1. B 1 Political rhetoric: No humanity for the soul S. SCOTT & PAUL ANDREW BOURNE

2. Political rhetoric: No humanity for the soul Citation of document: Scott, S., & Bourne, P.A. (2013). Political rhetoric: No humanity for the soul. Kingston: Socio-Medical Research Institute. 2 3. Background Vote for me and you might get a job Vote for my opponent and if I win You probably wont Harass my opponent in his electoral campaign Get a hand out for a meal (Hall 1968, cited by Edie 1984) If the purpose of politics is the distribution of favours, one had better make sure that there are enough favours to go around or those who are not favoured will rise up in due course and smite those who are (The Right Hon. Michael Manley) Politics, its tenets, the rhetoric and the extent to which some will deceive in order to attain power are hidden not in the degree to which they will go but the use of rhetoric. A few would want it to be perceived that deceptiveness in political rhetoric is limited to the developing world, particularly the Jamaica, but this is the farthest from the truth. The great King Solomon warned about the sweet taste of the deceivers mouth, the guile of the smooth talker, the venom in the words and how some set in pursuit of the simple to destroy them by way of charm. Solomon would have seeing the artistry of words is being used to destroy great, feeble and noble men, and how women would have charmed their way into the hearts of men using words and other human gifts. Like subtlety of women which is recorded in the Holy Bible and many accounts of human relations; words have been utilized by people to craft, pursue, persuade, seduce, betray, belittle, demonize, marginalize, segregate, exclude, and stimulate people into action(s). Politicians are among people who employ words with various purposes including 3 4. deception. In Halls (cited by Edie) comment that Vote for me and you might get a job, Vote for my opponent and if I win, You probably wont, Harass my opponent in his electoral campaign, Get a hand out for a meal are clear illustrations of political rhetoric employed by people to deceive others into action. Hence, when The Right Honourable Michael Manley, former prime minister of Jamaica, stated that If the purpose of politics is the distribution of favours, one had better make sure that there are enough favours to go around or those who are not favoured will rise up in due course and smite those who are he was emphasizing how political rhetoric may not supported in reality, its cost and silliness in so doing. Despite Manleys one claim, he was among the master of political rhetoric, which indicates no humanity for soul in the game of political rhetoric. It should come as no surprise that local government is least trusted public institution in Jamaica (Powell, Bourne & Waller, 2007, 27). This does not cease there as trust which is a critical component of social relation, social solidarity and social cohesion is lacking in Jamaica. A society must be based on trust and with 7 out of every 100 Jamaicans trusting government and 7 out of 50 trusting other people (Powell, Bourne and Waller, 2007), envelope in the empirical data from Powell, et al. is the distrusted created by political rhetoric and maneuverings in Jamaica which obtains in many other contemporary societies. Introduction As one of the few developing countries in which relatively stable government has survived after 20 years of independence, contemporary Jamaica stands out as something of an unusual case of political development. According to Edie (1984), in hindsight 4 5. Jamaica appears to have fulfilled the political theorists dream of a non rebellious and democratic transition from colonialism to independence. However Gray (2004) asserts that while electorialism persists and the pluralism of the Jamaican two-party cartel remains durable, the outstanding feature of the Jamaican political order is not to be found in its democratic credentials. Gray raises the question as to whether the Jamaican society can truly be classified as democratic, that is, encompassing such ideals of freedom and justice, rule of law, integrity and viability. He questions the democraticness of the Jamaican society against the background of the pervasive phenomenon of garrison patron clientelism. This phenomenon has been explicitly dealt with by the late renowned Carl Stone, a Jamaican Political Scientist whom, among a few others, saw this aspect of Jamaican society as crucial to understanding the political sphere and integral to the survival of a Jamaican political order. As a result Stones study as well as a number of others has been extensively employed in an attempt to answer the question posed by this paper. Garrison and patron clientelism In an attempt to answer the question it is necessary to define the terms garrison and patron clientelism and to give a chronological order of the development of both in the Jamaican society. The National Committee on Political Tribalism (1997) states that a garrison community can be defined as a political stronghold, a veritable fortress completely controlled by a party. These political garrisons were not a natural outgrowth of the Jamaican political process, but rather they were nurtured and nourished as strategic initiatives to secure or maintain political power. The Committee goes further to describe a garrison community as one in which anyone who seeks to oppose, raise opposition to or 5 6. organize against the dominant party would definitely be in danger of suffering serious damage to their possessions or person thus making continued residence in the area extremely difficult if not impossible. Harriott (2002) opines that political identity in these garrisons was established on the territorial principle of the carrot of public housing and the stick of violence to ensure homogeneous voting. In other words the practice of allocating houses to supporters in order to establish a homogenous voting community resulted in the proliferation of the garrison community. Garrison communities are characterized by makeshift homes and as a result were earlier classified as squatter communities. Garrison residents were and still are the poor, disadvantaged and marginalized citizens of the Jamaican society. Henley Morgan (2005) assures that today they (garrisons) are without exception zones of exclusion characterized by endemic poverty, an absence of social services, crumbling infrastructure and appalling sanitation. As a result they provide the means through which the patron-client relationship flourishes. This relationship is defined as: A special case of dyadic ties involving a larger instrumental friendship in which an individual of higher socio-economic status (patron) uses his/her own influence and resources to provide protection or benefits or both for a person of lower status (client) who, for his part reciprocates by offering general support and assistance including personal services to the patron (Scott 1972, cited by Edie 1984) According to the literature provided by Stone, a relationship can be designated as a patron-client one as long as it displays the elements of inequality, reciprocity and proximity. These relationships are unequal as they develop between parties unequal in status, wealth and influence. They are reciprocal in that the formation and maintenance of the relationship depends on the reciprocity in the exchange of goods and services. 6 7. Proximity indicates that that they are based on personal face to face relationship which often creates feelings of affection and trust between parties. Patron-clientelism or machine politics (as it is often called) has been identified as the dominant feature of the organization of mass support for competitive political parties in most Third World countries. Patron politicians in such a clientelistic political system act as brokers for clients. Stone opines that the dominant basis of political and party allegiance in a clientelistic party system is personal loyalty to individual political actors who have or are perceived to have a high capability to allocate and distribute divisible material or social benefits. These benefits are often described as scarce benefits or political spoils and can range from a simple meal to a job. The competition for these benefits by the disadvantaged majority tends to be violent and brutal. Most of the poor areas of the inner cities of downtown Kingston and lower St. Andrew fall into this pattern of violently defended, geographical power domains. Not surprisingly politicians have benefited and continue to benefit from the social unrest and displacement in these communities. Gleanings from academic studies and submissions written and oral indicate indubitably that what began as mild clientelism in the decades of the '50s developed into a blatant display of favouritism including nepotism for the supporters and discrimination against others. It is now a case of "to the victors the spoils" and a contributory cause to gun violence as a form of political rivalry. At every forum and in the many submissions, oral and written, the discriminatory allocation of what has been euphemistically called "scarce benefits" has been urged as the fundamental cause of political tribalism (The National Committee.1997) Voting and garrison politics Since its establishment as a parliamentary democracy in 1962, Jamaica has held eight general elections all of which have been plagued by systematic violence, fueled by 7 8. the two leading parties- The Peoples National Party (PNP) and The Jamaican Labour Party (JLP). Both Bernard Headley (1996) in The Jamaican Crime Scene and Laurie Gunst (1996) in Born fi dead describes how guns, issued by politicians, were used not only for protection but also as means of ensuring safe seats for political leaders. Garrison politics in Jamaica have seen the death and injury of many citizens simply because they were affiliated to the showa (JLP) or powa (PNP) party. The brutal interactions between rival factions of urban Kingston are summed up in the songs of many Reggae and Dancehall artistes who, after living in some of these areas, fear that Jamaica is without hope. Reggae female artiste, Vivienne Tanya Stephenss reflection on the Jamaican society under political clientelism can be summed in the following line: we used to be the best of friends, now politics a cause the whole a we face fi ben. this one bag a orange and green when the whole a we a play fi d same wicked team The wicked team that Tanya speaks to is the government comprised of patron politicians. It is clear that the garrison phenomena, has negatively impacted on the Jamaican governance and democracy. The outcome of an election is not necessarily a fair reflection of the wishes of the electorate. In other words, in this new political dispensation, the political party with the most garrison constituencies is likely to form the government. In fact, according to Delroy Scarlet (2005) if there was an absence of these garrison communities, the JLP could have won state power in the 2002 election. This he assumes based on the findings of the National Committee on Political Tribalism. Two of the primary members of the committee, Mr. Sangster and Mr. Figueroa both agree that of the 60 constituencies, eight constituencies (all located in the inner cities of Kingston, St. 8 9. Andrew and St. Catherine) have dominant garrison communities. Two constituencies represented by the JLP and six represented by the PNP. This means that at the close of polling in a national election the PNP starts the count with six unofficially declared seats to the JPLs two. The garrison model of patron clientelism automatically translates into poor governance by the Jamaican Parliament. Stone posits that clientelism in Jamaica encourages low levels of accountability in political life by political leaders and high concentrations of personal power. It retards the development of a civic sense of national interest independent of party political interest. It presents intimidating obstacles that stifle the free flow of public debate and discourages independent individual and group participation in public life. Stone states that patron clientelism represents a species of authoritarian democracy, the democratic content of which is anchored on the ballot box and competitive elections. To add to this Gray puts forward the opinion that the Jamaican state can be more accurately identified as a violent parasitic entity that retains some amount of democratic features. He states that this violent parasitic rule is now ascendant over liberal democratic rule. In the past two decades it may be argued that the balance between official respect for democracy on the one hand, and the resort to violence and official illegalities on the other, has been tipped decidedly in favour of the latter. Gray argues that the forces that have traditionally defended democratic values are retreating form the political scene and despite the rhetoric of law, order and justice and affirmations of allegiance to democratic values, established polities and their agents have systematically contravened law, order and democracy in the quest for political dominance. 9 10. Democratic principles of freedom and justice are also handicapped by garrison politics. Individuals are permitted political freedoms inclusive of the freedom to vote in elections at the national and local level, freedom of speech, of assembly, and all areas of civil liberties. However the concept of political freedom goes beyond constitutionally defined rights to include perceptions of the social and economic costs associated with political activity. Even where laws exist to protect individuals freedoms, individuals cannot be said to have extensive political freedom if they fair reprisals for their political stance, opinions and activities. Infact in the hard core garrison communities, as put forward by the National Committee, the Jamaican state has no authority or power except in as far as its forces are able to invade in the form of police and military raids. In the core garrison disputes have been settled, matters tried, offenders sentenced and punished, all without references to the institutions of the Jamaican state. This shows clear disregard for the rule of law, which generally states that all citizens are equal under the law. The residents of some garrison communities are believed to be above the general Jamaican law. This is due to the level of autonomy enjoyed by these inner city areas. Having been allowed to continue unchecked for over 40 years, garrisons and the associated behavior have become institutionalized. Many of these communities have never morally recovered from the deliberate and methodical conscription of the urban poor into partisan political militia. As a result it becomes increasingly difficult to find a solution for the problem of garrison patron clientelism. Even more so, the Jamaican garrison today is no longer dependent on political affiliation but has evolved into a commercial base where the Dons or area leaders use the very same patron clientelism on residents to protect developed drug and gun cartels. Sives (2002) states that a decline 10 11. in material resources and the weakening of the state altered the Jamaican governments ability to provide for garrison residents, the dons were able to jump in and solve this problem as a result the peoples loyalty is with them rather than the politicians. This is not to say that politics does not have any bearings in these communities infact it still does still however it is just not as influential as before. Nonetheless it is in the need for a better Jamaica and for the sake of our people, democracy and the credibility of our electoral process and the development of Peace, Order and Good Government that we must atleast attempt to solve this problem. To use the words of Noam Chomsky: If you assume that theres no hope, you guarantee that there is no hope. If you assume that there is an instinct for freedom, there are opportunities to change things, there is chance that you may contribute to making a better world. Thats your choice. Scarlet maintains that the dismantling of garrisons, as a start, would allow a vast amount of Jamaicans to start hoping and believing again in the political process and their country. This will give the constituents the impetus and the freedom to pursue educational and job opportunities instead of ignorance and dependence; participation and progress instead of control and stagnation, happiness and fulfillment, instead of misery and hopelessness, and empowerment instead of powerlessness. The best way to solve the problem of garrison patron clientelism would be to call upon the 60 members of the House of Representatives to disassociate themselves and their constituencies from gunmen and criminals of the garrison communities. However this is easier said than done. Some politicians have become so dependent on garrison politics for electoral support to the point that they know no other way. In this light it is 11 12. better to suggest policies that can be undertaken in order to gradually effectively rid the Jamaican society of garrisons. As a first step towards dismantling garrisons, this paper will adopt Morgans recommendation of a petition to the government of Jamaica by the ordinary citizens. Morgan recommends that a Truth and Reconciliation Commission by an Act of Parliament should be established as a means of expunging the wrongs that were done by politicians partly in the period 1960-1980, in the pursuit of political objectives. Conclusion This paper will also recommend that any politician found guilty of patron clientelism today be stripped of his or her title and position and the public be informed of the act. Another way to rid the country of the garrison model of patron clientelism would be to formulate policies and organizations to assure basic social programs such as education, health and employment to citizens so as to reduce the dependency on patron clientelism. What we must realize is that the residents of Jamaican garrisons see no other means of surviving outside of their communities. Socially excluded, marginalized and stereotyped these residents depend on the garrison model of patron clientelism to eat, sleep and provide for their children. Tanya Stephens express the ghetto youth sentiment in a line taken from the sound track entitled Sound of my Tears How can you judge the way how we live when you nuh provide we wid no good alternative we affi hustle It must however be noted that it is easier to rid the country of patron clientelism by politicians than it is to get rid of garrisons. This is as result of their recent evolution 12 13. from politics to professional crimes. To deal with this problem greater attention must be paid to the arrest and imprisonment of community dons and their associates. The weight of the argument leads to the conclusion that the garrison model of patron clientelism has had serious negative impact on governance, the development of democratic culture, freedom and justice, the rule of law and the integrity and viability of the Jamaican society. This is to the point that some scholars even refute the claim of country having democracy in its true sense. Gray states: On the contrary it is not so much that the Jamaican democracy survives and flourishes, but rather that a predatory state, which increasingly corrupts and violates existing democratic attributes, has flowered into maturity, particularly after 1972 The effects of garrison politics are obvious, detrimental and degrade the integrity of any state that it exists in, however all hope is not lost. The fact that these communities were no accident of geography or history but part of a process deliberately fostered for political ends indicates that a genuine attempt by politicians to compete fairly (without the use of garrisons) in elections could result in a gradual decrease in patron clientelism. 13 14. References Edie, Carlene. (1984). Dual Dependency: Patron Clientelist Relations in Jamaica. Los Angeles: The University of California. Gray, Obika. (2004). Demeaned but Empowered: The Social Power of the Urban Poor in Jamaica. Jamaica: The University of the West Indies Press. Harriott, Anthony. (2002). Social Identities and the Escalation of Homicidal Violence I Jamaica. UWI Mona: Department of Government. Morgan, Henley. (2005). The De-garrisonisation of Jamaica. The Jamaica Gleaner, December 07, 2005. http://www.jamaicaobserver.com/editorial/html/. Scarlett, Delroy (2005). The Commentator: The Implications of Garrison Politics in Jamaica. http://www.thecommentatorjm.com/ Stone, Carl. (1980). Democracy and Clientelism. New Jersey: New Brunswick. The National Committee on Political Tribalism. (1997). Report of the National Committee on Political Tribalism July 3 1997. Kingston: The Towers. Powell L.A., Bourne P., & Waller L. (2007). Probing Jamaicas Political culture, volume 1: Main trends in the July-August 2006 Leadership and Governance Survey. Kingston, Jamaica: Centre for Leadership and Governance. 14