problems of internment
TRANSCRIPT
Fortnight Publications Ltd.
Problems of InternmentAuthor(s): Terence O'BrienSource: Fortnight, No. 24 (Sep. 17, 1971), pp. 4-5Published by: Fortnight Publications Ltd.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25543692 .
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4 FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 17. 1971
Problems of Internment Terence O'Brien.
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A person interned on suspicion, without trial stands a high chance of losing his job, a chance which increases according to the length of his detention. He will not be compensated for this loss even though he
may have been innocent of any crime.
Thus, in addition to being imprisoned he is further penalised on release from
detention. The cost of the attempt to stabilise the conflict in the community is borne primarily by the individual internee.
The family of an internee must forfeit that proportion of his income which was in excess of the level of welfare benefits on
which they now have to rely. The effects
can be disastrous. Most families have fixed overhead commitments on furniture, house
mortgages, cars or whatever, on which
they will have to default and face the con sequences in terms of court orders, seizure
and credit black-listing. Living standards are cut to subsistence. An unmarried inter
nee may also have commitments in an area
where young bachelors tend to live with their parents and help out financially. This
help can be of crucial importance where
there are a number of younger brothers and
sisters, a not uncommon occurrence in
Catholic homes.
Consider the cost/ benefit implications of a policy decision to punish the families of in ternees. The more demonstrable the
material deprivation of the internees fa
mily, the more the potential terrorist with responsibilities is inhibited from following his inclinations. Thus goes the theory. Con
sider however the cost side, namely, the
rearing up of a new set of dependents and
relatives with an abiding hatred of the Northern state. The theorist can discount a
diminution of possible present violence
against a resurgence of violence at some
future date ? but can the Statesman? It is recognised by those who hold for middle ground in Northern Ireland that the only
long-term solution to the community division is reconciliation. Mr. Faulkner
appealed to Catholics for understanding. Reconciliation and Catholic understanding
begins at this nadir point with the Govern ment treatment of the internees and their
families. It is in the interests of Mr.
Faulkner's Government to be able to dem
onstrate that his administration is innocent
of malice towards the dependents of the in ternees.
That internment penalises, by income
deprivation, the relatives of the internees is
so obvious that the first response of the Gov
ernment of the Irish Republic to the announcement of internment in the North
was to offer the relatives free board and
accommodation.
In the absence of a statement by
Stormont during the immediate aftermath on the welfare of the detainees dependents, the I.R.A. were able to gain a valuable
propoganda point by undertaking to take
on this responsibility. In ostensible pursuit of this purpose the I.R.A. can now launch
national collections and get a sympathetic
response. This is, one propoganda weapon
that Stormont need not concede to its opponents. Should it be an object of Govern
ment policy to punish the relatives of an in ternee because the breadwinner falls under suspicion? If not, then action must be taken to supplement their incomes to the level
which obtained before the breadwinner was interned.
There are two ways of doing this. The
first is by direct supplementation, the second is by giving the internee the opportunity to engage in remunerated work. The psychological benefits of such opportunity are apparent. The provision of such work ,in British prisons is now receiving the attention of the Home Office. If the work is to have significant theraputic and income effects it
must be interesting and command rates of
pay comparable with equivalent outside employment.
In discussing this proposition with Unionists I have sometimes encountered the objection of treating the terrorists too lightly. But it must be remembered that the
men interned have not been tried and con
victed; they are simply under suspicion. If
internment is to be effective the benefit of., the doubt has to be given in favour of suspicion and not in favour of innocence. That is its logic and that is its consequence. It is possible to draw this conclusion in the light of historical experience. This is the fourth time since the inception of Northern Ireland that internment has been invoked.
This means that in the case of any individual internee the statistical probability of innocence could be quite high.
Are there then going to be different grades of internes classed according to the
degree of suspicion? It would be quite improper to entrust any such power of dis
crimination into Police hands. The possi bilities of its abuse to pressurise prisoners are apparent. It is clear that all political
prisoners will have to be treated on a
uniform basis. Thus a policy of alleviating
hardships for all because of the element of
doubt would mean that some guilty men
and their innocent dependents would also
benefit. It is this point which some supporters of
the Government find difficult to accept. Here however one must repeat the
question, is the object of internment to take supected subversives out of circulation or
to punish them and their families on suspicion, or both?
Supporters of the Government might also
ask themselves the question, how can the
Unionist Government emerge from this
debacle with the most credibility? Deprivation can take other than material
forms. Soviet penologists have recognised that the separation of the imprisoned man
from his dependents and they from him can
establish stresses which may lead to the
breakup of the family unit with all the social consequences and costs which such
disintegration implies. Certain classes of
prisoners are therefore permitted regular/
extended visits from their wives anfl children during which prisoner and visiting spouse are permitted to live together as man and wife.
Those held indefinitely without trial merit treatment no less enlightened. Indeed, the report on the "Regime for long term prisoners in conditions of maximum
security" recommended, on the basis of well documented evidence from some of the Latin American countries, that the system whereby prisoner and spouse are
permitted on regular occasions to sleep
together be introduced into Britain. (1). It must be borne in mind here that in the past some men have been interned for as long as seven years at a stretch.
Under the present regulations the inter nees are permitted two visits per week. On
each occasion a maximum of two adults
and two children may attend. The duration allowed for the visit is twenty minutes. Imagine travelling by public transport from Fermanagh to Belfast, a return
journey of almost 200 miles, to visit a relative for twenty minutes. At the moment
of writing relatives in. receipt of supplementary benefit can claim a
warrant to travel by public transport free of charge for one visit per week. There are a
number of objections to this procedure.
Firstly the free travel warrant extends only to those in receipt of supplementary benefit
whereas no such qualification should exist.
Secondly the travel warrant is available for only one visit per week while the person is entitled to two visits. Thirdly, given the delays attendant on travelling by public transport, the cash value of the warrant
should be made available to a relative who can persuade some one to drive her and the
children to the internment camp or ship. The right to opt for 'exile*. The family of
the internee should have the right to opt to live permanently with him. This choice has been open to the families of certain prisoners in Russia. There are adminis
trative difficulties, but one way around this would be to have an open prison on Rathlin
Island for internees with dependents. The
effects of the prison atmosphere on children would be thus avoided.
The right to training or study. Northern Ireland requires peace. The community has therefore a special interest in seeing that the internee does not become
maladjusted and can easily reintegrate with society on his release. It follows that
every facility be made available to train in
ternees in a trade or special skill or to study for professional or state examinations
which will enhance their prospects of
employment on release.
The Opposition is against the present in
ternment, emphasising that the failure to
restructure the political framework is the
root cause of the violence. This may be a
correct assessment of the situation, but
while the present internment lasts it is
necessary to look to the welfare and rights of the internees and their families. But
there is a further consideration, assume
that there is a political settlement as a
result of which the present internees are
released and the representatives of the
minority are put in a position to share
power. It may well be that whatever
political comprpmise that is arrived at will not go far enough for some Republicans and
will go too far for some Unionists, with a
consequent return to violence which cannot
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FORTNIGHT 5 be contained by due legal process. It may therefore be necessary in the future for a
coalition government to once again reactivate internment in respect of
numbers of both Protestants and Catholics
in order to give the new political structure a
chance to stabilise. In such circumstances a decision to deprive some citizens' of their
freedom without trial for an indefinte
period is likely to meet less public resistance if the authorities are seen to
spare no effort to treat such prisoners with
humanity and consideration. But such measures must not await the next inter
nment, they must start now, and should
have the backing of all political parties. The desired measures are summarised
thus:
(1) The right of internees and/ or their fa
milies to full compensation for income
foregone while interned on suspicion.
(2) The right of the internee on release to
re-enter his former employment and
financial compensation for loss of
employment in lieu.
(3) The right of the internee and the next of kin to regular visits and in the case
of husband and wife, co-habitation.
(4) The right of the next of kin of internees to free travel (not restricted by a
warrant) to and from the place of in
ternment on each permitted visiting
day.
(5) The right of the internee and his fa mily to opt for exile' on the Russian
model.
(6) The right of the internee to study facilities, and/ or remunerated work.
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If we can just wait a few
years all our
problems' will be Europe's/
Look, Stranger Gay Firth.
Reports and analysis of Ulster problems in the foreign press are, it is safe to assume, less than relevant to most readers of the
Newsletter or the Irish News. If very few
Ulstermen read the serious British press ?and very few do ? then followers of
foreign newspapers, must find themselves
in what is surely the tiniest minority in the Province.
A realisation that Northern Ireland has
been and continues to be under the glare of an international spotlight dawns, usually, via anxious and irritating letters from
relatives abroad demanding to know,
firstly, what in hell is going on, and
secondly, are we all right; and via cross
questioning by Danish taxi-drivers,
Spanish hoteliers and the like during a holiday or business trip. To those who care, the whole idea of being on the receiving end
of foreign comment and opinion is very
uncomfortable. Particularly when, in
Northern Ireland, it is received truth that
all outsiders (and we include the British) are bound to get us wrong. But do they?
'Le cabinet brittanique envisagerait, selon notre correspondant a Londres, des
"conversations a trois" entre Londres, Dublin et Belfast', Le Monde informed
readers of its front page on Thursday,
August 12th. It further noted that 'les
emeutesdues,selon L'Osservatore Romano
(the Vatican newspaper) "a des disparites
civiques et sociales et a des
incomprehensions ataviques" ', and went
on to make the telling point that 'le Conseil de l'Europe, en application de la con
vention ewopeenne des droits de l'homme sera informe par Londres des measures
d'internement administratif prises en
Ulster.'
Sober, carefully attributed stuff; followed up a day or two later by a report
explaining why the 'conversations a trois'
notion had evaporated. Le Monde has a
reputation for perceptive and accurate
reporting and for subtle analysis and
judgment. It enjoys the respect of many a
British journalist and, indeed, British politician. Old-fashioned in appearance, with a deceptive air of studied dullnesss
and an avoidance of sensation to the point where many an edition appears with no
picture coverage whatsoever, it is certainly one of the most influential newspapers in
Europe and, possibly, the best. The appar
ently casual reference to the Council of
Europe is both a model of Gallic understatement and an oblique reminder to
the British government of its duty ? besides being an example of why Le
Monde is sometimes regarded as the
provisional government of France.
For the Council of Europe should not be glossed over or ignored. However pointless these international bodies may appear,
when viewed from a piece of the world
caught in a continuing story of uproar, the
fact remains that their rules and
deliberations do affect the whole tricky business of UK foreign relations. The
Special Powers Act may be a political
necessity recognised by successive British
governments; it has also been known to
cause considerable embarrassment to
Westminster and Whitehall at certain con
ference tables abroad. Foreigners notice
these things. But for all their occasional
lapses of tact, they can be pretty sharp about political realities.
None sharper, perhaps, than Le Monde.
In an eye-witness account of a meeting in
the Falls at which three men present had
just been released from custody following the dawn swoops of Monday, August 9th, Le
Monde's special correspondant in Ulster
demonstrated that here was one foreigner who wasn't to be fooled. 'Devant des tasses
de the,' wrote Jean de la Gueriviere, 'ces
sympathisants de 1'IRA cherchent les mots
qui frappentl'etranger: "Nous sommes les
basques, nous sommes des negres, L'Ordre
d'Orange, c'est le Ku-Klux-Klan" '. Le
Monde also featured a remarkably well
informed piece on the IRA's development and activities from 1919 to the present time,
including a rundown on the Provisionals; and a street map of Belfast showing
'quartiers catholiques'. 'quartiers
Protestants', 'quartiers our cohabitent
catholiques et protestants', along with the
names of all districts ? Andersonstown,
Springfield, Ballymacarrett and the rest.
That map has appeared elsewhere,
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