phonological strength: background
TRANSCRIPT
CONSONANTS 4
Phonological strength
Phonological strength: Background
phonological theory: what is possible in phonology? what is a
possible phonological process? + why?
2 types of phonological process:
- determined by (linear) adjacency / locality (interaction with a
segment’s (sub)segmental neighbourhood): primarily,
assimilation (+ dissimilation, etc.): green + peas =
gree[mp]eas, Hu. zseb ’pocket’ + kendő ’tissue’ = zse[pk]endő
’hankie’
- ???
??? = lenition/weakening
Lenition theory investigates the types of consonantal processes that
cannot be easily reduced to assimilation, etc.
what is possible in the patterning of a lenition process
Phonological strength
weak = frequent site for lenition (weakening, see below)
strong = more resistant to lenition (stability, or less weakening
than in weak position – implicational hierarchy)
certain positions (e.g., stressed vowels, word-initial or post-coda
consonants) are stronger than others (e.g., unstressed vowels,
word-final or coda consonants) both synchronically and
diachronically
universal tendencies + parameters (e.g., pre-consonantal vs.
final codas, word-initial C, stress-sensitivity, quality of C1 for
post-coda C2, etc., see Scheer & Ségéral 2008)
Several strands of phonological theory have focused on phenomena
known as lenition (see, e.g., Lass & Anderson 1975, Lass 1984,
Harris 1994, 1997, Kirchner 1998, Ségéral & Scheer 1999, 2008,
etc.)
there are two ways in which lenition has been claimed to be
phonologically interesting:
i. the set of phonological processes involved
ii. the set of environments in which lenition can/can’t occur
some work tries to link the two, to provide a fully explanatory model
(cf., e.g., Lass & Anderson 1975, Lass 1984, Harris 1994, 1997,
Kirchner 1998, Ségéral & Scheer 1999, 2008, etc.)
We focus here on (ii), and simply assume that some link in terms of
(i) applies, grouping together all and only those processes which
‘weaken’ segments
(i) the processes:
classical definition (Vennemann, recorded in Hyman 1975: 165): “a
segment X is said to be weaker than a segment Y if Y goes through
an X stage on its way to zero”, this links different segment types in
terms of their relative “weakness” on a continuum (sometimes
called a “hierarchy of phonological strength” or “lenition
trajectory”), along which segments are assumed to be likely to
progress diachronically, e.g.:
A lenition trajectory (Lass 1984: 178):
... which allows us to group together processes of different types as
cases of lenition, e.g.:
spirantisation (a segment becoming a fricative)
sonorisation (i.e., the loss of obstruency, e.g., tapping/flapping in
accents of English)
delaryngealisation (i.e., the loss of [voice] in so-called voice
languages, traditionally called devoicing, as in a number of Slavic
languages)
‘voicing’ (i.e., lenisisation in so-called aspiration languages like
English)
spirantisation (a segment becoming a fricative)
e.g., medial d-spirantisation, Middle English period, cca. 1400:
(+ further examples from Liverpool, see later)
sonorisation (i.e., the loss of obstruency)
e.g., tapping/flapping in accents of English:
delaryngealisation (i.e., the loss of [voice] in so-called voice
languages, traditionally called devoicing, as in a number of Slavic
languages)
Polish:
‘voicing’ (i.e., lenisisation in so-called aspiration languages like
English)
aspiration (or: spread glottis) languages base the traditional
voiceless--voiced distinction on the presence vs. absence of
aspiration (rather than on vocal chord vibration)
cf.:
Hungarian English
/t/ no vocal chord vibration
no aspiration
no vocal chord vibration
aspiration
/d/ vocal chord vibration
no aspiration
no vocal chord vibration
no aspiration
‘voicing’ (i.e., lenisisation in so-called aspiration languages like
English)
aspiration (or: spread glottis) languages base the traditional
voiceless--voiced distinction on the presence vs. absence of
aspiration (rather than on vocal chord vibration)
cf.:
Hungarian English
/t/
no vocal chord vibration
no aspiration
voiceless
no vocal chord vibration
aspiration
voiceless aspirated
/d/
vocal chord vibration
no aspiration
voiced
no vocal chord vibration
no aspiration
voiceless unaspirated
‘voicing’ (i.e., lenisisation in so-called aspiration languages like
English)
aspiration (or: spread glottis) languages base the traditional
voiceless--voiced distinction on the presence vs. absence of
aspiration (rather than on vocal chord vibration)
cf.:
English
/t/
no vocal chord vibration
aspiration
voiceless aspirated
FORTIS
/d/
no vocal chord vibration
no aspiration
voiceless unaspirated
LENIS
cf.
delaryngealisation (i.e., the loss of [voice] in so-called voice
languages, traditionally called devoicing, as in a number of Slavic
languages)
and
‘voicing’ (i.e., lenisisation in so-called aspiration languages like
English): fortis -> lenis, i.e., the loss of fortisness/aspiration
cf.
delaryngealisation (i.e., the loss of [voice] in so-called voice
languages, traditionally called devoicing, as in a number of Slavic
languages)
and
‘voicing’ (i.e., lenisisation in so-called aspiration languages like
English): fortis -> lenis, i.e., the loss of fortisness/aspiration
both are cases of lenition/weakening!
lenisisation accompanying Scouse (Liverpool) diddification: (hypocoristics, diddy ‘small’ cf. diddly ‘nothing’)
(cf. Australian English: Australian → Aussie / Ozzie)
lenisisation accompanying Scouse (Liverpool) diddification: (hypocoristics, diddy ‘small’ cf. diddly ‘nothing’)
(cf. Australian English: Australian → Aussie / Ozzie) http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VlfQDQ6KWFs
Example 1: lenition in Liverpool English
lenition trajectory:
cf.
cf.
Example 2:
(ii) the environments:
Environmental patterning is another thing that lenitions have in
common (indeed, some argue that it is all that they have in
common).
What is usually assumed in lenition taxonomies (e.g., Scheer and
Ségéral 2008):
there are a possible set of strong positions and a possible set of
weak positions
individual cases of lenitions in languages must obey this
implicational hierarchy: if they occur in a strong position, they
must also occur in a weak position
that is:
The ‘stress parameter’:
lenition only occurs if the vowel following the segment is not
stressed, means that there can be two types of medial
environment (cf. esp. Harris 1994, 1997 for English):
“intervocalic” needs to be split into:
a stronger [ v__V ] and a weaker [ V__v ] (the latter:
“ambisyllabic”)
How does English fit into this system?
Find examples of strong, weak1, weak2.
lenition in English1: typical symptoms:
strong: stressed/full vowel, aspiration, /h/
weak V: reduced (typically: schwa), syncope
weak1 C: (pre)glottalization, unreleased plosive, no /h/
weak2 C: tapping/flapping, no /h/2
1 By "English", I mean the major tendencies constituting a common core of the phonologies of the
varieties of English. 2 For the Two directions for lenition, see Szigetvári (1999, 2008).
lenition sites: a typical representative of the Germanic pattern:
word-initial C is strong
stress-sensitive system in its consonants: pre-stress vs. post-stress
behaviour
consonants are strong before full vowels (atomic, vehicular) but
weak after them (cf. atom and vehicle)
zero-stressed syllables contain schwas (or syllabic consonants –
irrelevant here)
only schwas are subject to deletion (syncope – battery vs. batt'ry)
Ideally, models of lenition need to not overgenerate and be able to
account for only those environments in which lenition is possible.
But they must not undergenerate, either.
recall:
phonological theory: what is possible in phonology? what is a
possible phonological process? + why?
therefore: refine the taxonomy of
strong(er) and weak(er) positions!
Refinement #1:
The “Withgott effect”
tapping/flapping: the ‘classical’ pattern: roughly, in
intervocalic position whenever the second vowel is
unstressed
tapping/flapping: the ‘classical’ pattern: roughly, in
intervocalic position whenever the second vowel is
unstressed
but: Withgott (1982): tap suppression in certain positions
(for certain speakers):
flapped t aspirated t
capitalístic militarístic
sanitisátion
monotonícity
what is the difference between these
words?
tapping/flapping: the ‘classical’ pattern: roughly, in
intervocalic position whenever the second vowel is
unstressed
but: Withgott (1982): tap suppression in certain positions
(for certain speakers):
flapped t aspirated t
capitalístic militarístic
sanitisátion
monotonícity
cf. capital vs. military, sanitise, monotone: untapped t in the
derivative where there is untapped t in the base due to stress
on the syllable whose onset the t is
[Steriade (2000: 322-326):
paradigm uniformity (PU) conditions: promote invariance of
some sound property within a
given paradigm (= the set of
morphologically related words):
Paradigm Uniformity
All surface realizations of μ, where μ is the morpheme shared
by the members of paradigm x, must have identical values for
property P. (Steriade 2000: 313)
tap suppression in militaristic is a PU effect]
but: the Withgott effect is also found in morphologically
simple examples, e.g.:
Mediterránean, Winnipesáukee, Navratilóva,
abracadábra, etc.:
aspiration (instead of lenition)
but: no other member in the paradigm
therefore:
the problem of the third syllable in a dactyl:
capitalístic vs. militarístic
foot-based solution: cyclic analysis:
(cápital) (míli)(tary) + -(ístic)
(capita)(lístic) (mili)(ta(rístic))
+ adjunction of the stray syllable to the right: (Navra)(ti(lóva))
etc. (Withgott 1982, Jensen 2000, Davis 2003, 2005)
foot-initial plosives are aspirated
(cápital) (míli)(tary) + -(ístic)
(capita)(lístic) (mili)(ta(rístic))
(Navra)(ti(lóva))
Expletive infixation data seem to support these footings
(Davis 2003): the expletive element is inserted between feet
for emphasis, cf.:
Winne-frickin-pesaukee and Winnepe-frickin-saukee
mili-fuckin'-taristic and milita-fuckin'-ristic
but capita-frickin-listic and *capi-frickin-talistic
(cápital) (míli)(tary) + -(ístic)
(capita)(lístic) (mili)(ta(rístic))
(Navra)(ti(lóva))
(cápital) (míli)(tary) + -(ístic)
(capita)(lístic) (mili)(ta(rístic))
(Navra)(ti(lóva))
also works for potato (y)
recall: foot-initial plosives are aspirated!
the foot-based solution:
accounts for the Withgott effect
accounts for expletive infixation data
no need to refer to PU effect -> accounts for underived
examples (e.g., Navratilova) as well
also accounts for initial unstressed syllables (e.g., potáto)
the foot-based solution:
accounts for the Withgott effect
accounts for expletive infixation data
no need to refer to PU effect -> accounts for underived
examples (e.g., Navratilova) as well
also accounts for initial unstressed syllables (e.g., potáto)
the foot-based solution:
accounts for the Withgott effect
accounts for expletive infixation data
no need to refer to PU effect -> accounts for underived
examples (e.g., Navratilova) as well
also accounts for initial unstressed syllables (e.g., potáto)
BUT: only applicable to nonfinal dactyls!
next:
final dactyls are also special (cf. vánity, compétitive)
right adjunction is ruled out: nowhere to adjoin
the only way is to the left… :-P -- ??