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Professional Education forGerontology:Joan Ward Mullaney DSW aa Dean, The National Catholic School of SocialService, Washington, DC, 20064Published online: 25 Oct 2008.

To cite this article: Joan Ward Mullaney DSW (1981) Professional Education forGerontology:, Journal of Gerontological Social Work, 3:3, 81-92, DOI: 10.1300/J083V03N03_06

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PROFESSIONAL EDUCATION FORGERONTOLOGY:

IMPLICATIONS FOR SOCIAL WORK

Joan Ward Mullaney, DSW

The wry words of the Jesuit philospher-evolutionist Teilhard de Chardin jostle my mind as I begin this paper. He says, aptly I think, that the more remote in time and space is the world we confront, the less it exists, and hence the poorer it is for our thought (Teilhard de Chardin, 1968). As 'a fortyish dean of a large school of social work, I plead guilty to avoiding and denying the whole business of personal aging, thereby heading directly into the impoverishment of wisdom to which Chardin refers-unless forced to do otherwise. Preparing a paper about education, particularly social work education, is one way to ease into the subject of aging for me and, I hope, for the reader.

University Based Life-Span Education

Colleges and universities across the nation are moving away from their almost total preoccupation with young people and focusing their attention upon educational needs of adults (Stetar, 1974). Recognizing the presence and importance of more than 21 million older people, and expecting the figure to be around 45 million in the year 2000, faculty and administrators have already made changes, such as crediting life experience as a valuable asset and, in some instances, becoming involved in direct service functions for the older person conventionally assumed by social service agencies. These developments, while new, do not mean that the last 50 years found educators excluding educational interests in adults altogether. These interests, however, centered mainly on the use of education as a remedial function assigned t o bring the foreign born and those lacking any formal schooling closer to the mainstream of society and economy. Federal funds for adult education are still primarily for adult basic education programs designed to reduce the number of

Dr. Mullaney is Dean, The National Catholic School of Social Sewice, Wash- ington, D.C. 20064.

Journd of Gerontological Social Work, Vol. 3(3), Spring 1981 0 1 9 8 1 The Haworth Press. 8 1

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JOURNAL OF GERONTOLOGICAL SOCIAL WORK

functionally illiterate adults, and state funding, if available at all, is concentrated in high school completion and vocational preparation undertakings. Nonetheless, lifelong learning, or, as it is usually termed in academic circles, life-span education, has now been moved out of the backwater reserved for adult education programs into the center of college and university programming. Thus positioned, life-span education has become a planned set of activities undertaken by an individual throughout life which, by increasing knowledge, improving skills, and modifying attitudes, is seen as beneficial in facilitating adjustment t o the societal and individual changes which affect the person over time. The activities are sponsored by community or voluntary agencies, by business and industries, or by other formal and informal organizations, but typically, educational institutions, especially colleges and universities, are in the forefront of the life-span education movement (Petersen, 1.973). When the activities offered take the form of course work, the model most often followed is that of the extended university, such as that established by and now well known at the University of California. The extended university is not an external degree program in the usual sense. An external degree program is defiped as one in which courses needed to satisfy degree requirements are taken in an off-campus location. Rather, an extended degree program, at least as conceived by the University of California, incorporates the concepts of extending educational opportunities on the university's campuses to part-time students. Nontraditional programs are thereby made available to serve the needs of part-time students in new ways and at times and places convenient to the learner. Often the students are older than the traditional student and are not able t o satisfy the traditional admissions requirements of universities (Patton, 1975).

I am inclined to believe that the initiatives for the new develop- ments in education have come from a number of wellsprings. Most crassly, in these times of financial pinch for higher education, there is acute awareness of a new and Luge "market" to be drawn into the college purview. There are new styles of industrial management and labor negotiation bringing about the need for rapid role change for which one must prepare, as well as creating more leisure and early retirement. More fundamental, however, is the strong intuition on the part of the adult today that there is indeed a relationship between the environment and the person and that education may be one way to influence both. Of course, the development and acquisition of knowledge, whether through academics or experience, formal or informal means, has always been considered one way to gain some control over personal destiny. If, however, as new research findings

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Joan Ward Mullaney 83

suggest, every person must have as much "predictability" and "turf control" as possible for health maintenance, then education as a way to deal with life's rapidly changing circumstances may become a means of positive primary prevention of mental and physical illness---a goal of unparalleled value among those already established for life-span education (Broskowski & Baker, 1973).

Professional Education and Gerontology: The Intersystem Model

All the mental health professions are faced with the same financial and educational problems. We are each attempting t o review and revise the totality of our educational processes in light of work with the diverse groups, goals, and resources. What is remarkable in view of the commonality of our interests, our shared educational problems, and of our financial precariousness, is that we have, in the main, worked separately, in isolation, in the jealous territoriality of our schools and professional organizations (Bandler, 1973). Some answers to why these events have occurred can be found in the natural history of professions and in the style of professional education in general.

The Professions in the United States

For all their intellectual vitality and receptivity to new ideas, the American professions are enormously conservative when it comes to changing the rules. Professor Boorstin (1965) reminds us that our earlier behavior was quite different.

The professions in colonial America were distinguished by a marvelous fluidity. Unhampered by the institutional inheritance which narrowed and rigidified the development of the professions in England and on the continent, the American professional blithely ignored such hallowed distinctions as that between apothecary and physican .. .[and] professionals moved with the ease from one calling to another.

Now, however, America has an institutional inheritance. Our professional institutions are an important stabilizing factor and, through our leaders and international associations, even build bridges to other parts of the world. Yet, at the same time we help to bridge the gulf between nations, we erect "No Trespassing" signs between ourselves and other professional groups, especially the newer ones. Sociologist William Goode (1960) explains why these signs go up.

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No occupation becomes a profession without struggle, just as no specialty develops inside a profession without antagonism. The emotion-laden identification of men and women with their occupation, their dependence on it for much of the daily meaning of their lives, causes them t o defend it vigorously and to advance its cause when possible.

On campus, all of us see, out of the corners of our eyes, how special- ization, technology, size, and knowledge explosion have tended t o fragment the university. Hutchins once described the modem univer- sity as a series of schools and departments held together by a central heating plant. Perhaps the professional schools have not been any more fragmented than other parts of the university, it only appears to be so because of their assumed potential to come together. In any event, the Carnegie Commission reports severe criticism of both the professions and professional education by society, the professions themselved, and entering students. About professional education, the commission says:

Professional education is almost totally geared to producing autonomous specialists and provides neither training nor experi- ence in how to work as a member of a team, how to collaborate with other professionals on complex projects.

Professional education provides no training for those graduates who wish to work as members of, or become managers of, intra- or interprofessional project teams working on complex social problems.

Professional education generally underutilizes the applied behavioral sciences, especially in helping professionals to increase their self insight, their ability t o diagnose and manage client relationships and complex social problems, their ability t o sort out the ethical and value issues inherent in their professional role, and their ability to continue to learn throughout their career. (Schein, 1972)

I suggest that the weight of these criticisms indicates how difficult the area of intersystem activity really is. We do not want dilution; we do not want exact duplication; we do not want to rub together a second-rate psychologist, nurse, anthropologist, social worker, or epidemiologist. Rather, what we want is to determine how high-quality people may work together in order to produce high-quality work. The question is what should professional education do to help assure such excellence?

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Joan Ward Mullaney 85

The Intersystem Environment

Research has now shown that structural looseness or lack of specificity promotes the initiation and implementation of new programs. When the task structure is diversified, one expects that the organization employs many different kinds of professionals, and each of these diverse occupations may be expected to have its own professional journals, associations, and research. These profes- sional contacts make it possible for individuals to find out what is going on elsewhere. Thus, an organization with avariety of specialities has a variety of contacts with the environment, which, in turn, means more ideas about what needs to be done and how it can be done (Hage, 1973).

In the future, professionals will increasingly need a model, i.e., a way of thinking and doing which facilitates this exchange of ideas. In my judgement, the essence of collaborative planning is contained in the intersystem model. As defined by Chin (1970), an intersystem is a changing and loosely bound, temporary structure of roles played by representatives of two or more normal roles and reference groups. Collaboration, of course, requires its own rules and distribution of rights, duties, power, and authority within the collaborative systems. Collaborators must create a new set of rules and relationships for the duration of each project, with the outcome depending on the relative effectiveness and stability of the combination of new and old rules. This new set of rules and interrelations will need a more refined, or even a different concept than the vague, elusive team which at present seems to be used in different ways: it refers to a whole array of professionals, technologists, and new careerists; it is used to describe selected groups of professionals working together; and the term is occasionally extended to describe a way of delivering services (Pearsall, 1967).

Clarity for the team concept will come when there is greater recognition and acceptance o f two principles: one, that the basic equipment of the professional is not specialized skills or knowl- edge only, but the Lse of one's own personality as well, which will enable him or her to fit into various new roles with a minimum of extra training; and two, that the interrelation between the physical, emotional, and social components of a problem necessitates a com- prehensive and planned approach to its resolution. Thus, in developing an effective system of care for the elderly, we will need, beyond the doctor and the nurse and the various paraprofessionals who surround medicine, the anthropologist and sociologist to ensure that procedures are in line with cultural values, economists to develop cost-effective

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care systems, lawyers and politicians to make possible the location of care centers in places ordinarily used for other purposes, engineers to design better automated diagnostic procedures, and social workers and behavioral scientists to help the community develop and effec- tively utilize the facilities which become available (Schein, 1972).

The traditional interdisciplinary approach maintains the vantage point of each contributor within its own discipline. While it expands the boundaries of the theoretical framework of each discipline to include concepts borrowed from other disciplines, only those concepts which pose no real challenge or language difficulties are welcomed (Auerswald, 1969). In contrast, the intersystem model suggests a no-loss way for disciplines to come together whether in the classroom1 or in the practicum. The system is loose, temporary, problem oriented and presumes knowledge of, comfort in, and allegiance to a profes- sional home base. This temporary system is constituted or reconsti- tuted to tackle the teaching-learning problem at hand. The opportunity for real exchange about significant problems becomes possible. Carl Rogers reminds us that a learning situation should be oriented toward a focus on the solution of significant scientific and pro- fessional problems rather than primarily toward methodological training in a discipline. The solution of significant problems always leads to cross-disciplinary learning where breakthroughs and advances are most likely (Rogers, 1969). I suggest that, for practice profes- sions, the place this kind of breakthrough will occur is the place where the profession is learned through doing. The ideal training center should provide opportunities t o make mistakes, succeed, change roles quickly, deal with all kinds of people, try out theory, and struggle with researchable ideas, and to do all these things in an authentic place of practice. Universities like to think that they are the primary sites of learning experience, but if we look at the shape of human services in light of changes that have taken place in the past few generations, it is very difficult, if not impossible, to find any significant changes that have originated and been developed within the framework of the university. This outcome is largely due to the fact that universities have tended, in seeking knowledge in their field of specialization, to isolate themselves from the field of practice (Sheps, 1973).

'~xamples of content with boundary-spanning potential are: research meth- odology, statistics, sociocultural material, family dynamics, the early years of life, priorities in social provision, social gerontology, group dynamics, communi- cation theory, game theory, and crisis theory.

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Joan Ward Mullaney

Administrative Reality and the Intersystem Model in Professional Education

The creative impulse and the willingness to entertain deviations from accustomed patterns, such as intersystem education repre- sents, are more legitimate within the university than within most social structures. On the constraining side. centralized planning and - - leadership, which are frequently necessary in producing a significant organizational modification. are rendered difficult within bureaucra- - ties such as universities where scholars operate almost as private entrepreneurs (Lodge, 1972).

The distribution of instructional loads among the various schools and departments is the single most important determinant of the allocation of institutional resources (Jordan, 1972). For the educa- tional administrator, the question becomes: How does a given activity enhance our standing in the scramble for the slice of the institutional pie? Some interdisciplinary activities translate more readily into measurable units such as clock hours or credits, e.g., a joint faculty appointment, co-teaching a course, faculty taking courses in another department or school, students coming in or going out for credit or audit, but other activities are not so easily translated into measurable units or even "swapable" blocks of time. Planning noncredit workshops or institutes, joint preparation of course offerings or practicum experiences, guest lectureships, or dissertation or research work are not easily measured by hours or credits or figured accurately in calculating a faculty member's workload. In the best of times, the Harvard motto "Every tub on its own bottom" gives a clue as to why this activity is hard to administer. In tough times, in times of retrenchment, the school or department looks more inward than ever. Some of the questions about the difficulties in joint planning a course are illustrated by what happened between the schools of Nursing and Social Work. Two faculty members who knew each other personally2 developed and offered a course in social gerontology. The course was "housed" in Nursing and cross-listed in Social Work. The timing and credits were negotiated. The course was taught by a professor and graduate assistant from Social Service and a professor from Nursing. It attracted a sizeable number of

- - - -

2As professions develop, the most severe skirmishes (with other professions) occur between the new profession and the occupations closest to it in substantive and clientele interest. When rival claims issue conflict, each slde is likely to develop sterotypes and misconceptions about the other, especially in formal contexts, while by contrast, some individual members from each side may develop congenial, respectful working relationships.

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students from four disciplines. No doubt this course was a success from the point of view of the faculty of both schools, and apparently the students shared this view. However, the administrator will ask: How will a cost-benefit ratio be computed? On whose budget will faculty salaries appear? Can the time of a graduate assistant be shared between two schools? How will preparation time be computed? Does Nursing absorb the overhead costs for light, heat, etc.? What school pays for the paper supports, i.e., typing and duplicating course outlines and other necessay materials, such as a working bibliography? Which departmental library budget takes care of the books for the course? I believe that, until now, we have been likely to move ahead if the course was really desired and the people were available. This way of operating is a luxury which is no longer available to higher education.

Professional Education for Social Work: The New Influence of Gerontology

The essential difference between practicing professions and our colleagues in the university is that the function of the scientist is detached observation, whereas we move toward education from the midst of engaged operation (De Schweinitz, 1960). It is always worth emphasizing that social work education came out of practice and has remained closely tied to practice. The New York School of Social Work, now the Columbia University School, was established in 1898 as a vocational training center to prepare men and women for direct service in agencies. From the very beginning, therefore, social work education was shaped by the needs of practice (Scher, 1972). I t came as no surprise, then, that practice signalled social work education to get on with the work of preparing practitioners to serve the older person.

In 1970, Elaine Brody, a gerontologist and social work prac- titioner, made this clear request of social work education:

The practitioner asks that the educational community challenge rather than reflect the negative social and cultural attitudes of the general community toward the aging population, that education lead rather than lag, and that it exercise its historical role of leadership in thought, exploration, and practice in the great academic tradition of scientific inquiry. (Brody, 1970)

For education in general and social work in particular, the response has been impressive. Fifty-one universities have on-campus centers for

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Joan Ward Mullaney 89

the study of aging. Forty-one of them are multidisciplinary. Thirty- three schools of social work affiliate with such centers. Sixty-five schools with undergraduate programs in social work have one or more courses in gerontology, and 50 graduate schools have one or more courses. There is one joint degree planned (Sprouse, 1976).

This sizeable increase in the number of courses and affiliations with centers for the study of aging which has occurred since 1970 is in the best social work tradition of learning by doing. For any true profession, of course, the doing requires much more than affiliating or adding courses, no matter how desirable any of those activities appears to be. What really matters are the profession's efforts to develop the knowledge, technology, and belief systems to serve other '

people competently. For example, with respect to the elderly, it appears that social work education needs to define practice against the prevailing culture. Indeed, most educators are having to unlearn, through faculty development programs and in partnership with agency colleagues, the conventional knowledge about aghg which becomes the heritage of everyone growing up in our culture. One of the effects of this conventional knowledge on social work educators has been a less than full commitment to prepare for gerontological practice. In a stimulating paper about this reluctance, Monk (1975) examines in detail a number of reasons, among them:

1. The "contamination" effect of the psychodynamic theories of personality development which influenced the profession to a great degree. If the child is the parent to the person, a deeper concern with later adulthood would appear superfluous.

2. The generic base of social work practice seeks to broaden holi- stically the realm of practice by making it more responsive to complex client and target systems. While the aged client may be individualized as part of the larger system, the notion of a concentrated focus is viewed as antithetical to the generic philosophy.

3. There is a lack of understanding of the existential stance and its potential contribution to social work practice--the recognition of suffering; the sense of commitment or recommitment and its relation- ship to individual themes for the gerontological social worker. They require a development of a life perspective and subjective involvement of the whole person. A "meaning-searching," self-actualizing model of the practitioner rather than the instinctdriven or learned-condi- tioned models, Monk says, is not yet rooted in social work.

4. There is the commonly held rationalization that social interven- tion with the aged is futile, and that is is better to allocate resources ,to other age groups. As has often been stated, there may be counter

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transference attitudes concerning the practitioner's unresolved fears of aging and death, as well as re-activation of early conflicts with parents.

I imagine, too, there always will be dialogue in the profession about how much social work education should prepare the student to deal with the environment beyond personal, i.e., therapeutic, intervention. As a recent example, The National Conference on Social Welfare set up a blue-ribbon task force to examine future roles for social work in community mental health programs. The group studied in depth the historical development of the mission of social work and community mental health programs. They con- cluded than an insufficient proportion of social work hours is being spent in those functions which seek t o reduce the onset of sources of social stress, promote mental health, educate the public and commu- nity caretakers regarding mental health, and improve technologies and delivery systems for productive work with poverty and minority populations. The disturbing aspect of these conclusions, when applied to the aging, is that social work education is not emphasizing sufficient- ly those social change functions which ameliorate the pressures on the elderly to keep up, drop out, make do, or do without.

Summary

Demographic data and curricula already in place suggest gerontology will be a practice area of central importance for social workers by 1980. Schools apparently will not be going the route of a separate kind of degree or joint degree to attain this specialty, but rather will blend in the content with the basic program of theory and practice; research; human behavior; and social welfare, policy, and services. Life-span education will have an increasingly comfortable place in schools of social work on the university campus, since the student body already includes all ages and the curriculum reflects the ape- related interests of each group. By 1980, educators will have made more peace with the premise that everyone ages along the entire life span. I suspect, too, that doctoral programs, man no longer in their infancy, will have turned their attention to the expansion of a critical mass of social work scholars who devote their attention t o linking up the biological with the environmental through hard, painstaking research for the purpose of improving social work practice with the older person. In fact, if things move along in the right direction,

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social work scholars, epidemiologists, and a number of other "ologists" will be working together, on and off the university campus, to find ways to deal with pressing problems about which we now have only hints from demography and history.

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