qualitative study of barriers to educational attainment

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ENTREPRENEURS WEST MIDLANDS PROJECT C.I.C. Qualitative Understanding of Social and Psychological Barriers to Educational Attainment Working Class Adult Males Experiences Ahmad Yuhanna 9/29/2014 The study undertaken here aims to draw out the salient features of the past learning, that is, educational

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Page 1: Qualitative Study of Barriers to Educational Attainment

Entrepreneurs west midlands project c.i.c.

Qualitative Understanding of Social and Psychological Barriers to Educational Attainment

Working Class Adult Males Experiences

Ahmad Yuhanna

9/29/2014

The study undertaken here aims to draw out the salient features of the past learning, that is, educational experiences of young adult males and the cause of present barriers for obtaining qualifications leading to employment, including a view to determine what might improve this attainment.

Contents Page

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Qualitative Understanding of Social and Psychological Barriers to Educational Attainment

One: Acknowledgements’ 3

Two: Executive Summary 3

2.1 Introduction 3

2.2 Key Outcomes from the Study 4

2.3 Key Recommendations’ 4

Three: Introduction 4

Four: The Social Barrier 5

Five: The Psychological Barrier 7

Six: Key Findings 8

6.1 Quantative Picture 8

6.2 Qualitative Picture 9

Seven: Conclusions and Recommendations’ 11

Eight: References 12

Appendix 1 Shane’s Case Study 13

Appendix 2 Omari’s Case Study 14

One: Acknowledgement

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This study was made possible by the support of Shane Exton, who not only participated, but also opened up his facilities for the sessions to commence. In addition, he acted in the role of outreach worker within the community, allowing the open discussion forum to become reality.

This study project was initiated by Andre (from the community), who also contributed to the initial and later sessions and provided the focus and theme of the study. I would specifically like to thank all the participants for their flexibility and impartiality at each session

I am also taking this opportunity to thank Entrepreneurs West Midlands Project (EWMP) for working in conjunction with the participants and other services such as West Midlands Fire Service, West Midlands Police Service and would like to thank them for their support also

Finally, I would like to thank Shane’s family, who have been an invaluable resource and form of support all the way through.

Two: Executive Summary2.1 Introduction

The study undertaken here aims to draw out the salient features of the past learning, that is, educational experiences of young adult males and the cause of present barriers for obtaining qualifications leading to employment, including a view to determine what might improve this attainment.

To do this, the study consists partly of a quantitative analysis of Wolverhampton’s profile, such as, educational qualifications, socio-economic grades by wards and employment, but mainly of a qualitative analysis seeking to determine the behaviour caused by their experiences. The group sessions, which were open discussion forums that were, conducted during the summer of 2014 with 10+ participants, consisted of a theme that is, academic achievement, however debate and open negotiation was facilitated.

It was the guiding ideology that, it is more important to say what a quantitative picture hides than what it presents. What any such quantitative picture hides is the difference between class, the quality of teaching and the value placed upon education.

For the quantitative picture the wards of Heath town, Bushbury South and Lowhill and Whitmore Reans were selected, with different concentrations of ethnically diverse populations (high black, white, dual heritage, Asian and other ethnic groups). Then we chose the areas of Tettenhall, Merry Hill and Penn as a comparison regarding, social capacity that the twenty-five’s and over (25+) are sharply lacking in, which is education and employability.

The group sessions were daily and held at different times of the day and evening. Topics focused primarily on personal development and its educational barriers, both past and present to establish whether they are real or just perceptions, for example,

Biographical, including educational attainment of parents and close relatives Reasons, feelings and perceptions, including why they choose not to progress during

school years, and how they feel now later in life about education3 Entrepreneurs West Midlands Project C.I.C.

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Possible discrimination, including their experiences in their neighbourhoods

2.2 Key Outcomes:

Many of the over twenty-five’s adult males, view returning to education as limiting rather than advancing their full potential, also that the ‘us and them’ issue has resulted into an anti government/educational conspiracy perception.

A hidden factor the quantitative picture demonstrates, is that there is not enough expected from many in low-income households of deprived areas, this low expectation, whether self inflicted or institutional has contributed toward past, and may contribute towards present and future academic attainment.

2.3 Key Recommendations:

The introduction of alternative programmes factored into individual work programs, in conjunction with employability targets maintaining sustainability

Design and implementation of a coaching and mentoring programme based upon the self determination model (ideal for 25+), which promotes interest in learning and a value for education

Three: Introduction

The National and Local Context

Asthana (2010) wrote an article in the Observer newspaper entitled Britain’s Divided Schools: A disturbing portrait of inequality. Where she states that, a report ‘how fair is Britain, conducted by the Equality and Human Rights Commission, where they provide some stark national statistics’ regarding educational attainment and the entrenched inequalities that are barriers to it. For instance, boys are slipping behind girls in 11 out of 13 learning categories by age five. Children from the poorest families are half as likely to achieve ‘good’ G.C.S.E’s. The study also reveals that just over twelve and a half percent (12.5%) of children coming from low-income households reach a good level of development by age five. This is in comparison to fifty percent (50%) who are not, and the reader should note that these are national statistics, let us take a closer look at Wolverhampton regarding educational attainment among working-age (16-64) people.

The UK average for unemployment in 2010, stood at seven percent (7%) whereas the figure for Wolverhampton is eleven percent (11%) higher than the nation’s average. These figures also hide severe cases of deprivation in five wards/communities that only account for twenty six and a half percent (26.5%) of the city’s population, however, they still account for over forty percent (40.5%) of all Job Seekers Allowance (JSA) claimants, which are from these wards. In addition, twenty five percent (25%) of the working population has no qualifications and where one in ten children are growing up in households where nobody has ever worked, coupled with this is the fact that twenty seven percent (27%) of all under 19 year olds are from Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) communities (Wolverhampton Investment Plan, 2010-2014)

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Wolverhampton City Council and the Homes and Community Agency, stated in their Local Investment Plan (2010) which, acting as the mechanism for their Sustainable Communities Strategy that their vision for Wolverhampton was that

“By 2026, Wolverhampton will be a City where people can thrive. The economy is transformed and the gap in health, wealth and prosperity between communities and neighbourhoods in the City is satisfactorily reduced. Wolverhampton is a place with safe, strong, diverse and popular neighbourhoods; a place where everyone has an improved quality of life and a chance to reach his or her full potential and where the benefits of the City’s growth are widely shared.”

This is a noble goal, however, we have found that there has been and/or are inequalities entrenched in service delivery of community based providers and/or educational institutions that, act as barriers as well as, further solidification of negative perceptions on both sides that need to be structurally and personally addressed. These factors must therefore be kept in sight if, they want to improve the prosperity between communities, as well as, having him or her reaching their full potential as the strategy itself states.

There is however, an acknowledged gap regarding both education and employment between communities in Wolverhampton. For instance, the ward of Merry Hill has a total population of 12,189, where during the year of 2012, working-age unemployed (16-64) claiming JSA for December of that year was 5.4 percent. Heath Town has a population of 13,965 and for the same month and year had 11 percent claiming JSA, and Bushbury South and Lowhill, having also 11 percent claiming JSA from a population of 14,983. The population numbers mentioned above, especially in the communities of Heath Town and Bushbury South and Lowhill Area have ethnically diverse make-ups with low educational attainment ((Wolverhampton in Profile Censes, 2012).

The attainment gap and the reasons for this has been noted for some time and has initiated research seeking to uncover the underlying issues for it. Whilst some social groups are less successful than others are both nationally and regionally, the disparity in the quality of teaching educationally and the prosperity between communities/wards in Wolverhampton persists. We are suggesting in this study that for real change and prosperity to materialise an alternative and effective self-determined approach educationally, specifically for the over twenty five’s (25+), be implemented to produce intrinsically motivated individuals having a stake in their communities.

Four: The Social BarrierThe very structure of a society or better put, the ideology that forms the social action of a community presents inequalities, based upon the fact that whoever owns the power makes all the rules and therefore has control and dominance (Taylor et al, 2007, p.541). These inequalities affect all social groups such as ethnicity, gender, class and age. This study assesses the way culture that is norms, values, and socialisation and their perception of them, instils a social context and psychological framework, which young and adult urban males live within day-by-day.

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The structure and development of any community is reliant upon interdependence and the balance of social institutions. Thus producing a productive and stable society, bearing all goes well, and such a community would be naturally consistent with the consensus. This is essentially, where members of a given community or society, would agree upon and work together to achieve said goals such as norms and values or a collective psychology.

However, there are many in deprived areas of Wolverhampton that exist on its edge, excluded from the decision-making apparatus by choice or a lack of motivation. For example, during the financial recession of 2008, schools have offered fewer programs, social programs are still in the process of being cut and family budgets of low income households have become even smaller. This gap only widens, due to the possible fact that these residents feel socially marginalised. Even so, many from low-income households in these communities, who are less well off, and unable to insulate themselves from the impact of such a financial disaster, experienced the full force of it and therefore presently pay a higher price within the social context.

The primary question then of this study is to establish, why do many socially excluded young adult males from these deprived areas, perform the role of entrepreneurs in all but social status, yet find it too much of an effort or challenge to perform the same role as a legitimate business man. Which upon reflection seems to be the most avid opponent to their personal and financial success, what must be stated here is that the main means toward social mobility is education (Economic and Research Council, 2013).

However, the meaning and value given to education, which has an impact upon the economy, by the majority of young adult males 25-35 year olds living in deprived areas of Wolverhampton, such as Lowhill, Heath Town and Whitmore Reans. Is a different interpretation than many in the 25-35 year olds who live in affluent communities, such as Tettenhall, Tettenhall Wight Wick, Regis and Penn. The socially excluded in the same age bracket previously mentioned, view the attainment of academic skills necessary to achieve their success as to much effort why? There is a latent feeling that they are incapable of completing such a ‘rigorous’ formal education having failed the first time in their primary or secondary years.

A community is a structure designed by social institutions. Social institutions defined by the Stanford Encyclopaedia (2011) as, “a structure or mechanism that is identified with a social purpose, transcending individuals and intentions by mediating the rules that govern living behaviour”. Longmate and Coates (2001) define social institutions as “those parts of society that are permanent”, such as, marriage, family, work, government, education and so on, these permanent aspects of any human society, shape our social behaviour.

Therefore, the influence of social institutions, such as family and education, on shaping an individual is clearly apparent. This study will examine and collate the experiences of young adult males and analyse the structural impact upon those who live in the ward of Lowhill, for it has the highest number of residents in the D-E (Skilled, unskilled, state benefits and lowest grade workers) social grades in Wolverhampton West Midlands (Wolverhampton’s Equality Analysis, 2014). Therefore, it is needful at this time for an examination of the second barrier to answer the questions posed above.

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Five: The Psychological BarrierSocial psychologists Dovido and Gaertner, (2004) after conducting a comprehensive study into discrimination and education, found that in measuring discrimination that despite people’s best intention their ethnically and/or class biased cognitions and associations might persist. They also discovered that what then emerges is a modern form of prejudice that is subtle. Going underground so as not to conflict with anti-discriminatory social norms (in Deci et al, 2010)

Benner and Graham social psychologists, published their study in Development Psychology (2013) explaining how we relate to people in our lives in different ways, depending on one’s social context. In addition, how education and its value is received and internalised depends upon the signals that one will receive from around one.

These discriminatory signals come in various forms such as school related, from fellow students, indirect from teacher’s attitudes and neighbourhood forms of discrimination, such as shopkeepers and the police. They conclude that due to this, many urban young and adult males ‘expect’ to fail and receive unfair treatment, because they are more likely to ‘recall’ incidents that confirm their beliefs.

At this point, an examination of discrimination is necessary. According to Halambos, et al (1997) discrimination is, “Actual behaviour rather than attitudes and beliefs”. Therefore, it is a fact that discrimination is the ‘acting’ out of one’s beliefs and attitudes, or in other word’s ones prejudice, which boils down to a prejudgement of a social group.

The sources of these attitudes are stereotypes born from labelling and the general acceptance of said labels as being facts. For example, if asked who is a deviant person, the question what is deviance is jointly being asked whether one is aware of it or not, for Longate and Coates (2001), deviance is really by definition “The breaking of consensual rules” that is supported by labelling particular groups as deviant. This is how stereotypes, prejudice and discrimination are all related.

Institutional discrimination defined by the McPherson Report (2009) is,

“The collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their colour, culture or ethnic origin...behaviour which amounts to discrimination through unwitting prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness and racist stereotyping which disadvantages minority ethnic people”

This statement under analysis suggests that the main ingredient in institutional discrimination is the behaviour, be it thoughtlessness, an unwitting prejudgement or ignorance.

Resulting in the reduced life chances of its recipients, this result is the organisations collective failure to provide an appropriate and professional service, this analysis points to factors beyond occupational policies and/or procedures as being the main cause of institutional discrimination. To explain this point, evidence given by Chief Inspector Paul

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Wilson during the Stephen Lawrence inquiry (1999) gave an insight into the term collective failure, he says,

“We would say the occupational structure...given the fact that the majority of police are white, tends to be the white experience, the white beliefs, white values...that these predominately white officers only meet members of the black community in confrontational situations, they tend to stereotype black people in general” (Longate and Coates, 2001)

It is the attitudes, beliefs and prejudgements of staff that create labels/stereotypes of a particular social group being the main cause of institutional discrimination and therefore having an adverse affect on life chances. We have found, whilst conducting the study that this statement included the educational system as well as the criminal justice system, it also extends beyond just Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) communities, and are inclusive of many who are of a white ethnic working class background who have been or see themselves as stigmatised.

Six: Key Findings6.1 Quantative Picture

Within Wolverhampton there is a strong age-related bias regarding qualifications. Of the 16-24 age group ten percent (10%) have less than NVQ level 2. Where there has been a steady rise, in the percentage of residents in Wolverhampton who are of working age (16-64), that are achieving qualifications in NVQ level 4 or above (HND, degree). In 2007, the figures stood at eighteen percent (18%) with qualifications and thirty percent (30%) without any qualifications. The annual population survey (2013), show that within six years a change in the figures are for the better, twenty percent (20%) with qualifications and twenty three percent (23%) without.

However, there exists some disparity among the over twenty-five’s (25+). This age group generally has had higher rates of low or no qualifications. Thus having creating a legacy of underdeveloped qualification profiles and the age band of 16-49 account for forty-seven and a half percent (47.5%) of the population of Wolverhampton. There are better figures for the 16-18 age groups, there has also been a reduction of young people who were not in education, employment or further training (NEET), from 10% in 2004, to 7% in 2010 (Wolverhampton in Profile-June Update, 2014)

As regarding the residents who are 16+ and from BMAE communities, 13.5% of BME residents have, either never worked or were long term unemployed, in comparison to 8.5% of their white peers. Suggesting that many members from BMAE communities are disadvantaged in the labour market compared to their white peers, where in 2010, 19% of these residents had a degree level qualification and 20% had no qualification at all. Therefore, it has created a two-tier workforce in Wolverhampton, with low skills being a particular challenge area.

Since it has been established that those with higher educational qualifications and hence better-paid jobs, are commuters from outside the city centre area, as a result, as of April

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2014, 6.3% of the city’s population claim JSA in comparison with the national average standing at 2.7% (Wolverhampton’s Equalities Analysis, 2014)

6.2 Qualitative Picture

Participants of the open discussion forum specifically mentioned teacher’s attitudes, family members and even peers, including the structure of the school and social class as other issues being triggers for their low attainment and lack of value for education:

Participant Age 32 Note the recall and association with the judgement the result perhaps could have been different given a different motivational speech was provided

We were taken into the lecture hall, the whole of year seven for a briefing. Where we were told, “You all are the worst year in the history of the school”. The deputy head then went on to predict our futures stating “Some of you will not make it in this thing called life, some of you will either die, end up in prison, on drugs or just no hopers. After we left school one of my friends was murdered, dying from a stab wound to the leg

Participant Age 26 who recalled how he felt supported whilst in school itself, that is the premises and how his ambition had halted

“I was always told I was going to fail or not complete school. This is while I was there in school or on the premises. So I thought why bother I just might as well get kicked out deliberately”

Participant Age 26 Important to note in this statement is the sense of failure, which comes from being in a classroom

“I hated school just hated it, so to sit back down in a classroom to study no way I can’t it’s too much effort”

Middle aged man his reflection on education past, present and social class

So we fail at school, waste so many more years and then do it all again. We have to work too hard for it all; I cannot because I do not want to. You cannot succeed in Lowhill

Participant Age 26 Reflection on his own value of education rather than how teachers were (full case study attached in the appendix)

During secondary, things began to go downhill for me. I would never listen at school because I thought I knew best, I went through school getting worse and worse each year; I gave up on myself. Grounding was becoming the norm, so I would go to school with the attitude of; forget it I cannot go out after school. We (a friend of mine) were becoming too much for the school. One morning we let a firework of in the student entrance main corridor, at

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that point the school authorities decided to exclude me from school around the age of fifteen years old. (Full case study attached in appendix 1)

Participant Age 26 his perception of how education and its value to him was worthless at first due to his family education and employment situation and his outlook gained from it. In addition to the perception of the use of education, he concluded that:

The value placed on education was low because there were no real time examples of qualified people within the community actually achieving more their comfort line. Without intricately expanding upon the divide within the working class, between the employed and unemployed, such as the emotionally fuelled debates between "tax payers" and "tax recipients", commonly coined the "benefit scroungers", it's clear for me to see why we not only lacked interest from the offset, but were never even given opportunity, the incentive or encouragement to achieve more.

The way that education is presented to us, is as a tool in which we can be exploited, rather than how we can tap into our true potential, while being able to communicate with others from another lifestyle. The notion of education and qualifications being solely useful for somebody else is prevalent. Only a small few are now aware that this is detrimental to self-determination, and for me, that only came about by something short of divine intervention! (Full case study attached in appendix 2)

The reasons, feelings and perceptions regarding education coming from the participants who live in the deprived area of Lowhill or its surrounding communities, demonstrates the need for a project that interacts with those who have ‘slipped through the net’ as it were namely the 25+. Many of whom now exist with no qualifications and a grim prospect of fulfilling their full potential. In summary, some of the key personal restraints to pursing their aspirations are:

-Lack of self-determination

-Depletion of self-confidence and belief

-No internalisation of the value of education

-Instant gratification based upon poor emotional and social intelligence development

-Peer pressure and the interpretation of personality change

-The past experience and thereafter perception of authority figures, being active in the present unnecessarily

-the “us and them” ideology being a persistent issue for having a cynical outlook on their future

Seven: Conclusions and Recommendations

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We conclude that the understanding, reason and long-term benefits of education are either, not shown according to a social context or not internalised or both. However, whilst they were/are on school premises, the teacher/instructor had a statutory duty at least and a passion at best to teach. There is some evidence that supports the hypotheses that discrimination, regarding social class or ethnicity does exist. This impact can reduce educational attainment and social development, and that faced with such a scenario many resort to controlling behaviours to maintain classroom or overall school behaviour, which is a vicious cycle, even so, there is a need for further research in this area. We can conclude that:

Many of the over twenty-five adult males, view returning to education as limiting rather than advancing their full potential, also that the ‘us and them’ issue has resulted into an anti government/educational conspiracy perception.

All the participants, primarily at first, expressed a sense of powerlessness and hopelessness towards education and achieving

The feelings of the quality and uniformity of support, divulged even from 22 year olds was mixed. However, what was also evident was how they themselves sent out confrontational signals.

There was/is some perception of unfairness connected with a justification for the lack of motivation in taking that initial first step.

That many of those who have no qualifications in the age bracket of 22-35, have low self-confidence regarding personal intelligence, which causes the individual to perceive he/she is ‘stupid’ from the outset and therefore becoming hostile.

A hidden factor the quantitative picture demonstrates, is that there is not enough expected from many in low-income households of deprived areas, this low expectation, whether self inflicted or institutional has contributed toward past, and may contribute towards present and future academic attainment.

Based on the key findings, and bearing in mind the comments of the participants, the following recommendations are considered for implementation:

On the bases that various services will be working with the same individual, we recommend arrangements for services to identify and appropriately refer to mentoring and coaching programs

The introduction of alternative programmes factored into individual work programs, in conjunction with employability targets thereby maintaining sustainability

By including mentoring and coaching with NEET clients specifically, we recommend that a pool of mentors be employed (from previous courses) and set up as mentor/outreach workers within their own communities

Design and implementation of a coaching and mentoring programme based upon the self determination model (ideal for 25+), which promotes interest in learning and a value for education

We recommend programme objectives where individuals will develop better social and emotional intelligence skills, which are transferable to the labour market

Training in leadership, development of social capacity and ownership to remove the social and psychological barriers of attainment

Finally, we recommend a two-tier approach, firstly, an open discussion forum that is open to those who have been introduced by either referral or outreach. Secondly,

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individuals are referred from the forum onto the coaching and mentoring programmes

Eight: ReferencesAsthana, A. (2010) Britains Divided Schools: a disturbing portrait of inequality [online] [United Kingdom] The Observer [cited 29th September 2014] Fairness in Britain. Available from the World Wide Web: http://www.theguardian.com/education/2010/oct/10/britains-divided-school-system-report

Economic and Social Research Council (2011) Education Vital for Social Mobility [online] [United Kingdom] Economic and Social Research Council Evidence Briefing [cited 29 th September 2014] Available from the World Wide Web: http://www.esrc.ac.uk/_images/education-vital-social-mobility_tcm8-20069.pdf

Halambos, M, Smith, F, O’Gorman, J and Heald, R. (1997) Sociology: A new Approach. Third Ed London:

Longate D. and Coates, G. (2001) GCSE Sociology: Social Life. England, Holder and Stoughton

McPherson, W. (2009) the McPherson Report-Ten Years On, England, House of Commons, the Statutory House Limited

Psychology Today, Media Spotlight: Living with Intolerance: What kind of psychological impact does discrimination have on minority youth? A psychological twist to the news [online] [United Kingdom] [Cited 29th September 2014] Available from the World Wide Web: http://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/media-spotlight/201308/living-intolerance

Ryan, R, Williams, G, Patrick, H, and Deci, E. (1991) Self Determination Perspective [online] [United States of America] Self Determination Theory [cited 29th September 2014] Available from the World Wide Web: http://www.selfdeterminationtheory.org/SDT/documents/2009_RyanWilliamsPatrickDeci_HJOP.pdf

Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy (2011) Social Institutions [online] [United Kingdom] Sociology [cited 29th September 2014] Available from the World Wide Web: http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/social-institutions/

Taylor, P., Richardson, J., Yeo, A., Marsh, I., Trobe, K. and Plinkington, A. (2011) Sociology in Focus, 7th edition, England, Causeway Press Limited

Wolverhampton’s Equalities Analysis (2014) Equality Issus’s for Wolverhampton [online] [United Kingdom]. Policy team, Wolverhampton City Council Page 1 click for PowerPoint summary [cited 29th September 2014]. Available from the World Wide Web: http://www.wolverhamptoninprofile.org.uk/

Wolverhampton in Profile (2013) Welcome to Wolverhampton in Profile, featuring information, statistics, and research about the city and its areas [online] [United Kingdom]

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Policy Team office of the Chief Executive [cited 29 th September 2014]. Available from the World Wide Web: http://www.wolverhamptoninprofile.org.uk/

Wolverhampton City Council, Homes, and Communities Agency (HCA) (2010-2014) Local Investment Partnership [online] [United Kingdom] Wolverhampton City Council and Homes and Communities Agency [cited 29th September 2014] Available from the World Wide Web: http://engagement.wton-partnership.org.uk/downloads/activity/586/Wolverhampton%20Local%20Investment%20Plan.pdf

Appendix 1

INSIGHT TO SHANE’S LIFE I am Shane born 18th February 1988, has I grown up to reach around the age of two years old my dad told me to address him as Dave not dad so that when we were out people would think that I was his little brother. Which took over because he would not even answer me if I addressed him has dad anywhere even home. That had a personal impact on me, which brought me away from myself. (I will explain).

Me and my dad use to go fishing, which I loved as I was growing up most weekend’s we would be round the fishing pool waiting for one of our bite alarms to sound, while simply having a laugh and creating memory’s. I reached the age of around four, along came my little brother, which mum and dad named Jamie our dad had to put the work hours in now, to provide for me, my brother and mom as it became harder to provide since mom and dad

Had my brother. This is when I became to feel lonely cause for a while dad went to work in the morning and didn’t finish work till I was in bed cause I was just starting nursery, so I didn’t get to see my dad.

This went on through the week that happened for a couple of years apart from weekends where my dad would try to do something with me. I felt mum did not have time for me anymore not now my brother was here she saw everything in him. On weekends my dad would take me out on my motorbike over the ash hills and several other places that I don’t remember the names of them, also a bit off fishing that all slowly came to an end cause dad had to start working Saturdays so he could generate more income. Mum and Dad brought me my motorbike on my third Christmas.

I reached the age of six my Dad introduced me to his friend; he is a martial arts sensei. I loved the ideal of learning martial arts, my dad would take me there on Tuesday evening after school also Saturday morning before he went to work with my bicycle in back of his work van, I loved it until I reached the age of ten and he use to say you got a bicycle go on your bicycle. I did not like that and the more he told me to ride my bicycle the more I disliked going to martial arts. Dad, Mum, my brother and me used to go on holiday for the weekends we would do family things like: go for meals, swimming together and even go to the beach that created good memories.

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Appendix 2

INSIGHT TO Omari’s LIFE I, Omari Townsend, was born July 1st, in All Saints, and moved to Bushbury around the age of one. From as far back as I can possibly remember both my parents worked two jobs to provide for my older brother, sister and myself. Although they were qualified and experienced within their field, they still struggled financially. My parents placed plenty of emphasis on education, but due to their offset shifts at work, it was not always possible for us to spend family time together. Those factors combined with the school experience did not help to provide a clear, positive vision of life for the later years.

From the style in which the subjects were presented, disembodied from each another, along with the student-teacher interaction, school as a whole ceased to be a place of interest, but rather an obligation of insignificant labour. Subjects like English, Maths, History and Geography appeared to have little relevance to me. Although the writing element is utilised across the board, English itself as a combination of universally applied principles, was never explained nor expanded upon in such a manner.

Therefore, it felt like the only thing of value in it was the literature being studied at that given moment. The fact that the literature itself failed to interest me, also gave me more of a reason to ignore it. Maths in and of itself is not difficult to grasp, however, with it not being translated to me in a language that I understood, this gave it the appearance of an impossibility. Algebra, by far, was my weakness, and because the teaching was always presented in, a one size fits all manners, it turned into a phobia and I would switch off any time I heard anything to do with equations and finding unknowns.

History and Geography, while being presented detached from each other, they were always presented detached from myself as a young black male. This was a key issue that resonated with many other black students. The majority of the historical figures and events being taught were exclusive of us, and when we asked when we would be taught anything inclusive of us, we were only told “soon”. We became restless and highly uninterested in the lesson, so when they eventually got round to teaching us so called black history and the only information they cared to present to us was slavery, this further excluded us from the whole subject.

The majority of my interested lay around practical subjects, such as Art and Design, and Design and Technology. If the connection between my most and least favourite subjects, then the chances of me achieving higher grades across the board would have been greater. English and Maths especially did not seem to have any relevance to Art and Design at the time. It is only in my later years, through me re-evaluating them for greater comprehension

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Page 15: Qualitative Study of Barriers to Educational Attainment

September 29, 2014

Qualitative Understanding of Social and Psychological Barriers to Educational Attainment

and application for my own projects, do they now connect more intricately than I ever imagined. However, this now conflicts with the intentions that were placed upon me from before.

The emphasis on acquiring good qualifications was always in relation to employment. Based on the social climate I was always subjected to, employment did not appear to have any major benefits, because all the people I knew in employment were struggling, even though they left school and college with good grades. Then there is the handful that went to uni, left with degrees and still returned to work a minimum waged job. Contrary to popular belief, high qualifications did not equate to high earnings and education did not provide a key to freedom from the poverty cycle.

The value placed on education was low because there were no real time examples of qualified people within the community actually achieving more their comfort line. Without intricately expanding upon the divide within the working class, between the employed and unemployed, such as the emotionally fuelled debates between "tax payers" and "tax recipients", commonly coined the "benefit scroungers", it is clear for me to see why we not only lacked interest from the offset, but also were never even given opportunity.

The incentive or encouragement to achieve more, the way that education is presented to us, is as a tool in which we can be exploited, rather than how we can tap into our true potential, while being able to communicate with others from another lifestyle. The notion of education and qualifications being solely useful for somebody else is prevalent. Only a small few are now aware that this is detrimental to self-determination, and for me, that only came about by something short of divine intervention!

15 Entrepreneurs West Midlands Project C.I.C.