemerkungen zu den Militärkonflikten mit den freien Dakern und den jazygischen Sarmaten zur Zeit des Commodus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .231

Romeo CÎRJAN Le statut juridique de Potaissa sous Septime Sévère et Caracalla . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .239

George CUPCEA Veteran settlement and Colonia Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .247

Monica DRAGOSTIN Les tribus romaines en Dacie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .257

Alexandru DUDĂU Les communautés rurales de la Dacie romaine et leurs génies. Quelques inscriptions de Aquae et Micia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .267

Sara FACCINI Le iscrizioni a carattere religioso presso i campi d’ala della Dacia Porolissensis . . . . . . . .275

Gian Luca GREGORI A proposito dei due tribunati militari del senatore bresciano Marco Nonio Macrino . . . .283

Manfred HAINZMANN Anmerkungen zur Mars–Latobius–Widmung (CIL III 5320 und 11721) aus Flavia Solva . .289

Felix MARCU Spes in Deo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .299

Florian MATEI-POPESCU A Greek inscription from Tomis (MNA l 419) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .307

Bogdan MUSCALU L. Caesennius Sospes, an “amicus Domitiani”? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .311

Ioan PISO Note sur cinq bornes milliaires de Dacie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .321

Dumitru PROTASE Fragmente zweier römischer Militärdiplome aus Dacia Porolissensis . . . . . . . . . . . . .331

Coriolan Horaţiu OPREANU The building inscription of the fort at Boroşneul Mare (Covasna County) . . . . . . . . . .339

Ligia RUSCU About T. Flavius Valentinus of Oescus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .345

Antonio SARTORI Vacuum loquitur . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .351

Mihai SĂSĂRMAN Eine neue Grabinschrift aus Potaissa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .361

Atalia ŞTEFĂNESCU-ONIŢIU Social relations of the soldiers in Roman Dacia (I). Heirs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .365

Ovidiu ŢENTEA Some remarks on Palmyreni Sagittarii. On the first records of Palmyrenes within the Roman army . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .371

Rada VARGA Cives Romani Latinive cives? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .379

Javier VELAZA Signum argenteum cum bomo: los problemas de un hápax epigráfico . . . . . . . . . . . . .387

Ekkehard WEBER Epigraphische Höflichkeit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .393

Livio ZERBINI Una panoramica sulle città romane della Dacia e del bacino danubiano . . . . . . . . . . .403

Lietta DE SALVO Costantinopoli città sovrana nella visione di Temistio . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .411

Nelu ZUGRAVU La diarchia dei fratelli nella tarda antichità: modelli mitici e storici: i diarchi valentiniani . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .419

Juan Ramón CARBÓ GARCÍA «Per arma Getis». La inscripción del Gran Maestre Jean de La Valette en Malta y la identificación entre turcos y getas en el siglo XVI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .425

Irina NEMETI, Sorin NEMETI In ecclesia pro ara. On Roman “wandering stones” from Romanian churches . . . . . . . .435

NUMISMATIC STUDIES

Andreea DRĂGAN Monetary circulation in urban and rural contexts of Roman Dacia in the 3rd century AD. General and specific patterns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .447

Cristian GĂZDAC, Corneliu GAIU, Ágnes ALFÖLDY-GĂZDAC Die Fallstricke der numismatischen Zeugnisse. Das Auxiliarkastell von Arcobadara (Ilişua, Kreis Bistriţa-Năsăud, Rumänien) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .459

Constantin INEL Coins within the funerary context of the Roman necropolis from Apulum “Stadion” . . . .465

Virgil MIHAILESCU-BÎRLIBA New data concerning the hoard of Roman denarii from Buda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .475

Mihai MUNTEANU A study on CONSECRATIO coins issued at middle of the 3rd century AD . . . . . . . . . .481

Emanoil PRIPON An aureus discovered at Jac (Sălaj County, Romania) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .491

SCRIPTA CLASSICA.Radu Ardevan sexagenario dedicata

Cluj-Napoca 2011▕ 447–458

MONETARY CIRCULATION IN URBAN AND RURAL CONTEXTS OF ROMAN DACIA

IN THE 3RD CENTURY AD. GENERAL AND SPECIFIC PATTERNS

Andreea DRĂGAN*

Abstract: The aim of this study is to identify how monetary circulation relates to administrative structures, juridical and economic site categories of the Roman Empire, respectively urban and rural sites and those involved in production and commercial activities, during the 3rd century AD, a period of important political and monetary changes for the area subject to this study. There were analyzed single coin finds from the above mentioned categories of sites from the Dacian provinces grouped on the following model: main settlement – rural hinterland / territorium. This type of investigation has led to the identification of monetary patterns determined by geographical proximity and similar economic functions, as a result of the existence of shared historical context and exchange possibilities. Finally, further remarks about the monetary pattern related to the abandonment of Dacia were possible.

Keywords: monetary circulation; urban and rural settlements; Dacian provinces; general and specific patterns.

1. Introduction

In the 3rd century AD a series of important political changes took place in the Roman Empire, marked by the alteration of the traditional system of imperial succession, along with the growing pressure of the barbarians on the borders. This reflected in the introduction of further monetary innovations and adjustments in response to the increasing importance of the military, and the need to satisfy its financial demands in order to ensure its support, as well as due to the general aggravation of the economic situation of the empire. The monetary alterations manifested through the successive debasement of the intrinsic value of the coins, which led eventually to the replacement of the silver denarii, and further monetary reforms later in the century. As a result of the growing need for bronze and silver coins in the militarized frontier provinces provincial mints were also allowed to function, while the unofficial but accepted practice of the so-called limesfalsa appeared1.

Dacia, i.e. the three Dacian provinces, as a highly militarized frontier province, with its troops participating in the decisive role that the Illyrian army had in the deposing and enthroning of emperors, was subject to these changes. Furthermore, due to its position it was often targeted * I wish to express my gratitude towards Dr. Cristian Găzdac for his helpful advice and, not the least, for providing me with

the map of the Danubian provinces used at the end of this paper. 1 For the situation of the limesfalsa issues and mints see Găzdac 2010, 101–102 (Pannonia), 150–151 (Dacia).

448▕ Andreea DRĂGAN

by barbarian attacks, which led eventually to the loss and later abandonment of Dacia during the reign of Aurelian, while the neighbouring Pannonia and Moesia continued to play a decisive role in the defence of the road to Italy. Additionally, Dacia experienced the minting of limesfalsa coins and the introduction of provincial bronze coins, especially of the Viminacium and PROVINCIA DACIA issues (Fig. I–III).

2. Aims and methodology

This paper wishes to apply the new directions in monetary circulation studies that focus on the identification of monetary particularities on a macro (imperial, provincial and regional) and micro (territoria, local) level2, and more recently within sites3. Generally, it will be observed whether the monetary circulation patterns comply with the administrative delimitations of the Roman Empire, within regional and provincial level. Particularly, there will be followed general and particular evolutions related to the economic involvement of the following site categories: urban and rural sites, respectively productive sites (having production and commercial activities); in order to determine the existence of a monetary (exchanges in money), mixed or/and non-monetary (exchanges in products) economy. Although the Pannonian provinces weren’t included in this study, some reference to the monetary circulation on its sites will be made, since this could better reflect the effects that the political changes of the 3rd century had upon the provincial structures from a monetary point of view and whether they are uniform or not.

To achieve such goal, emphasis was placed on the monetary relation between centres and their hinterland, within territorium, where this was determined, or based on proximity otherwise, and between settlements in general. Only civilian settlements were taken into consideration, although the military element wasn’t completely excluded, given that urban life was highly connected to it4.

Only single finds were included, as an expression of the coins in circulation and lost at one particular moment. Hoards and coins from funerary context as well as those from collections were excluded, since they are subject to selection, normally so that they contain a certain value, thus altering the image of the monetary circulation. In the selection of the sites, but also in the analysis of those included, the number of coins and the circumstances of discovery were taken into consideration. For the analysis the sites were grouped according to the following model: centre-rural/production sites, adapted in some cases to the available material. Based on the research level and function three groups were considered for Dacia, presented in Appendix 1 (Pl. I). Fifteen chronological sequences were set on the model applied by C. Găzdac for the area5, with adjustments meant to highlight some evolutions subject to this analysis, separating further the coins minted under Valerian I, and respectively Gallienus after his father’s death: 1. Trajan (98–117); 2. Hadrian (117–138); 3. Antoninus Pius (138–161); 4. Marcus Aurelius (161–180); 5. Commodus (180–193); 6. Septimius Severus – Macrinus (193–218); 7. Elagabalus – Maximinus I Thrax (218–238); 8. Gordian III – Balbinus (238–244); 9. Philip I (244–249); 10. Decius – Aemilianus (249–253); 11. Valerian I (253–260); 12. Gallienus and usurpers (260–268); 13. Claudius – Quintillus (268–275); 14. Probus – Numerianus (276–284); 15. Diocletian, Maximianus I (284–305).

For each chronological sequence the Indicator of finds/year (number of coins/number of the years of the period = IF/y) was determined. Because this is still related very much to quantity, and improper for a comparison between sites with different research levels, the IF/y of the first period with coin finds was set as a Reference Indicator to which each IF/y was divided in order to obtain a relative relation6. The result was called Monetary Frequency (MF) and its evolution Monetary Fluctuation (MFl), represented on the charts (see Charts I–III for groups defined for Dacia).

2 Reece 1987, 71–97 – sites from Britannia; Davies, Gregory 1991 – civitas Icenorum; Aarts 2000 – Dutch river area; Găzdac 2002 – area of Carnuntum and Vindobona.

3 Peter 1996 – Augst.4 Piso 2005a, 503–504.5 Găzdac 2010, 35–37.6 The method was used in Găzdac 2006.

Monetary circulation in urban and rural contexts of Roman Dacia in the 3rd century AD▕ 449

3. Discussion (Charts I–III)

According to the results, it could be observed that in the first half of the 3rd century AD there is a general positive evolution of the MFl beginning with the 6th period until the reign of Philip I (9) or Decius (10), with some more or less fluctuations in between these two moments. The monetary developments confirm the prosperity indicated for Dacia, the Moesian and Pannonian provinces under the Severan dynasty by other provincial evolutions, such as urbanisation and building activity7, but at a more moderate rate. It must be admitted that the marked rise of MF in the 6–7th periods, a pattern observed as well in the neighboring provinces, is not necessarily entirely connected to the provincial politics of the Severan imperial house. The low MF under the reign of Commodus (5) and the issue of plated denarii (limesfalsa) augmented the difference of money input compared to the previous period (5)8.

During the Severan emperors (6–7) no major difference between the monetary patterns of the sites stand out. Yet, beginning with the next period the productive sites, the only rural sites from Dacia suited for this analysis, experience a separate economic evolution manifested through difficulties in coin supply. This is first displayed in the interior of the province, at Micăsasa, where MFl declines beginning with the second decade of the century to be interrupted under Gordian III (8) (only one coin minted under Philip I), situation archaeologically confirmed by the dismantling of the ceramic kilns9. It can be assumed that the site was now confronted with a disruption of the market exchange relations. In the 9th period, coin circulation is interrupted at Gârla Mare as well, while at Orlea the MF is much lowered in the following periods. In the Danubian area this lack of coin supply is contemporary with the accentuated increase of the IF/y for the main sites. Competitive reasons can be inferred, leading to the marginalisation of the productive settlements with inferior status. It may be assumed that the same phenomenon can be applied for Micăsasa, without ruling out other reasons, respectively barbarian attacks and military activity10.

0

5

10

15

20

25

Filip I Tr. Gallus

Emperor

Coi

ns n

o.

Gordian III Decius

PROVINCIA DACIA

Viminacium

Roma

Fig. I. Ratio of PROVINCIA DACIA and Viminacium issues for Colonia Aurelia Apulensis.

The start of the Viminacium and PROVINCIA DACIA issues, from Gordian III (8), respectively Philip I (9) onwards11, brings further differentiation in coin circulation patterns in sites analysed for Dacia, especially under the latter emperor with the introduction of PROVINCIA DACIA issues. These coins dominate other mints of bronze in almost all sites(Fig. I–III). This is reflected in Colonia Aurelia

7 Mócsy 1974, 199–201.8 Găzdac 2010, 189–190.9 Mitrofan 1990.10 Găzdac, Alföldy-Găzdac 2008, 100–101.11 Ardevan 1992–1993; Găzdac 2010, 162.


Apulensis, Dierna and Sucidava in an accentuated rise of the MF, whilst some experience a more moderate increase. It has been said that these two monetary series follow particular geographical patterns determined by the existence of a targeted military medium that these coins are intended to supply, hence they should be connected in Dacia with the military efforts to fight back the Carpic invasions12. However, worth noting is the special case of Drobeta, where Viminacium issues are dominant (Fig. III), an evolution due rather to the geographical proximity to Viminacium.

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

Decius Tr. Gallus Gallienus

PROVINCIA DACIA

Viminacium

Roma

Filip IGordian III

Coi

ns n

o.

Emperor

Fig. II. Ratio of PROVINCIA DACIA and Viminacium issues for Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa.

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

Filip I Tr. Gallus

Coi

ns n

o.

Emperor Gordian III Decius

PROVINCIA DACIA

Viminacium

Fig. III. Ratio of PROVINCIA DACIA and Viminacium issues for Drobeta.

In the 10th period the particular MFl for Drobeta manifests further through an increased MF, reaching its peak in the second half of the 3rd century, whereas this has been characteristic for the other Dacian sites under Philip I (9). Although this is not characteristic for all Pannonian sites, the same situation is reflected at Carnuntum, Vindobona and Savaria (Fig. IV).

12 Găzdac, Alföldy-Găzdac 2008, 102–103.


0

2

4

6

8

10

12

14

16

18

20

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

CarnuntumVindobonaSavaria

Period

MF

Valu

e

Fig. IV. Monetary fluctuation for Pannonian sites of Carnuntum (colonia), Vindobona (municipium) and Savaria (colonia) (based on coins published in Găzdac 2010).

This particular development of the Danubian area is even more marked in the second half of the century when important political and military evolutions led to growing differentiations between sites and areas. The interior of Dacia is characterised by rare coin finds, or even absent, beginning with Valerian I (11) and Gallienus (12), and this seems to confirm the difficult situation of the province related by in sources, where Dacia appears as amissa, while at least part of its legionary troops are documented in Poetovio13. A massive attack is not supported by hoard distribution, except for a group of hoards around Apulum14. The precarious situation appears to be even more serious when it is considered that in 260–270 AD a great number of coins are minted at an imperial level and a general increase is recorded for the neighbouring Pannonia (Chart V). The interruption of coin supply mechanisms is confirmed as well by the monetary pattern of the other sites of Dacia Porolissensis and Apulensis, for military forts beginning even earlier, after Philip I (9)15.

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

14

16

18

20

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

Urban sitesRural sites

Period

MF

Valu

e

Fig. V. Monetary fluctuation of urban and rural sites from Pannonia (based on coins published in Găzdac 2010).

In the south of Dacia all urban / quasi-municipal sites comply with the monetary patterns from Pannonia and Noricum (Fig. VIII)16. Therefore, these sites are characterised by a lower MF under Valerian I (11), followed by an increase under Gallienus (12), explainable also by the great general input

13 Ruscu 2000, 265–272.14 Găzdac 2010, 144, map 9.15 Găzdac 1998.16 Kos 1986, 94, tab. 15, 100, tab. 17.


of money under this emperor, to reach the peak in the 13th period. Although MF decreases strongly in the 14th and 15th periods the level is still relatively high.

4;35%

7,4;65%

Claudius

Aurelian

9,5;62%

5,8;38%

Claudius

Aurelian

Fig. VI. Ratio of IF/y of coins issued for Claudius and Aurelian for Drobeta

Fig. VII. Ratio of IF/y of coins issued for Claudius and Aurelian for Sucidava

The significant rise in MF was explained by the operations connected with the abandonment of Dacia and the reorganisation of the Dacian provinces south of the Danube17. While this can be verified for Drobeta, where coins minted under Aurelian are superior to those of Claudius (Chart VI), Sucidava follows the general trend of Pannonia and Noricum that favours the latter emperor (Fig. VII). Therefore, it can be rather considered that the monetary development of the Danubian sites is a result of the continuous involvement of this region in the market economy of the Roman Empire. Nevertheless, the strong input of coins, comparable to the monetary behaviour of rural Pannonian sites (Fig. V), points to the possible conclusion that the Danubian sites remain in contact with the monetary circuit of the empire, maintaining their coin supply mechanisms functional, but in the meantime acting as a marginal area. The significant growth of the MF must be related to the establishment of the monetary limes on the Danube, where products entered the interior of Dacia through a few points that benefited mostly from this role. Such nodal points were identified also in the West Baltic region where bronze coins are significantly more numerous than in inland Barbaricum18, a phenomenon common also to the Danubian limes area in the 4th century AD19.

0

20

40

60

80

100

120

140

160

180

200

Emona Celeia Neviodunum Vindobona Brigetio CarnuntumSite

ClaudiusAurelian

Poetovio

MF

Valu

e

Fig. VIII. Ratio of IF/y of coins issued under Claudius and Aurelian, (after Kos 1986, 93, Tab. 12).

17 Găzdac 2010, 170.18 Bursche 1986, 285.19 Moisil 2002 (see also about the existence of commercial inroads and border trade with the Barbaricum).


4. Conclusions

After analysing from a monetary point of view the administrative structures of the Roman Empire, there were identified a series of phenomena that shape the monetary relations between these in the 3rd century AD. It has been observed that periods of conflict or directed imperial policies towards one or another structure resulted in different evolutions. An important role can be attributed to the military concentrations, which attracted money through salary, donatives and other economic activities and limes alterations. Nevertheless, the monetary trends do not fully comply with the provincial borders, as is proven by the development of a monetary delimitation between the interior and the Danubian area in Dacia.

Also at a centre-hinterland level a monetary pattern couldn’t be isolated within such structure. It has been illustrated that settlements of the same territory can share a similar MFl, but generally there are differences between urban sites and rural, with associated behaviour of settlements of the same category from other teritories. Therefore, monetary patterns were rather geographically conditioned, on the one side, within an area with shared connections, similar economic conditions and subjected to similar historical events, and, on the other side, according to the economic functions as it was reflected in the relation between centre and rural hinterland. This can be explained through the different coin supply mechanisms, dependent upon economic functions. The central sites have a more constant coin input, which implies permanent and solid economic relations determined by the involvement in multiple economic activities, favourable position on economic routes, the presence of the army in some cases as an important consumer with monetary possibilities, and administrative functions. Sites with production or commercial activities have manifested possible competition with their main settlement, characteristic to an involvement in the market economy similar to those. However, during the first half of the 3rd century they become more vulnerable. This could be the result of a limited number of activities, which differentiates them from more important sites and betrays an absence of solid coin supply mechanisms, leading to an inconstant coin input. While no strictly rural settlements have been studied, where the rarity or absence of coins in excavated sites mustn’t be regarded as fully coincidental20, the explanatory model proposed by J. Aarts for Gallia Belgica and Germania Inferior can be only supposed for Dacia. He explained the incomplete monetization of the rural area as a result of the partial payment of taxes in products. Therefore, the inhabitants of the rural area had more alternatives to pay taxes or other services and products: they could either pay it in products, or change the surplus in money, but outside the rural settlement, in areas designed for such exchanges, such as market places, towns or around forts. There they probably paid with a part of the money obtained the taxes or other products, therefore limiting the coin movement inside the rural settlements, which resulted in smaller loss chances21.

Monetary models are in constant change in response to political, military or monetary events, dependent rather on shared exchange possibilities than fixed borders. Here it could be recognised the main criterion that led to the shaping of monetary patterns through the character of coin supply mechanisms.

20 See the case of excavated villas and rural settlements in: Găzdac 2010, 28–30 (pages from Catalogue of the site finds from Roman sites in Dacia on CD-ROM); a synthesis of the archaeological research at these sites can be found in Popa 2002, 22–23 (Apahida), 26 (Archiud), 39 (Boarta), 49 (Caşolţ), 56 (Chinteni), 58 (Cicău), 61–62, (Ciumăfaia), 76–77 (Deva), 87 (Gârbou), 98–99 (Hobiţa), 102–103 (Iernut), 116–117 (Mănerău), 129 (Mugeni), 131 (Noşlac), 132–133 (Obreja), 134–135 (Ocna Sibiului), 151–152 (Răhău), 157 (Roşia), 169–170 (Sântămărie-Orlea), 178–180 (Slimnic).

21 Aarts 2000, 11–18.


BIBLIOGRAPHY

Aarts 2000 J. Aarts, Coins or money? Exploring the monetization and functions of Roman coinage in Belgic Gaul and Lower Germany 50 BC–AD 450, PhD Thesis, Nijmegen 2000.

Ardevan 1992–1993 R. Ardevan, Monetăria provincială de la Sarmizegetusa, BSNR, 140–141, 1992–1993, 117–122.

Ardevan 1998 R. Ardevan, Viaţa municipală în Dacia romană, Timişoara 1998.Bodor, Winkler 1979 A. Bodor, I. Winkler, Un atelier de artizanat în Dierna (Orşova), ActaMN, XVI,

1979, 141–155.Bursche 1986 A. Bursche, Contacts between the Roman Empire and the mid-European Barbaricum

in the light of coin finds. In: I. A. Carradice (ed.), Proceedings of the 10th International Congress of Numismatics, London, September 1986, London 1986, 279–287.

Davies, Gregory 1991 J. A. Davies, T. Gregory, Coinage from a ‘Civitas’: a survey of the Roman coins found in Norfolk and their contribution to the archaeology of the ‘Civitas Icenorum’, Britannia, 22, 1991, 65–101.

Găzdac 1998 C. Găzdac, The Monetary Circulation and the Abandonment of Dacia. A Comparative Study, ActaMN, 35/I, 1998, 229–234.

Găzdac 2002 C. Găzdac, Monetary circulation in Pannonia Superior – The territories of Carnuntum and Vindobona – from Trajan to Constantine I (AD 98–337), EphNap, XII, 2002, 113–165.

Găzdac 2006 C. Găzdac, The coinage and the Roman conquest of Dacia. A comparative study of the sites Ulpia Traiana, Porolissum, Carnuntum, Ovilava, Poetovio. In: E. S. Teodor, O. Ţentea (eds.), Dacia Augusti Provincia. Crearea provinciei. Actele simpozionului desfăşurat în 13–14 octombrie 2006 la Muzeul Naţional de Istoria României, Bucureşti, Bucureşti 2006, 483–493.

Găzdac, Alföldy-Găzdac 2008

C. Găzdac, Á. Alföldy-Găzdac, Management-ul crizei monetare? Monedele „P M S COL VIM” şi „PROVINCIA DACIA” în politica monetară romană a secolului III p.Chr., EphNap, XVIII, 2008, 93–130.

Găzdac 2010 C. Găzdac, Monetary circulation in Dacia and the provinces from the Middle and Lower Danube from Trajan to Constantine I (AD 106–337), 2nd edition, CRSCRCR VII, Cluj-Napoca 2010.

Gudea 2008 N. Gudea, Aşezări rurale în Dacia romană (106–275 p. Chr.). Schiţă pentru o istorie a agriculturii şi satului daco-roman, Oradea 2008.

Kos 1986 P. Kos, The monetary circulation in the south-eastern Alpine region ca. 300 B.C. – A.D. 1000, Situla 24, 1984–1985, Ljubljana 1986.

Mitrofan 1990 I. Mitrofan, Les recherches archéologiques de l’établissement romain de Micăsasa, Dacia N.S., XXXIV, 1990, 129–138.

Mócsy 1974 A. Mócsy, Pannonia and Upper Moesia. A History of the Middle Danube Provinces of the Roman Empire, London–Boston 1974.

Moisil 2002 D. Moisil, The Danube Limes and the Barbaricum (294–498 AD): a study in coin circulation, Histoire et Mesure, 17, Paris 2002, 3–4, 79–120.

Peter 1996 M. Peter, Untersuchungen zu den Fundmünzen aus Augst und Kaiseraugst, Studien zu Fundmünzen der Antike 17, Berlin 1996.

Piso 2005 I. Piso, An der Nordgrenze des römischen Reiches. Ausgewählte Studien 1972–2003, Stuttgart 2005.

Piso 2005a I. Piso, L’urbanisation des provinces danubiennes. In: Piso 2005, 485–508.Piso 2005b I. Piso, Colonia Ulpia Traiana Augusta Dacica Sarmizegetusa. Brève présentation et

état de la recherche. In: Piso 2005, 435–457.Popa 2002

Reece 1987

D. Popa, Villae, vici, pagi. Aşezările rurale din Dacia romană intracarpatică, Bibliotheca Septemcastrensia II, Sibiu 2002.R. Reece, Coinage in Roman Britain, London 1987.


RepAlba V. Moga, H. Ciugudean (eds.), Repertoriul arheologic al judeţului Alba, Bibliotheca Musei Apulensis II, Alba Iulia 1995.

Ruscu 2000 D. Ruscu, L’abandon de la Dacie romaine dans les sources littéraires (II), ActaMN, 37/I, 2000, 265–275.

Stînga 1998 I. Stîngă, Viaţa economică la Drobeta în secolele II–IV p. Ch., Bucureşti 1998.Stînga 2005 I. Stîngă, Villa rustica de la Gârla Mare, judeţul Mehedinţi. Studiu monografic,

Craiova 2005.Tudor 1966 D. Tudor, Sucidava, Bucureşti 1966.

Andreea Drăgan“Babeș-Bolyai” University, Cluj-Napoca

Faculty of History and PhilosophyDepartment of Ancient History and Archaeology

[email protected]

Appendix 1. Catalogue of finds from sites

Period 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15Coin no. 21 49 81 32 9 71 72 12 29 2 1 2 - - -IF/y 1.1 2.33 3.52 1.68 0.69 2.84 3.6 2 5.8 0.5 0.16 0.22 - - -MF 1 2.11 3.2 1.52 0.62 2.58 3.27 1.81 5.27 0.45 0.14 0.2 - - -

Apulum I (Alba Iulia, Alba County), colonia Aurelia Apulensis. Bibliography: RepAlba, 30–43; Ardevan 1998, 48–49; RCFCRCR V, 58–80.

Period 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15Coin no. 8 17 17 9 1 18 10 3 3 2 1 - - - -IF/y 0.42 0.8 0.73 0.47 0.07 0.72 0.5 0.5 0.6 0.5 0.16 - - - -MF 1 1.9 1.75 1.12 0.18 1.71 1.19 1.19 1.42 1.19 0.38 - - - -

Apulum II (Alba Iulia, Alba County), municipium Septimium Apulense. Bibliography: RepAlba, 30–43; Ardevan 1998, 49–50; RCFCRCR V, 81–85.

Period 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15Coin no. 188 210 151 84 23 75 110 38 47 11 12 1 - - 2IF/y 9.89 10 6.56 4.42 1.76 3 5.5 6.33 9.4 2.75 2 0.11 - - 0.09MF 1 1.01 0.66 0.44 0.17 0.3 0.55 0.64 0.95 0.27 0.2 0.01 - - 0.009

Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa (Sarmizegetusa, Hunedoara County), colonia Ulpia. Bibliography: Piso 2005b, 435–457; RCFCRCR II, 34–73.


Period 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15Coin no. 22 35 32 11 9 21 9 - 1 - - - - - -IF/y 1.15 1.66 1.39 0.57 0.69 0.84 0.45 - 0.2 - - - - - -MF 1 1.44 1.2 0.49 0.6 0.73 0.39 - 0.17 - - - - - -

Micăsasa (Sibiu County), pottery production site. Bibliography: Mitrofan 1990, 129–138; Găzdac 2002a, 589–590; Gudea 2008, 94, no. 66.

Period 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

Coin no. 7 8 12 3 2 1 18 10 14 16 5 16 45 5 7IF/y 0.36 0.38 0.52 0.15 0.15 0.04 0.9 1.66 2.8 4 0.83 1.77 6.42 0.55 0.33MF 1 1.05 1.44 0.41 0.41 011 2.5 4.61 7.77 11.11 2.3 4.91 17.83 1.52 0.91

Drobeta (Drobeta-Turnu Severin, Mehedinţi County), colonia Septimia. Bibliography: Stîngă 1998, 15–30, 184; Găzdac 2002a, 570–572.

Period 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15Coin no. 1 - 5 1 1 10 4 - 6 2 2 2 6 - 8IF/y 0.05 - 0.21 0.05 0.07 0.4 0.2 - 1.2 0.5 0.33 0.22 0.85 - 0.38MF 1 - 4.2 1 1.4 8 4 - 24 10 6.6 4.4 17 - 7.6

Dierna (Orșova, Mehedinţi County), municipium Septimium. Bibliography: Bodor, Winkler 1979, 152–153; Ardevan 1998, 36–39; Găzdac 2002a, 572–573.

Period 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15Coin no. 9 11 7 8 1 9 34 4 - - - - - - -IF/y 0.47 0.52 0.3 0.42 0.07 0.36 1.7 0.66 - - - - - - -MF 1 1.1 0.63 0.89 0.14 0.76 3.61 1.4 - - - - - - -

Gârla Mare (Mehedinţi County), villa (?).Bibliography: Stîngă 2005, 79–85.

Period 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15Coin no. 4 11 7 3 5 8 10 3 10 - 1 17 48 7 19IF/y 0.21 0.52 0.3 0.15 0.38 0.32 0.5 0.5 2 - 0.16 1.88 6.85 0.77 0.9MF 1 2.47 1.42 0.71 1.8 1.52 2.38 2.38 9.52 - 0.76 8.95 32.61 3.66 4.28

Sucidava (Celei, Olt County), settlement with quasi-municipal status. Bibliography: Ardevan 1998, 95–96; Găzdac 2002a, 573–574; Găzdac 2010, Catalogue of the site finds from Roman sites in Dacia, 11.

Period 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15Coin no. 35 21 59 16 8 71 93 27 10 2 - 3 2 1 5IF/y 1.84 1 2.56 0.84 0.61 2.84 4.65 4.5 2 0.5 - 0.33 0.28 0.11 0.23MF 1 0.54 1.39 0.45 0.33 1.54 2.52 2.44 1.08 0.27 - 0.17 0.15 0.05 0.12

Orlea (Olt County), pottery production site, with possible bridge over the Danube. Bibliography: Găzdac 2002a, 591; Gudea 2008, 112, no. 56.


Charts

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Chart I. Monetary fluctuation for group Apulum I (colonia Aurelia), Apulum II (municipium Septimium), Micăsasa (pottery production site) and Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa (colonia Ulpia).

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Chart III. Monetary fluctuation for group Sucidava (quasi-municipal site) and Orlea (production site or involved in commercial activities).


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