Economy

Prior to Chinese occupatio~ Tibet's economy, though primeval,

was essentially self-contained and presented a structure based

upon a peasant-feudal economy. But the economic structure was

never homogeneous, due to the natural conditions that were

different in different regions. The main occupation of the valley

was farming, inhabitants of mountains lived a nomadic life. There

was a trading class, moving with their caravans as per the

dynamics of demand and supply. Monk-hood in itself organised

as a class. ; and there is the monk-hood. The lay members of the

government formed another division of the population.

For social analysis, one can divide the traditional Tibetan society

into five main classes, clergy, nobility, traders, herders and

peasants. But most of the population depended on agriculture and

animal husbandry as means of livelihood. The secondary sector,

such as carpet-weavers, carpenters, goldsmiths and blacksmiths

are limited in number. Tibet had only a small group of organized

traders, as trading was not a specialized occupation. The two core

subsistence patterns, agriculture and herding, were the results of

the environmental factors. The subsidiary occupations were

forestry, hunting, trade and commerce, service sector, fortune­

telling, magic, indigenous medical therapy etc. There were

menials and labourers as well. A privileged few were employed in

131

government services and monastic establishments, many of whom

had grants of agricultural land made to them for which they had to

pay some amount in cash. Table 4.1

Social class of respondents (based on household)

Catagory Number Percentage

Monks&nuns 19 23.75

Nobles & aristocrats 5 6.25

Traders 23 28.75

Peasants 18 22.5

Herdsman 15 18.75

Total 80 100.00

Source: Fieldwork

Tibetologists have observed that the gap between the rich and the

poor was not very wide in the Tibetan society, despite the fact that

the Tibetan economy was basically feudal and medieval in

character. The land tenure system of Tibetan society was feudal.

The state owned the entire land of the country, large chunks of

land were given away by the state to the religious institutions, i.e.

the monasteries, and also to the individuals who did some sort of

service to the state or the society. The beneficiaries on their part

leased their land to the landless labourers. In this arrangement

those who were the owners of land, enjoyed the fruits at the cost

of the serfs. However, only a few commodities are taxed in the

traditional Tibet, there was no land tax, but it was not that the

government was liberal. The poor land-less labourers and

ordinary peasants were exploited by both the government officers

132

and by the monks of monasteries. Their services were absolutely

free as far as government officials and monks were concerned.

Low literacy rate could be one of the reasons for exploitation.

Tibetan people were closed to all progressive ideas, Their blind

faith in the theory of Karma was very suitable to the feudal setup.

But it was not something new, such a system existed throughout

the world, prior to the Industrial Revolution.

Despite the feudal setup, an interesting feature of the Tibetan

economy was its self-contained nature. Due to various reasons the

Tibetan population level remained stable. Hence there was always

excess land in relation to the population. There was excess

production as well, which was stored locally for the rainy days.

Stable population was one of the main reasons for their stable

economic situation. Perhaps, it was one of the contributions of the

social practices of polyandry. The Tibetans in exile, consider that

they were better off in Tibet despite the fact that the land was

poor and unproductive. There was enough food for all and even

though life on the high plateau is hard and austere, there was a

serenity and contentment pervading the life of the individual and

the community.

Tibet is one of the highest plateau of the worl<L and due to the

high altitude, cold-beaten climatic conditions and poor soil, large

tracts of land are un-cultivable. Hence, the agronomy was at

subsistence level. Fanping was done in the river valleys in the

133

south and the east of the country where irrigation water was

available. Barely was the main crop, rice and wheat were also

grown in a limited quantity in the lower and warmer regions of

the country. Among fruits and vegetables, apple, peach, apricot,

pear, walnut and grapes, along with tomatoes, potatoes, onions,

radish and mushrooms were grown in valleys and escarpments.

Small quantities of mustard, maize and beans were also grown in

some regions. Ploughing was done by yak, dzo, or jhabbus, a

cross breed of Indian cow and Tibetan bull.

The available literature on Tibet also shows that Tibet was very

rich in its natural wealth. There were gold, borax, soda, rocksalt,

coal, silver, lime-stone and Shilajit deposits in different parts of

the country. Gold dust was also found in many Tibetan riverbeds.

But it is reported that because of the superstitious fear that the

mining deity would get annoyed. the Tibetan government did

nothing to prospect and explore the mines scientifically for

commercial exploitation and development. "The mineral content

in the land is relatively unexplored. Since many rivers from Tibet

like the Yangtze and the Indus contain gold sands, it is reasonable

to expect Tibet to be rich in gold. Iron, lead, and coal mines have

been found. However, in the absence of any systematic

prospecting, Tibet's mineral riches remain a subject for

speculation. "52

"Shen. Tsung-Lien and Liu, Shen..Chi. Tibet and the Tibetans, Stanford Vniversity Press, Stanford, California, 1953, p. 17.

134

Tibetan economy was self sufficient. They produced their staple

food and wove woolen cloth to wear. They had indigenous leather

· and wood for their clothes, boots and tents and animal bones for

their musical instruments. China and India were two main

countries with which they had trade relationship. Requirements

from outside were principally brick-tea, porcelain, and silk fr9m

Chine, iron, copper, cotton textiles, broadcloth, rice, sugar, and

miscellaneous household goods, mainly from India. They also

imported rice and copper from Nepal. The Tibetan woolen

products used to be exported in large quantities to India. The

major Tibetan export items were wool, thulma (finer type of rug),

carpet, yar-tail, animal skin, jimbu (dried Tibetan onion leaves),

prayer-wheels, mani-slabs, thanka (Tibetan banner-painting

especially of Buddhists deities or Buddhist painted scroll), tusks

of musk-deer, fur, horses, mules, dorikeys, sheep and goats, borax

and salt.

Religion also played direct role in economic activities, it helped

some of the people to earn their livelihood by making relics like

prayer-wheel, rosaries, Buddhist images, thankas, portable shrines

made of gold, silver or copper, chortens, stetuettes, butter-lamps,

mani-cylinders, mani-stones, musical instruments, khatak (cere­

monial scarf), hand-printed religious books, amulet-boxes, can­

dle-stands and cups meant for religious purposes etc. Religion

was both subject and object of Tibetan art and craft. The business

135

was transacted mainly on the basis of barter. Yet Tibet also had its

national currency with coins of different denominations in

circulation. Paper currency was also reported to have been a part

of the fiscal system. But in matters of trade with the neighboring

countries foreign currency, for instance Indian and Nepalese

currency, was also freely used, especially in the Tibetan border

areas. The periodic trade-marts at different centres were always

very big affairs and of very great importance to the national

economy of Tibet. Several such fairs were held in the border

regions connected with Nepal, Indi~ Chin~ Bhutan etc.

Frequently combining business with religion, the Tibetan

tradesmen operated both within their national boundary and in

other lands like India which offered them the best scope for

combining business with pilgrimage.

Since regular marketing of the produce was not possible the

periodical marts and the occasional trips by the pilgrim-peddlers

filled up this vacuum. As per reports, at these marts merchants

and traders in large numbers used to collect from both sides of the

border. The duration of the marts varied from a fortnight to

sometimes a continuous period of a few months. The bridge

communities on either side of the border greatly facilitated the

functioning of the periodical trade marts. In the past one could see

visiting Chinese and Nepali merchants even at Lhas~ maintaining

cordial relationship with theU: counterparts in Tibet. In fact the

Tibetan merchants from the border areas were very mobile. At

136

times they could be seen coming down to the Indian hills and

plains, to Kalimpong, Siliguri, Calcutta and occasionally even to

the more interior parts. Within their own country the Tibetan

traders moved with their wares from village to village. Their long

caravans could be seen inching their way, fully armed, along the

insecure bridle paths. Tibet began to have some sort of trade

regulations, agreements, conventions and treaties with the neigh­

bouring nations only in the second half of the last century. Earlier,

there was no formal trade regulations.

The primitive nature of Tibet's international trade was a part of

the general backwardness of the country. The Tibetan government

had no bank of its own, nor did it control foreign exchange. There

was no restriction on imports and exports; therefore, the exchange

rate fluctuated according to the balance of foreign trade. Markets

were controlled by supply and demand. Trade within Tibet itself

was also controlled to a large _extent by the weather. The Tibetan

trader, however, possessed an inbred business instinct. None

could fail to admire his energy, cleverness and sharp eye for

striking a profitable deal. A large number of Tibetan refugees

have evinced the same aptitude for doing very brisk and profitable

trade in India. In fact most o_f the Tibetan refugees, now engaged

in small trade in India, have been found to possess shrewd

business instinct. It will not be wrong to make the estimate that

business is in the Tibetan blood. It is said that every Tibetan, be a

137

householder or a monk, does some sort of business by way of

selling and buying. 53

Women also played important role in Tibetan economy, "Tibetan

women are free from seclusion, and many of them manage shops

and engage in small retail business while their men-folk take

charge of the commercial dealings which necessitate long and

often arduous journeys. "54 The Tibetan society was of an inter­

woven type in which an agriculturist was not exclusively an

agriculturist throughout but at times was given the responsibility

of governmental administration and was also engaged in business.

The same was the case with monks who were of all kinds and

shades, the holy men were also traders, cultivators, servants,

pony-drivers, shoe-makers, cooks, shepherds, high and low

officials as well as religious gurus.

Tibetan monastic economy was also prosperous. The Church in

Tibet was very rich and owned most of the land. It enjoyed the

revenues of enormous estates. Every monastery had its own

dealer, who procured provisions and other necessities. One would

hardly believe what enormous sums were spent on the upkeep of

the monasteries and their inmates. Monasteries also got offerings

from its followers in the shape of cash and kind, such as yaks,

sheep, goats, silver coins and butter etc; Much of peoples' and

53 Pranavananda, Swami, Exploration in Tiba_ Vniversity of Calcutta, 1950, p.120. ~ Moraes, Frank. The Revoh in Tibd, Sterling Publishers (p) Limited, London, 1966, p. 43.

138

government's resources were diverted into monasteries.

According to reports the large monasteries also had fabulous

hoards of wealth in the forms of statues, icons and relics made of

costly metal, lumps of gold and silver, precious gems and stones

and invaluable art treasures. This wealth did not come to any use

at all. At least the common Tibetans did not enjoy any good

accruing from such hoards except for occasional loans and

advances usually of small sums granted by the monasteries to the

common people at times of their need. One of the charges brought

against the Chinese invaders by the Tibetan refugees is that the

Chinese ransacked the monasteries and carried the loot to China,

just as they also seized the hoards of the wealthy individuals and

siphoned off the same to China. In India the newly established

Tibetan monasteries are definitely very impoverished replicas of

those in Tibet.

Some of the Tibetan refugees joined the Tibetan Administration

and some of them joined Indo-Tibetan Border Security Force in

the process of settlement. But very few have taken up domestic or

private jobs. Some of them were. found earning their subsistence

by writing religious books or painting thankas, religious books,

banners and painting, which were all in the traditional pattern and

have been transplanted on the Indian soil. But most of herders had

to change their traditional occupation. Of course in the border

areas of India where pasturage is available there are still some

Tibetan refugee herders who are engaged in their traditional

139

occupation. Initially the Government of India gave same financial

and material support to the Tibetan refugee monks as was being

given to the children and the infirm. But the Government could

not support the monks indefinitely and it was expected that

together with the rest of the Tibetan community, the monks

should also seek to achieve economic self-reliance. In the big land

settlements, it was gathered, the monks had also taken to agri­

culture as their pattern of livelihood. Additionally the monks also

performed religious rites for which they were, at least to some

extent, paid by the members of the community. The Tibetan

monks knew it well that the Chinese authorities in the Tibet

considered monks and monasteries a great source of exploitation

of the masses. The Chinese had impugned the Tibetan monks for

doing no work and idling around the monasteries, wasting time in

praying and frittering away money on incense and large quantities

of butter in religious ceremonies. This was a stigma which

evidently the monks wanted to wash off. They appeared to be

very conscious and, as far as possible, keen to become self­

supporting. In course of this study it was observed that the monks

were also engaged in trade and business; some of the small-scale

industries were being run and managed along with the lay

refugees by the monks also.

Most of the refugees, whose traditional profession was trade,

continued to be the traders, of course with certain variations. Very

few number of Tibetan refugees are in service. Amongst the

140

nobility, most of them had taken up different types of services in

the Tibetan establishments, a sure way to regain and preserve

their lost status and economic independence. But unlike

traditional order they are .no longer on the driver's seat as they

used to be at Lhasa.

The nature of economic activities also depended on the location

of settlements. In Majnu-ka- tila (Delhi), Clement Town

(Dehradun) and hill stations like Dharamsala. the economic

activities are mainly non-agricultural as these are all urban or

semi-urban settlements, with little scope for agriculture. On the

other hand, in the big refugee settlements in Orissa, Karnataka

and other states, where thousands of Tibetan refugees have been

rehabilitated, there has been almost an exclusive emphasis on

providing the refugees with their most staple occupation at home

i.e. agriculture and various works connected with the agricultural

infra structure of composite and modernized agricultural

settlements.

~Tibetan refugees have not only achieved a fair degree of

economic stability but, as it has been observed, in some cases

even created a kind of business rivalry with the local Indian

businessmen. A majority of the refugees lacked any formal and

technical education; in the absence of any specific skill, it was not

possible to rehabilitate any substantial number of them in suitable

jobs. The yet unresolved unemployment problem of India also

141

created difficulties. The only alternative left was to put them in

some unskilled jobs. Hence refugees were initially sent to work in

road-building and construction projects on the Himalayan

borders. The Tibetan refugees thus employed were paid wages

according to the current wage rates of India. This was an adhoc

arrangement to be continued till through suitable rehabilitation

programmes the refugees engaged in road-building could be

transferred to the settlements specially meant for them. Some of

the settlements and construction project sites were in the Indian

border areas adjoining the Tibetan boundary, also called the

Hindu-Buddhist Cultural Contact Zone, where the climate and

terrain were favorable to the Tibetans. Ecologically and also

culturally these areas were not much different from the homeland

of the refugees.

For one thing the rehabilitation of the Tibetan refugees in India

was not an easy task. It will bear reiteration that the political

developments in Tibet just antecedent to the refugee exodus had

been sudden and unexpected. But the Government of India with

the help of national and international organizations took emergent

relief and rehabilitation measures for these refugees. As the

Tibetan refugees came from the background of traditional

economy and were abruptly exposed to totally new types of land

and labour syste~ money, economy and legal and economic

organizations. Their transplantation in this totally new economic

set-up caused them much tension and hardship. At times they had

142

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to struggle hard to get some sort of stability and avoid failures.

The Tibetan refugees in India have been rehabilitated in different

settlements, agricultural settlements, industrial settlements,

handicraft centres, multi-purpose societies, directly under the

Dalai Lama's Trust, employment in the Tibetan establishments

and in the Tibetan Music, Dance and Drama society, and

individual small scale trade and business enterprises.

According to 1976 figures from the Home and Rehabilitation

Office of the Tibetan Administration, Dharamsala, approximately

40.50 percent of the refugees had been settled and rehabilitated by

that time in the various agricultural and land settlements, 2.61

percent through the handicrafts; 5.88 percent in industry, 3.32

percent through multi-purpose societies, and 1.60 percent through

service in the Tibetan establishments. Additionally 0.11 percent

had been rehabilitated directly under the Dalai Lama's Trust.

Further while 10.59 percent were still road-construction workers,

and 4.09 percent were living in Ladakh and yet awaiting rehabili­

tation in the various projects. About 12.64 percent comprised the

students. Of the rest, which works out a percentage of 18. 76, a

majority should be included in the self-employed category. It is

clear from the above that the refugees have gone far ahead from

the early phase of uncertain life in various transit camps, they

have steadily advanced towards settlement and stability of life­

pattern, though on a foreign soil and in a new environment.

143

Table4.2

Occupational distribution of Tibetan refugee

Occupation Person Percentage

Agricuhure 20 8

Business 25 10

Sen ice 23 9.2

Handicrafts 15 6

Labour 12 4.8

Household 9 3.6

MonkmWl 24 9.6

StudentSJinfantSJnon-worker 122 48.8

Total 250 100

Source: F1eldwork

There is also a great deal of shift from the traditional system of

occupational specialization. Category-wise, a majority of the

nobles still cling to administrative services and the rest of them

are engaged in business and trade. The monks of the former days

show the highest degree of change, since some of them have

renounced their monkhood and taken to different secular

vocations. Many of them as stated before, are also engaged in

business and trade. In the total Tibetan refugee context one can

observe that quite a significant number among them have taken to

cottage industry and household manufacture, largely woolen - ~-

garments and carpets, and have been pursuing · the line with

commendable expertise and organizational skill. The sale of hand­

woven Tibetan carpet has shown a steady upward trend and is in

great demand all over the world. These items are sold on

individual, small group or cooperative basis. In this context a

noticeable change in the economic pattern is that while some of

144

the old-time monks have now taken to agriculture, many of the

former agriculturists have been absorbed in petty trade. Most of

the herders, excepting a few living in the border areas, have also

changed over to trade. On the whole the Tibetans who have been

absorbed in the Tibetan establishments are only a vety tiny part of

the entire refugee community. A fair number still live in special

encampments and are engaged in road construction works and

quite a few have been absorbed in the security services.

As already noted, before the refugee exodus from Tibet began, for

centuries together the Tibetans living close to the Indo-Tibetan

border had been carrying on brisk hawking and peddling type of

selling of Tibetan products in the neighbouring Indian areas. Now

this kind of business has been expanded and extended many-fold

by the enterprising Tibetan refugees. The Tibetans' great business

astuteness is not confined only to the people of Amdo who were

reputed to be very successful businessmen and who could 'never

die of hunger', as a common Tibetan saying goes. It is a common

sight in the winter season all over India to fmd Tibetan peddlers

selling either superior or inferior quality knitwear, manufactured

in Ludhiana, Punjab. In the winter months almost every town in

India is thronged with Tibetan refugees-men, women and even

children-who have almost established a strong hold on the woolen

knitware market in India. The great advantage for a Tibetan's

selling such knitwears is that these are supposed to be knit from

pure Tibetan wool. It has been estimated that in Delhi alone over

145

4,000 Tibetans gather every winter to carry on briskly the woolen­

gannent trade. 55

Apart from selling woolen clothes and carpets, the Tibetans have

also a reputation for selling genuine hinge, i.e., Fern/a asfoetida,

shilajit and kasturi, which are widely used for medicinal

purposes. The Tibetan refugee traders have already become well

known in the Indian market as the dealers in the above products.

Pictorial displays of the typical Tibetan motif, Tibetan curios,

thankas and many other items of Tibetan handicraft have also

caught the fancy of the Indian and foreign-tourist purchasers.

Through these trades the older trade links between the two

countries have been strengthened and extended; additionally the

economic rehabilitation of the refugees in India and their coming

closer to the Indian people have been greatly augmented. Catering

and running of restaurants are also popular trades among the

Tibetan refugees. Such establishments have grown almost in all

the urban areas where the Tibetan refugees have settled in large

numbers. The Tibetan restaurants are quite popular and much

resorted to for their Tibetan and Chinese cuisine. Upon

investigation the prices were found to be relatively cheap, though

the upkeep and standard of cleanliness left much to be desired. It

was also found that the eating houses, in many cases in temporary

sheds or tents, supplied not only the Tibetan and Chinese

delicacies such as momo, thukpa, various varieties of noodle

"Tibetan Review, Vol VIll, Nos. I & 2, Jan.-Feb., 1973, New Delhi. P.5.

146

dishes, but also the Tibetan brew called chang. This practice

along with the fact that the Tibetan female folk are also employed

in these establishments and pursuing the work in the normal way,

almost as a part of their household work, would be seen as a

continuance of similar practice and usage in the Tibetan

mainland. In the Indian situation however, there is evidence to the

haunts of the anti-social elements. Commonly known as dhabas,

many of the Tibetan eating and drinking houses were unlicensed

and unauthorized, in some cases the government machinery got

scent of the matter and took steps to close down these shops. It

was found that sealing of the dhabas has meant loss of livelihood

to a large number of Tibetan refugees reckoning on the fact that at

least four to five families lived on the earning of each such dhaba.

But most of these eating joints cater to lower segment of society.

A novel attempt at diversification of the trade pattern was the

setting up of the Apso shows. Apso in Tibetan means the long­

haired one and is the name given to a special Tibetan canine

variety distinguished by its long hair and fleecy coating. The

Apso shows so far have been greatly successful and some Tibetan

dogs have fetched even as high price as Rs. 1000 per animal. The

proceeds from the dog shows have also gone as help the welfare

institutions of the Tibetan refugees just as individual breeders

have received a lot of financial help and a greater impetus to

breed the better varieties of Tibetan dogs in larger numbers.

147

It could be observed that the average Tibetan had a better standard

of living than the average Indian. It is a fact that they have got

various types of relief and aid from Indian and international

agencies. A general tendency, however, was to hide the actual

mcome.

The Tibetans had a fairly good standard of living as was reflected

in their possessing lots of foreign goods, some of which they had

got as gifts or earned, and some others, in all probability, had

been obtained through other sources. In most of the Tibetan

houses in India one can fmd an assortment of sophisticated

'foreign' goods, Tibetan hand-woven carpets, sleeping bags,

transistors, large and costly thermos flasks etc. To a certain extent

these household articles indicate their standard of living despite

their refugee status. The Indian shopkeepers always noted the

Tibetans' purchasing capacity, especially for meat and milk

Some of the Tibetans stated that there was no dearth of dairy

products in Tibet. These formed their daily food and minks. But

in India due to high prices they were forced to eat less and felt a

craving for their favourite edibles and drinks. One could

justifiably interpret this as an expression of their feeling of lack of

satisfaction in the Indian surroundings. However, it was found

that the Tibetan refugees had continued their traditional food

habits. They consumed the saine edibles and drinks as at home in

Tibet. Of course, there was the inevitable process of economiza-

148

tion in the refugee state, less elaboration and careful confonnity to

what their pockets would pennit in the refugee situation.

The change of geographical location also had some impact on the

class status of the Tibetan refugees. Obviously, clever

enterpreneurship counted for the change in class status. There are

examples when a poor person became rich after migration and

vice versa. It is true that most of the Tibetan nobles who were not

used to hard work, would have perished if they had got no

patronage from their leadership and Tibetan administration. There

is no doubt that those who are working in the Tibetan Administra­

tion in exile do not get attractive salaries but have substantial

'perks' and enjoy many amenities, facilities and better opportu­

nities for their children. They have thus preserved a part of their

old status.

Tibetans have, on the whole, successfully emerged from a self­

sufficient barter economy in to a competitive market economy,

and have adjusted to the new situation which is a tribute to, the

Tibetan community in exile. They have learn new skills 'ln.

agriculture and industry as well as new trades. Modem education

has opened many avenues to them and a great majority have

improved their economic condition in comparison to what

prevailed in the old feudalistic structure where the people were

exposed to various types of economic exploitation. The Tibetan

refugees in India have a feeling that those who have migrated to

149

the western countries are better off than them. This they feel

purely in terms of material prosperity. The younger generation

have a strong lure and attraction for the affluent western society.

For the upper-age group respondents it was the religious

atmosphere which was more important than economic prosperity.

It was significant that the younger generation which was a strong

critic of Tibet's traditional leadership favoured a new educational

system, progressive economic structure and open and just

opportunities of life. This indeed is an ideological change.

The factors responsible for attitudinal change, includes, cultural

differences in the new set-up and the ways in which new torces

are stirring in the traditional life of the Tibetan refugee society. In

Tibet, land and live-stock along with gold and silver were the

main criteria for measuring economic status. Another factor was

that the traditional economic life was familial, based on a network

of obligations, to labour on one side and, to be supported on the

other. But in exile with the disintegration of the familial life, the

old idea of cooperative effort and economic security within the

family has been replaced by the acquisition of new skills both

general and technical, capitalization and acquisition of personal

property. The economic well-being is now being measured in

terms of increased income, and possession of the means to buy

creature-comfort goods and services, rather than of acquisition of

land and live-stock. The economic profile of the changing Tibetan

society is that of a gradual shift from preoccupation with other-

150

worldliness to a consciOus pursuit of worldliness. There is a

distinct clamor for economic betterment, for raising of income,

for acquiring worldly goods and services, and for gaining all­

round prosperity.

Tibetans have a strong tendency to patronise the shops of their

compatriots. This has forced many_ local Indian traders and shop­

keepers to cut down their business. The Tibetan Administration

and the institutions it runs also substantially support their o\Vn

shop-keepers and traders. There is a flow of foreign money too,

coming from the foreigners who visit the place and also from the

foreign aid and sponsorship programmes. Anyway the business is

brisk and profitable. Tibetans themselves, when asked, indicate

three reasons for which they thrive in business. Firstly, the

Tibetans are hardworking people, Secondly, their womenfolk

also work as hard as men, thirdly, the Tibetans have a natural

instinct for trading. The trading instinct is quite apparent even

from the assortment of goods displayed by pavement-sellers.

151