philologus-pildash

PHILOLOGUS PHINEHAS xiv. 106). Antony bestowed on Cleopatra the whole coast from the Egyptian desert to the Eleurherus except the cities Tyreand Sidon (36 B.c . ; Plut. Ant. 36; Jos. BJ i. 1 8 5 ) . Augustus (in 30 B. c. ) added to the kingdom of Herod Gaza, Anthedon, Joppa, and Strato’s Tower ; the last Herod rebuilt and named CEsarea. In the division of Herods kingdom Gaza was put immediately under the governor of Syria ; the same disposition was made of Joppa and Caesarea when Archelaus was deposed (6 A.D. ) ; Ashdod and Jamnia were given to Salomp; upon her death their revenues were paid to the empress Livia and subsequently to Tiberius (see Schurer, W Y N 278). Ashkelon enjoyed the privileges of a free city during all these changes, maintaining the liberties it had gained in 104 R.C. In 66 A . D . , at the beginning of the war with Rome, the Jews in Czsarea were slaughtered by their fellow-townsmen, with the connivance of the procurator, Gessius F1orus.l In revenge the insurgents set fire to Ptolemais and Ash- kelon. and demolished Anthedon and Gaza,2 with many unwalled towns in the country (B/ ii. 18 I). Joppa was taken by the Romans under Cestius Gallus and its Jewish population massacred (B/ ii. 18 IO) : it was re- occupied by the Jews (see B/ ii. ZO4), who held it until its destruction by Vespasian (BJiii. 9 2 8 ) .

After the destruction of Jerusalem in 70, Jamnia, which since the Asmonzean times had been inhabited chiefly by Jews, and Lydda became the seats of the most famous Jewish schools: and in the other towns of this region there was a considerable Jewish popnla- tion, among whom Jewish Christians are frequently mentioned.

Calmet, ‘ Dissertatio de origine et nominihus Philistrearum,‘ in Proleg. et dissertt., etc., ed. Mansi, 11%-189: Movers Die

Ph#nizier, 13J 2 7 3 (1841) ; Bertheau: Zur 20. Literature. Gesch. deer Isrueliten, 186-2m, 280-285, 306-

308, 354J (1842); Hit& Urgesch. Y. M y thol. der Pplistiier (1845); (;VI 1 3 6 8 i z o s etc. (1869); A. Arnold, Philister’ in Ersch u. Gruber’s Encyklopadie, Sect. iii. 23 321-329 ; A. Knohel, Volkeytnfel der Genesis, 98, 208fl, z r 5 3 (1850); Stark, Gana u. die philistdische Kiisfe (1852); [older literature in full fl 31j: 244 3 3 5 3 5038 61rJ:l; A. Baur, ‘ Philister’ in Ri)el?m’s HWB; cp DerProfhct Amos, 76-94 (1847); Kohler, Bib. Gesch. 1 8 1 , s (1875): De Goeje, Het tiende Hoofdstuk van Genesis, T h T 42338, especially 2 5 7 8 (1870) ; Fr. W., Schultz, ‘,Philister ’ in PREP) 11618.656 (1883) ; Kneucker, Philistaer in Schenkel’s BL 4541.559: ‘Ewald GVf@) 1 3 4 8 3 (18,64) 3 4 2 8 etc. (1866); Schwally, Die dasse der Phihstler, ZWT34 1 0 3 3 (r891); Ehers, Aegypten unddie Biicher Mosis, 1 3 0 8 (1868) : Prugsch, Egy$tundev the Pharaohs, ch. 1 4 8 (1881); W. M. Muller, As. u. Eur. ch. 26-29 (1893) : ‘Die Urheimat der Philister’ : ‘ Der Papyrus Golenischeff’ : ‘ Die Chronologie der Philistereinwan- derung,’ in MVG vol. 5 ‘pt. I (IP) i ,H. Winckler, GI1 2 1 6 s (1895); W. J. Beecher, Philintmes, in Hastings’ D B 3844-848; Schiirer, G/V(31 2 5s 22J etc. G. F. M.

PHILOLOGUS (@l,4oAoroc), greeted in Rom. 1615, together with JULIA [q.”.]. It IS a common slave- name, and occurs not unfrequently in the inscriptions of the imperial household (CIL64116, etc). According to Pseudo-Hippolytus he was one of the seventy dis- ciples, and tradition makes him bishop of Sinope.

PHILOSOPHY. See HELLENISM, WISDOM LITERA-

PHINEES. I. I Esd. 5 5 2 Esd. 1 zb, also I Esd. 8228

2. I Esd.531, KVPhinoe=Eera249 PASEAH, 2. 3. I Esd.863=Ezra833 PHINEHAS, 3. 4. 2 Esd. 12a. See PHINEHAS, 2.

TURE.

= Ezra7 5 8 I PHINEHAS ($ 3), I.

PHINEHAS (D?!’?, once by!& IS. 1 3 ; @[E]INEEC [BAFL]).

The name is very un-Hebraic, and since the mother of Phinehas ben Eleazar is described (Ex. 635) as one 1. Is the name of the daughters of Putiel (cp Poti- Eggptian or phera‘), it is plausible to seek for

Hebrew? an Egyptian origin. Hence Lauth (ZDMG 25 [1871], 139), followed by

Nestle (Eigennamen. 112 [1876]), and formerly by 1 See also the slaughterat Ashkelon and Ptolemais, SJii. 185. 2 In the case of Gaza, at least, this demolition can have been

3727 but partial ; see Schiirer, 288.

Cheyne (Proph. 144), explained Phinehas as ‘ the negro,’ the corresponding Egyptian form being well- attested (see § 2). All such theories, however, seem to be inferior in probability to the rival hypothesis.

The present writer ventures to think that, if the name were Egyptian, it must have honorific meaning. We might perhaps suppose on19 to he an early corruption of my9, which in nj9y

(ZAPHNATH-PAANEAH) may he a misvocalisation of the Egyptian name Pianhi (or some similar form); 0 and y were often confounded. But considering that the evidence before us (see MOSES, B 6) seems to favour a N. Arabian origin for Moses and his relatives, and that ‘ Phinehas’ in the Hexateuch is the name not only of an individual, hut also of a hill wit: which not ;he individual hut his father (though ‘Eleazar really’comes from a clankme) is associated,’ also that the J.evites certainly had Jerahmeelite affinities, and that the father of the second Phinehas bears a name which is prohahly a mutila- tion of Jerahmeel, it becomes more probable that o n j ~ is to be explained as a mutilated and corrupt form (through iring) of 5 f l ~ n i - (Jerahme’el). The name Jerahme’el could of course be given both to an individual and to a locality. Cp TIMNATH- HERES. PUTIEL (cp note 3 below), is & with the afformative 5 ~ . I t is possible, however, that Putiel and POTIPHERA (q.~.) were early explained as = ‘ devoted to El,’ or ‘ to Re‘.’ On the supposed Ephraimite connection of the second Phinehas see SHILOH, and note that ‘Epirraim’ is not nnfrequently a corruption of ‘ Jerahmeel’ (e.g., Judg. 17 I 191 I S. 1 I ) .

T. K. C. On the assumption, however, that the name Phinehas

is of Egyptian origin the following details deserve 2. a second consideration.

It seems to stand for Egyptian answer to the pe(’)-n&ssi,2 later without the vocalic

ending, in Coptic letters ~ E N ~ H C (cp Ptoemphnneis, Ptol. iv. 7 34, mutilated Ptemphe, Plin. 6 192, ‘ the country of the negro ’).

The r of the biblical punctuation could he an archaic rendering of E , which stands mostly for old 2. The fact that the article is often written @:i or even p&~, Liehl. 884 add.) like the demonstrative must not be misunderstood : it is only an attempt at expressing the helping sound 6 before two double con- sonants notwithstanding the biblical I-a scriptio plena which seems io show that the name was felt to be foreign. The meaning ‘the negro’ does not imply black skin, the designation n(e)&siapplying also to all brownish Hamitic tribes of Eastern Africa (WMM, As. u. Eur. 112). Therefore, the name means nothing hut ‘a child of darker (brunette) corn lexion.’ The name hegins to appear in dynasty 18 and gecomes most frequent in dynasty 19 to 21. By the time of dynasty 26 (ahout 666 B.c.) it seems to he rare, if not ,obsolete. It was superseded by P-ek6S (mxucis), ‘the Cushite.

question.

W. M. M. I. Son of Eleazarand of one ofthe daughters of Putiel.8

H e is mentioned as accomnanvine the Israelites aeainst Midian (Nu.316 fl), and as sent to o&t:yEe. admonish the trans-Jordanic Israelites for erecting their altar bv the lordan

L , <

(Jos.221330 8). He is, however, more especially renowned for his zeal and energy at Shittim in the matter of the Midianitess COZRI ( q . ~ . , Nu. 2 5 6 fl), to which repeated allusion is made in later Judaism, cp Ps. lO630f. I Macc. 226 (@vews [A]) and Ecclus. 4523. The story (the opening of which is lost) is a later addition by P to the already composite 251-5 (JE), and is probably an artificial attempt to antedate and fore- shadow the zealous endeavours of Nehemiah to purify the remnants of the Jewish Gdah (cp Bertholet, SfeZhng a?. ZsraeZifen, 147). See NUMBERS, 5 7? and Oxford Hex. ad 106.

1 On the analogy of Josh. 19 50 we may assume that the hill of Phinehas (Jerahmeel) in Josh. 24 33 was traditionally assigned to Eleazar. Originally, however, 7 1 ~ 5 ~ must have been $ ~ [ * l y ~ y ; i.e., it was a clan-name.

2 Written mostly &a r\\7$+ 3 For a view of the name Putiel which implies two stages in

the history of the name, see above, I. According to the ordinary view. the second of the two stages represents the entire history of the name. Both views are illustrated hy the fact that in Eg.-Aram. inscriptions and papyri of the fifth and fourth century B.C. ~ 1 9 , ‘devoted to,’ appears in the form ED, e.g., 3 ~ ~ ~ 1 9 (‘of Isis,’etc.). An earlier example is , i ~ ~ ~ ( i n Gk. inscr. rrarourprs) in an inscription found at Teima in Aiahia (CIS ii. no. 113).

3728

PHINEHAS PHCENICIA The importance of Phinehas in P lies in the fact that he is in

the direct line from Aaron, and hence (as the father of Ahishua) enters into the genealogy of the high- riests (I Ch. 6 4 [5 301 50 [6 351 Ezra 7 5= I Esd. 8 2 2 Ksd. 126 Phrnees). The Chronicler moreover, speaks of him as the ruler over the porters 'in tim; past' (I Ch. 9 20). In the days of the 'return ' the h'ne Phinehas form one of the priestly classes (Ezra 8 z= I Esd. 5 5 8 29, +pas [B;, PHIHRES), at the head of whom stands Gershom (see GERSHOM, GERSHON).

Like his father Eleazar, Phinehas rarely appears previous to P. In Judg.2028 the statement that he stood before Yahwb in the days of the Judges is no doubt a gloss (cp SHILOH) ; the whole chapter in its present form is post-exilic. (Cp Moore, Judges, 434, and see JUDGES, 5 13.) Ancient, on the other hand, is the announcement affixed to Jos. 24 (G) of the death of Eleazar and his burial in the GIBEAH OF PHINEHAS [q.n.] which wa given to Phinehas in the hill-country of Ephriain (n. 3 3 ) . @BAL adds also that Phinehas himself was afterwards buried in the same ' Gibeah ' ( P Y yaaaap [-a0 [A], y~ paap, L] TG [yi Bab] law& [baud A]) : Dt. 106 (Eleazar succeeds Aaron a t Moserah) is probably also E.

2. Phinehas b. Eli2 and his brother HOPHNI [ p . ~ . ] were 'sons of Belial ' who, for their wickedness and wantonness towards the off'erers of sacrifices. incurred the wrath of Yahwk and perished together a t Eben-ezer when the ark was taken by the Philistines ( I S. 1-4). Thz son of Phinehas born upon that fateful day receives the name ICHABOD [g.u.] .

According to Budde's analysis (SSOT), the old narrative in I S. 4 related the loss of the ark without further comment ; it, is a later writer (E?) who in 2J ascribes the disa-ter to the wickedness of Eli's sons and to their father's laxity (esp. 3 146), and finally it is a Dt. writer who lays even greater stress upon their iniquity and actually foreshadows their fate. There is much to be said, however, in favour of H. P. Smith's view that I S. 212.17 22-25 rz7-36 ?I, 416-71 is a fragment of an independent history of the Elida This torso (which is already composite) contains two peculiarities : (a) the association of the family with Moses, and (6) the prominence of Shiloh. I t may, therefore, be conjectured that this narrative formerly stood in the closest connection with another in Judg. 1Sl: where, too, a descendant of Moses and the foundation of a shrine (perhap5 in the original story that not of Dan but of Shiloh) play an important part.3 The Mosaic associations and the unique description of the power of the ark (I S. 4 5 8 ) may further suggest that the narrative is a fragment of that account of the Exodus a trace of which survives in Nu. 10 29-36 (itself also coiuposite); cp EXODUS i., $ 5 8 , KADESH, $ 3.

Another son, Ahitub, was the father of Ahiah (=Ahin~elech) ,~ who appears as a priest in the time of Saul ( I S.143).5 I t is a remarkable fact that the famoiis line of priests from Eli to Abiathar is ignored in the later genealogies, with the curious exception of 2 Esd. 1 I, where Phinehas b. Heli ( =Eli) and Phinehas b. Eleazar occur in the ancestry of Ezra (see GENEA- LOGIES i., § 7 [4]).

An interesting question arises as to the precise relation between Phinehas ( I ) and (2). The latter, according to M T an Ephraimite, seems to disappear from history only to be represented in a later age by the former, a shadowy and unreal character whom also tradition connects with Ephraim. At all events the iniquity of the Ephraimite son of Eli (cp esp. I S . 2 226) is amply atoned for in later tradition by the zeal (cp esp. Nu.256fl ) of the younger namesake. That

1 Prof. Cheyne, however, proposes to read 'Gibeah of Jerahmeel,' regarding both ' Phinehas' and 'Eleazar' as cor- ru tions of clan-names (see $ I). 1: Eli's origin is not given, no doubt because he was previously mentioned in the longer narrative of which I S. 1 8 in its present form is an excerpt. Marq. (Fund. I Z ~ ) recognises the traces of a double tradition in the very full notices given in v. T (see ELKANAH i., JEROHAM i. SAMUEL). Is ZI. I a confused combination of marginal notes kiving the parentage and origin of both Elkanah (a. I) and Eli (u. 3) ? [Note, however, the view respecting the name Eli in B I and compare SHII.OH.]

3 For a parallel but somiwhat different theory depending on emended texts see MICAH SHILOH ' cp also MOSES.

4 Prof. Cheyne'has suggedd that bdth Ahiah and Ahimelech may be popular corruptions of Jerahmeel.

5 The statement, perha s, does not helong to the original document (J). It has notling to do with the chapter, and is more probably a gloss introduced on account of the ' priest' in zm. 19 366.

3729

(I) is an image of the son of Eli is denied however by We. (ProI.('j 142), but thme are a t all events certain considerations which point to a connection between the two. The names Eli, Hophni, and Phinehas are of the same un-Hebraic cast as Moses and Gershom, and (unless we have recourse to emendation) find their only explanation from Egyptian, or from S . Palestinian dialects (Sabrean, Sinaitic, etc.) ; the tradition in I S . 2 27 (although due to RD ; see We., I.c. ) seems, moreover, to connect the house of Eli with Moses (cp also Jochebed and Phinehas' son ICHABOD [q.~. ] ) . ' The relation of Phinehas b. Eli to Phinehas the grandson of Aarnn finds an analogy in the cases of Eliezer and tiershoni b'ne Moses compared with Eleazar and Gershon b n e Aaron.2 The conjecture is perhaps a plausible one that the ' stone of help' (Eben-ezer) in I S. 4 has some connection with the grave of Eleazar (Josh. 24 32). also the burial- place of the Aaronite Phinehas; note the explanation of the name in I S. 712.

3. Eleazar b. Phinehas, a priest temp. Ezra (Ezra 8 33= I Esd. 863, PHINEER).

T . K . C . , $ I ; W.M.M. ,$2 ; S . A . C . . § 3 .

PHINOE (+!NO€), I Esd. 531 RV, AV PHIXEES;

PHISON (+[E]ICWN [BKA]), Ecclus. 2425 AV, RV PISHON. See PISON.

PHLEaON (@AErWN) is saluted in Rom.1614. C p ROMANS (EPISTLE). His name occurs in the apocryphal lists of the 'seventy' given by Pseudo- Dorotheus and Pseudo- Hippolytus. Tradition made him bishop of Marathon, and the Greek church com- memorates his martyrdom on April 8th.

PHGBE (+oIBH), the 'sister,' 'deaconess' (RVmg. : AIAKONOC) of the church at Cenchreae, who, according to Rom. ISxJ, had been a 'helper [or 'patroness'] of many,' includiug the writer. See further, ROMANS and (for the nature of her diaconate) DEACON.

See PASEAH, 2.

PHENICIA. CONTENTS.

Names ($ I). Origin and nationality (5 2).

Beginning of history ($ 3). List of towns (g 4). Egyptian dominion ($ 5). Phcenician colonies ( 5 6).

Trade, art, navigation ($8 7-9). Religion (gp TO-15). Constitution ($ 16). Sources ($5 17). History (Bli 18-22). Bibliography ($ 23).

By the Phenicians are meant the inhabitants of the commercial coast towns of Canaan. The name is of 1. Names. Greek origin. For a long time its proto-

type was thought to have been found in the Egyptian Fen&-u ( vocalisation unknown), hut it has since been shown (notably by W. M. Muller, Ar. u. EUY. 208J) that this Egyptian word is not the name of a nation but a poetical designation of the (Asiatic) barbarians-possibly indeed only a traditional scribal error for Fehu. The name Qoivr$ is rather a Gk. derivative from @ O L Y ~ S , ' blood-red,' with the common old suffix, -LK.

The name Phcenix is by no means rare in the ancient Grecian world as a place-name indicating the presence of a reddish colour. Thus there was a brook Phcenix near Thermopyk, a mount Phcenix in Baeotia and in Caria, a town Phcenikk in Epirus, and so on (cp Meyer GA 2, $i gzjwhere it is out of the question to suppose that ' Ptkenician ' settlements are meant.

'This name was given by the Greeks to the Canaanite seafaring men, as well as to the most highly-prized of all their imports, purple, and to the palm, which was likewise introduced by them (first a t Delos, Od. 6103). Probably @ o b t [ denoted first the purple, then the ' purple-men,' and finally the tree they imported.

1 The identification of these names has been also made by Wellh. CHPl 371 (1899). See also ICHABOD, JOCHEBED.

2 If Eli's genealogy has indeed found its way into I S. 1 I (see 5 2 , n. I , above), we might venture to find a trace of it in mi* 11, which name is no other than Jerahmeel. Eli may have been a Jerahmeelite ; the relation between the Kenites, Jerah- meelites, and &her clans of the south appears to have heen a

3730

Close One (See JEKAHLIEEL, 5 3).

PHCENICIA P H CE N I C I A The Greek genealogic poetry provided the Phcenicians with

a n eponym-Phcenix king of Sidon,-who was identified with a Cretan god and hero Phoinix, whose daughter Europa, origin- al1.y a Bceotian and Cretan goddess, thus became a Sidonian princess. For what reason Cadmus, the son of Agenor the eponym and founder of the Cadmeia of Thehes, was made the brother of Phcenix we do not know: he had at any rate, nothing to do with Phmnicia. At a still later'time Cadmus became the brother of Europa which resulted in the latter's becoming the daughter of Aienor, and her father Phcenix becoming her brother. A further analysis of this legend does not belong here; cp Meyer, (;A 2 9 3 3 The Latin Pcenus is prohahly rather a contraction of ' Phoinix' than an older form without the suffix.

Kaft, which frequently occurs in the Egyptian inscriptions of the New Empire, passed for a long time as another old name for Phoenicia; % O W ~ K ~ is thus rendered in the hieroglyphic text in the bilingual decree of Canopus. There are cogent reasons, however, for rejecting this view, and seeking for Kaft outside the Semitic world, perhaps in Cilicia (cp CAPHTOR, 4) . The name may be connected with the enigmatical name JAPHETH [ q . ~ . ] , and the Gk. ' I & m r o s (the name of a Cilician god, in Steph. Byz., S.V. "AGaua and 'Ayx~dXq).

In the OT the Phcenicians generally are named nm*x, Sidonians; for instance Itoba'al, king of Tyre, is called ' King of the Sidonians' in I K. 1631 ; cp Judg .1061~ 1 8 7 r K . 5 ~ 0 111533 zK .2313 ; and in the genealcgy of the nations, Gen. 101s (cp Judg. 33= Josh. 134-6). In the same way King Hiram 11. of Tyre is called in an inscription p n x ~ S D , ' King of the Sidonians,' and on coins of the time of Antiochus IV. Tyre is called o j l x ow, ' the metropolis of the Sidonians ' -Le . , Phcenicians. I n Homer the Phoenicians are often called Z d J v m (Il. 6290 Od. 15118 4618), their land Z d o v l q (11.6291 Od. 1328s) ; but %OiVlK€S is also found (IZ. 23 743 f: ; Od. 13 272 14 288 j? 15 415 8). Both names occur together in the celebrated verses concerning Menelaus' wanderings (Od. 4 8 4 5 ). The name of the town Sidon is found in Od. 15425. From the fact that Sidon, not Tyre, is mentioned, we must not draw political conclusions as some have done; through the influence of the ethnic name 'Sidonian' the name of Sidon was familiar to the Greeks a t an earlier time than that of Tyre, although the latter was then much the more important. Roman poets, too, frequently w e ' Sidonius' (as a synonym for ' Pcenus ') in the sense of ' Phcenician' (cp Ovid, Fasf. 3108 etc. ).

A precise definition of Phcenicia can hardly be given. The boundaries assigned by Herodotus, Scylax, Straho, Pliny, and Ptolemy vary greatly. The last-mentioned (v. 154) reckons Phoenicia from the Eleutherus to the brook Chorseas S. of Dor. Accepting this view, we may describe Phcenicia as the coast-land a t the foot of Lebanon and of the hill-country of Galilee down to Carmel. Marathus and Arados, however, lie N. of this territory, and in the S. the border is fluctuating and arbitrary. The impossibility of fixing a definite boundary line between the Phcenicians and the other Canaanites is specially obvious in the more remote times before the settlement of the Israelites and the Philistines. The limits above assigned correspond roughly to the name Zuhi by which the Egyptians a t the time of their conquests designated the Phcenician coast (cp WMM, As. II. BUY. 1768). The origin of this name is unknown.

Herodotiis relates that the Phcenicians, as they themselves declare, were originally settled upon the ' Red '

I .

a. origin and Sea, and came thence to the Syrian nationality. coast (1 I 7 89): The ' Red ' Sea is of

course the Indian Ocean. more esDeci- ally the Persian Gulf. I t would seem therefore-that there once was a Phoenician tradition which, like that in the OT, made their ancestors immigrants from Babylonia.

* The story was afterwards further embellished : support for it was found in the names of the islands Tylos and Arados of Bahrein on the Persian Gulf (Straho, xvi. 3 4 zJ). On the story of Trogus Pompeius, see SODOM AND GOMORRAH.

3731

The long prevailing derivation of the name Phcenicia from the Egyptian Punt (Lepsius), a land that was located by older writers in S. Arabia, is quite impossible. The Egyptian Punt is the incense-bearing Somali-coa5t in Africa whose inhabitants (Eg. Punti, Lepsius wrongly PUM) have dothing whatever to do with Pceni, Qoiurrss.

The Phoenicians themselves reckoned their land to Canaan (for the evidence, see CANAAN, I), and with perfect justice. They are, in fact, a branch of the Canaanites, which, a t the beginning of the time historidly known to us (about 1500 B.c.), had occupied many places on the coast, while the intermediate region was still in the hands of an Amorite population (cp AMORITES, CANAAN).^

One evidence of this is supplied by the Phcenician language, which differs only dialectically from the other Canaanite dialects known to us (Hebrew and Moabite) ; see WRITING. Though it exhibits in many instances a younger vocabulary (e.g., in>, to give, ih, God), it has frequently retained older grammatical forms and words which in Hebrew have become obsolete.2

In fact it was simply the difference between the conditions of life of the coast-land and those of the interior, that gradually separated the Phcenicians from their fellows who had settled farther inland-much in the same way as the Dutch were severed from the other N. Germans. Their different historical development, and above all the occupation of Palestine by the Israelites, enlarged the breach.

As to the age of the Phcenician tawns we possess no information. for of course no historical value attaches to 3. Commence- the statement of Africanus (in Syn- merit of the cellus, 31) that the Phcenicians said

they had a historical tradition reaching back for 20.0oo years. Far more history.

moderate is the assertion -of Herodotus (244) that, according to native tradition, Tyre and its temple of Hercules had been founded 2300 years previously- L e . , about 2730 B.C. Even in this, however, no one will venture to find a real tradition. According to another statement the founding of Tyre was much later. Justin (182) relates that for a long time after their immigration (see above, § 2) and the founding of Sidon the Phcenicians lived on the coast, but that being then overcome (ezpugRati) by the king of Ashkelon, they took to their ships, and founded Tyre the year before the fall of Troy. T o what year the latter event is assigned here cannot be gathered from the context ; but when we find in Menander of Ephesus, the historian of Tyre, a Tyrian era that begins in the year 1198-7 B.c. (Jos. Ant.viii.31, 5 62, c. A$. i. 18. 8 126; and thence Eus. a. A h . 745) we may regard it as almost certain that this is the epoch intended. Now it was a t this time that there occurred the great movement among the nations which resulted in the occupation of Ashkelon and the neighbouring places by the PHILISTINES ( q . ~ . ) and also affected the Phcenician cities (see 5 5). I t is possible, therefore, that the statement of Justin and Menander's era preserve a recollection of these events. On the other hand, the date may rest simply on some chronological combination no longer known to us. It is, a t any rate, historically certain from the Amarna tablets that, in the fifteenth century, the island-city of Tyre was already extant, and one of the most powerful cities of Phcenicia.

Whether the lists of Phcenician kings mentioned by later writers (Tatian, adv. Crrpc. 37 ; Porphyry ap. Eus. Prrp). a. x. 9 12, from Sanchuniathon) possessed any value for the older period, is uncertain. If there were any historical lists going

As late as the last millennium B.c., new Phcenician towns were planted upon the northern foot of Lebanon-Fbtrys under Hiram I. of Tyre, Triplis probably not until the time of the Persians. How to account for the existence of a (much mutilated) Phcenician inscription in N. S ria two hours W. of Zenjirli (Winckler AOfi 1305), is not ccar. The inscription belongs to the tim; about 750-700 B.C.

a C Stade 'Erneute Priifung des zwischen dem Pbcen. u. Heb. %esteheAde Venvandtschaftsgrades,' in Morgenlandisch

1 This is probable on the following ground.

30. rschungcn, 1874.

3732

PHCENICIA PHCENICIA back to the second millennium or even farther, they must have been written in cuneiform, which it is hardly likely that anyone in later times could read.

Should the Babylonian archives at any time give us any authentic information regarding the expeditions of Sargon and Naram-sin into Syria (according to Nabonidus’ inscription about 3750 B.c . ) , we may expect to find that there was in Phcenicia in the fourth millennium a state of things more or less similar to what we find two thousand years later when the Egyptians came to Asia. That the relations between Babylonia and Syria were exceedingly ancient and were never interrupted, is shown by the Amarna tablets ; presumably every great power which took shape in Babylon sought to extend its dominion over Syria as wall ; we know that this is true also of the Elamite conquerors (about 2200 B.c. ) . Hence the use of the Babylonian language and script was familiar at the court of all the Syrian princes whether Semitic or not. I t is specially, however, in the sphere of art and religion that we can see how ancient and deeply-rooted Babylonian influence was, and we shall find this to be the case in Phcenicia as well a s elsewhere. But there must always have been close relations also with the empire on the Nile.’

These long ages are, however, gone beyond recall. Our information regarding the history of Syria, and therefore of Phcenicia. begins with the Egyptian conquest in the sixteenth century. Even then, however, the details supplied by the triumphal inscriptions of the victorious Pharaohs are meagre to the last degree ; it is only the annals of Thutmosis 111. that yield somewhat fuller material, to which are to be added notices in Egyptian works, such as pre-eminently the papyrus Anastasi I. (see PALESTINE, J IS), where Phcenician (among other) places are named. Our store of facts receives important additions from the Amarna tablets.

For the centuries from the ninth to the seventh we have good information in the Assyrian inscriptions (cp Fr. Del., W o Lag dus Paradies ? 281 j? ) ; and, moreover, most of the Phcenician towns are occasionally mentioned in the OT.

From these sources, we obtain the following list of Phcenician towns from Carmel northwards :-

I. Acco (r>y, Judg. 131 : Josh. 19 30 corr. for 4. List of n ~ y ) , a separate principality in the Amarna

towns. 2. Akzib (y!>~, Egyptian ‘Aksaju, Ass. d k - ei62). &ACHZIB.

3. Mahalliba (so in Assyrian; 5>nn, in Josh.19ag [see AHLAB, n.]; corrupted to 25nH in Judg. 131).

Akzib and Mahalliba do not occur in the Amarna letters: they were small towns probably belonging to one of the neighbonring principalities.

4. Kana (np, Jos. 19 z8)=Eg. Kana, a separate principality in the Amarna letters.

5. Tyre (ik, ‘the rock’ ; old Latin Sarra), on a rocky island in the sea, about half an English mile ( 4 stadia) from the shore, with an area of about 130 acres, without wells or vegetation In time of war, when the mainland was in the hands of the enemy: the Tyrians had to depend on water from cisterns ; in ordinary times the water supply was carried over in boats, as is already mentioned in pap. Anastasi. On the coast was a suburb which the Greeks called Palztyros. They wrongly supposed the settlement on the shore to be older than that on the island. The local name was Usu or Uzu (Ass. Ushu=Eg. Authu), often mentioned in the Amarna tablets. There is much probability in the su gestion of PraSek and Cbeyne (see ESAU, XOSAH), that &oos, the brother of Hypsuranios of Tyre in Philo’s story, the man who first ventured to sea on a log, is simply the eponym of Palwyros.

6. Sarepta (nair), a place at the foot of Lebanon belonging toSidon(1 K. 17g)=Eg. Zarpta, Ass. Sariptu, not mentioned in the Amarna tablets. Cp ZAREPHATH.

7. Sidon (i-pd, the greatest of the Phcenician or ‘Sidonian’ towns, and already in the time of the Amarna letters the principal rival of Tyre, with a harbour secured seawards by a range of rocks. See SIDON.

Phcenician tablets. See PTOLEMAIS.

See KANAH.

1 This is sufficiently proved by the fact that from very early times Byblos was known to the Egyptians (as ‘Kupna’), and that the prescriptions preserved on the papyrus Ebers (written ahour 15jo B.c.) mention a remedy of ‘a Semite from Byblos’ in which several Semitic loan-words occur (cp WMM, Ezyptiaca, 7 7 8 ) . See GEBAL i.

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8. Berytus (Biruta in the pap. Anastani, Birutu and [much more frequently] Biruna in the Amarna letters), the modern Beinif. In the time of the Amarna letters it belonged originally to the principality of Byblos, and afterwards became independent ; it does not occur in the OT or in the Assyrian inscriptions.

9. Byblos (Phmn. Gebal; see GEBAL, i.; Sl j , Josh.135 I K. 5 32 Ezek. 27 g, Ass. Gublu, Egyptian K u j n a ) , the seat of a great goddess, ‘the mistress of Bybl05 ’ (Baaltis), mentioned in pap. Anastasi and very often in the Amarna letters. Byblos stood in relation with Egypt from very ancient times (see col. 3733, n. I), and always was one of the principal Phcenician towns ; it was in possession of the greater part of the shore of Mt. Lebanon from Beirot northwards. In the time of the Armarna letters it was lord of Berytos and of two other places on the coast Sigata and Ambi. Southwards of Byblos runs the stream Nah; Ihrlhim, the ancient Adonis, associated with the death of ADONIS (q.v., g 2). At its sources lay the sacred Apheka, p ~ , Josh. 13 4 19 30 Judg. 131 (see APHEK, I). The town Tripolis is of much later origin (see below 5 21).

IO. Arka at the northern end of the Lebanon range on the plain of the Eleutherus (Nahr el-Kebir), by which the main road led from the coast to the Orontes-valley. This route is called by Thutmosis 111. ‘the coast-road,’ by which he attacks the town ‘Arkantu. This town can be no other than ‘Arka. In the Amarni tablets it is called Irkata and bas its own king; the Assyrians call it Arka ; only Shalmaneser 11. uses the older form Irkanata. In the OT ‘the Arkites,’ ’p iyn, are mentioned in Gen.’lO 17 (see AXKITE).

11. Simyra at the northern end of the Eleutherus plain (=Eg. Zama:, Ass. Sumun’ and Jinzirra), is often mentioned in the Amarna tablets : the Simvrites. vxm in Gen. 10 18 (see

In ancient times it was not an important place.

. . ~ . ZEMARITE).

12. Arados, on a small rock-island opposite Jebel No-iriye, in position and importance equal to Tyre, and already in the Egyptian period one of the principal seafaring places of Syria. Its Phmnician name was i i y ~ ( , Arwid (now Ruiid), ~ i m , Gen. 1018 Ezek. 278 11=Eg. Aratu(t) , Ass. druada. See ARVAD. Opposite to it lay a place called by the Greeks Antaradus (later Tortosa, now Tartfis) ; farther southwards, Marathus (now ‘Arnrit) belonged to its territory. Marathusacquiredimport- ance and independence only in Hellenistic times (see below, D 22).

‘3. In Gen. 1017 between the people of ‘Arka and Arados are mentioned ‘3.~2, ‘the Sinites ’ the inhabitants of Sin (see SINITE). This town identifieh by Delitzscb (Par . 282) with Sianu in the Assyriad inscriptions, IS not otherwise known.

The names of the dynasts of Tyre, Byblos, Arka, in the Amarna letters show that the inhabitants at that time were Canaanites-ie., Phenicians. For Arados we have no direct proof; but its position is characteristic- ally Phoenician, and no one will doubt that, as in later times (in the Assyrian inscriptions its kings have Phoenician names), so already in the sixteenth century it was inhabited by Phcenicians.

T h e Pharaohs of Egypt began the conquests of Syria at the end of the sixteenth century, a short time after

6. The the final expulsion of the Hyksos (see EGYPT, Egyptian 5s 5 3 8 : ) . Thutmosis I. was the first who dominion. overran the whole of Syria to the banks of

the Euphrates, and received the tribute of its dynasts. His son Thutmosis 111. (1503-1449), in his twenty-second year, had to begin the conquest anew. He first defeated the Canaanites in the battle of Megiddo, and then conquered the northern parts of Syria. Thutmosis 111. is the founder of the great Egyptian empire. Most of the Phcenician towns appear to have acknowledged his sovereignty without much fighting ; only Simyra and Arados had to be taken by force. Simyra received an Egyptian garrison and became the principal stronghold of the Egyptian dominion on the coast. All the kings and petty princes of the Syrian and Phcenician towns became vassals of Egypt ; they had to pay tribute and supply provisions for the Pharaoh and his army ; their sons were educated at the Egyptian court and received their principalities from the hands of the Pharaoh, even if they succeeded their fathers. Under Amenophis II., who suppressed a great rebellion, and Thutmosis IV. the Egyptian supremacy remained unshaken ; but during the long and peaceful reign of Amenophis III., at the end of the fifteenth century, its strength began to decline; and under his son Amenophis IV., whose interests were absorbed by the religious reformation he attempted in Egypt, it broke down altogether. From the north the Hittites invaded Syria and took one place after another ; and they were supported by the nomads

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PHCENICIA PHCENICIA of the desert, and by many of the local dynasts who longed for independence (see HITTITES, 5s 8 8 ) . Among these, AbdaSirta and his son Aziru, the dynasts of the Amorites, in the northern part of the Lebanon, took a leading position. The Phanician towns were divided ; all their kings tried to gain as much as they could for themselves, but they all pretended to be faithful vassals of Egypt, even if they did as much harm to its interests as was possible to them. The Amarna tablets give a very vivid picture of these troubles. We see that Arados made itself independent ; Simyra was conquered and destroyed by Aziru ; the king of Arka was slain ; the king of Sidon supported the rebels, in spite of his loyal letters, while Rib-hadad of Byblos held out to the last on the Egyptian side. In Tyre the king and his wife and children were slain ; but here the Egyptians gained the supremacy again, and the new king Abimelech proved a faithful vassal like Rib-hadad. Both were pressed hard by the rebels. Usu was occupied by the Sidoniam, who were supported by a fleet from Arados, and the Tyrians on their island suffered severely for the want of wood and water. Rib-hadad lost one part of the Byblian territory after another, and the inhabitants of Byblos had to sell their sons and daughters in payment of the provisions they imported from the sea. At last, when Rib-hadad had gone for help to Berytus, where an Egyptian officer was posted, his subjects revolted, shut the gates against his return, and joined the enemy.’

In the religious troubles under Amenophis IV. and his successors, the Egyptian power in Asia was reduced to nothing. Sethos I. (Setoy, about 1350 R.c.) had to begin the conquest anew. He slew the Bedouins, occupied Palestine and southern Phcenicia, made the Syrian magnates cut trees on the Lebanon for his buildings in Egypt, and fought, as it seems, with varying success against the Hittites. Neither Sethos, however, nor his son Ramses II., in spite of his victories, was able to subjugate the Hittites and the N. of Syria again. At last Ramses 11. concluded a treaty with the Hittites, by which both empires recognised each other as equals and became friends. From that time (about 1320) onwards, Palestine and southern Phcenicia were for more than a century in the possession of the Egyptians. The boundary seems to have been formed by the Nahr el-Kelb, N. of Beiriit, where three tablets of Ramses 11. allude to his victories and fix the frontier ; unfortunately, they are in very bad preservation. A visit which the king of Tyre paid to Egypt is mentioned in pap. Anastasi IV. verso 6, Z. 3.

The peaceful state of Syria was again disturbed, first by the decay of the Egyptian power under the weak successors of Ramses 11. and by the internal troubles which led to the rise of the twentieth dynasty with Setnekht and Ramses III . , and perhaps also by a similar decay of the very loosely organised Hittite empire. Then followed the great invasion of Syria by a migration of peoples from Asia Minor and Europe, who came both by land and by sea ; a migration about which some information has come down to us in the inscriptions of Ramses 111. (about 1200 B.c.), who defeated the invaders on the frontier of Egypt. The final result of this migration was the occupation of the coast of Palestine by the Zakari (in Dor) and the Philistines (in Ashkelon and the neighbouring towns).

The empire of the Hittites henceforth disappears ; it is dissolved into a great number of smaller states. Ranises 111. still maintained a part of Canaan and fought against the Amorites; but under his feeble successors the power of the Pharaohs in Asia was again reduced to nought, although they never gave up the claim of supremacy over Palestine and Phenicia. W e possess part of an account of an official of the temple of Anion in Thebes,* who was sent by the high

1 For the chronology of Rib-hadad’s letters see Knudtzon in Beitnip ZUY Assyriologie, 4 2 m 5 (IT.).

a Published by Golenischeff, RecarzZdc Trauuux, 21, 1899 ;

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priest Hrihor and the prince of Tank Smendes (afterwards thefirst king of the twenty-first dynasty, about 1075 B.C.) , to Byblos in order to get timber from Lebanon for the sacred bark of the god, and brought a statue of the god with him for his protection. The Phcenicians still regarded the great god of Thebes with some awe ; nevertheless the Egyptian messenger was received with bad grace by Beder, prince of the Zakari of DOR ( g . ~ . ) , and worse still by Zekar-ba‘al prince of Byblos (see GEBAL i. ). The latter proved that neither he nor his ancestors had been subjects of the Pharaohs, and when at last he gave the timber on religious grounds, he exacted the promise that he should be paid for it on the envoy’s return.

The father-in-law of Solomon, and afterwards, in Rehoboam’s time, Shishak, the first Pharoah of the twenty-second dynasty, once more renewed the Egyptian campaign to Palestine, but only with momentary success. Farther northward no Egyptian army again penetrated until the time of Pharaoh Necho in 608. There was no dominant power in Syria either, and the invasion of Syria by Tiglath-pileser I. who came to Arados and hunted in the Lebanon, was only a passing episode. So the Phenician towns were left to themselves; the period of their rise and greatness begins, and with it the dominating position of Tyre in Phenicia

The prosperity of Phcenicia was the result of sea- trade and colonisation. For a long time, scholars

g. Phmniciarr were inclined to put the beginning of Phcenician colonisation into much earlier times, and to suppose that in colonies.

the second millennium B.C. they were d o k n a n t on all the islands and shores on the Zgean sea. We hsve since learnt, however, that this was a mistake. Cer- tainly the Phoenicians went to sea as early as in the time of Thutmosis 111. and his successors, and on the other hand, numerous remains in Greece and Egypt prove that there was a lively intercourse between the E. and the Greeks of the Mycenaean period during the whole time of the Egyptian empire; but the Oriental people, which at this time was most nearly connected with Greece, were the inhabitants of Kaft ; and we know now that this was not Phcenicia, but another country farther to the W. (cp 5 I).

On the other hand, the Greeks of the Mycenaean time (with Crete and Argos as the great centres of their civilisation) were far more enterprising than scholars had supposed; they came to the E. as mercenaries, pirates, and tradesmen, and brought their wares (Mycenzan pottery, arms, etc.) to Cyprus and Egypt. There can be no doubt that at a very early period (perhaps in connection with the great migration under Ramses 111.) they settled on the southern coast of Asia Minor (Pamphy1ia)and in Cyprus, before the Phcenicians had any colonies there. In the time of the Amarna tablets there were no Phoenician colonies ; probably their colonisation did not begin before the twelfth century, and it never reached the extent which used often to be dreamt of. In Cyprus they founded Citium and some other places; but to the Bgean sea they always came only as traders (as we see in Homer), and never possessed more than a few factories (probably on some islands, on the Isthmus of Corinth. etc.), from which they carried on their trade with the Greeks. This is the character of Phcenician colonisation generally; by far the larger number of the Phoenician colonies were mercantile settlements, factories, planted at sheltered points of the coast, or, still better, on a rocky island off it, like the towns of Phcenicia itself.

For the task of occupying extensive territories, for subjugation of foreign peoples or even assertion of political supremacy over them, the Phcenician cities were not powerful enough; they did not even possess

cp Erman, ‘Eine Reise nach Phoenicien im elften Jahrhundert vor Chr.’ in Z& vol. 38 (IF).

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PHCl3NICIA PHCEINICIA the interior of the country adjacent to themselves. Never, for example, could such an idea have occurred to them as that of bringing a people like the Greeks to a condition of dependence. The history of Phcenician trade and colonisation presents many analogies with those of Portugal and Holland. The territory discovered by the Phcenicians and opened up to their commerce was much too large to be acquired by them. .4s :I rule they were quite satisfied if they could carry on business in a peaceful way, exchanging the native raw products for the articles of industry and luxury pro- duced by the Eas t ; and for this purpose the small settlements they possessed furnished a sufficient basis of operations. This fully explains (I) why the colonies continued to be dependent on the mother country ; (2) how it came about that, when the nation within whose territory they lay gained in political and commercial strength, these colonies could, quite easily and without a struggle, disappear completely and leave no trace (as for example on the Bgean, and for the most part also in Sicily) ; (3) how it was that their influence on the nations with whom they had dealings was always SO slight and for the most part limited to trade trans- actions and the transmission of manual dexterities.

Colonisation of a more thorough order, out of which sprang large and flourishing new commonwealths, occurred only in Cyprus and on the north coast of Africa. Resides this, Gades, and some other colonies in the land of Tarshish--i.e., Southern Spain-ought to he mentioned here. When we consider the sm:illness of the mother-country, this achievement was indeed of itself no inconsiderable performance, rendered possible only by the fact that a great proportion of the settlers came from the Syro-Palestinian interior, the Phcenician towns in many cases supplying only the leaders and mercantile aristocracy of the new corumunlty. Occasionally also, as the legendary story of the founding of Carthage shows, internal disputes may have led to the migration of the defeated party.

All the Phenician colonies were anciently regarded as having been founded from Tyre, and so far as the towns of Cyprus and North Africa are concerned this is confirmed by all our other information. I t cannot be shown that any other of the Phcenician towns planted colonies.’ We shall see that within the same period Tyre had a leading position also in home politics.

A splendid picture of the commerce of Tyre is given by EzekielZ (27). ‘The prophet represents the nations

,. Trade, as the seruanfs of Tyre ; but this is only industries. to heighten the impression of the queenly

city’s greatness. I t is plain that the Phcenicians had commercial relations with countries in which they neither had nor could have any colonies.

Apart from Ezekiel, and from the evidence of Greek writers, we have the four Greek words XLS& (nxm), ~ p v w d r (p?), 2 6 ~ 1 (iW), and rrdharis ( W h ) , as records of early Phcenician trade with Greeks. In Egypt we are told of a ‘ Tyrian quarter’ at Memphis (Tvpiov ~ ~ p a d r r d ~ , Herod. 2 112). The friendly relations between Hiram and Solomon (who had command of the harbours of Edom) enabled the Phcenicians to carry out (with Solomon) naval expeditions to the coasts of the Arabian Sea and the Indian Ocean as far as Ophir (I K. 9 2 6 s 1022). With the loss of Edom this field of activity was closed ; on a later attempt of the men of Judah to reopen it see JEHOSHAPHAT.

The Phoenicians had also an overland trade, though this was less important than the waterborne. First in importance as Phcenician marts were the great trading cities of Syria-Damascus, Hamath, etc. I t is certain, however, that Phcenician merchants had also direct

1 Two apparent exceptions-(i.) Leptis between the two Syrtes, the founding of which is attributed by Sallust (Jug. 78) to Sidonians whom internal dissensions had driven from their home, and (ii.) the island Oliaros near Paros which is called by Heraklides Ponticus in Steph. Byz. Zr8wviov &ror.ia-are to he explained by the extended use, mentioned above, of the name Sidonians. Leptis, which Pliny (576) speaks of as a Tyrian settlement, was really founded by the Carthaginians about 512 B.C. Nor is any weight to be attached to the facts that according to Steph. Byz. the island Melos was originally called Ryhlis from its mother town, and that Tarsus (which was not Phcenician at all) is in Dio Cbrysost. (Or. 33 14) represented a* being colonised from Aradus, not, as the other authorities have it, from Argos.

2 The text is unfortunately not free from corruption (see especially uu. 19 23). See CANNEH, CHILMAD, JAVAN, 8 I, etc.

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,elations with regions much more remote-Babylon. Vineveh, and various trade centres of Asia Minor and Irmenia, as well as of Arabia. Detailed information. 3eyond what is known of ancient oriental commerce in :eueral, is wanting here. The sketch given by Ezekiel 27) tells us only that all the peoples there enumerated &ought their wares to the Tyrians, and this is quite iccurate. It does not often occur that a centre of sea trade is also a t the same time a city with extensive inland iommerce. There can be no doubt whatever that the land commerce of the Semitic world was mainly in the hands of Syrian (Aramaean) merchants, and, next to these, in the hands of Arabian tribes living in the desert. It was by this agency that the wares of the East were brought to Tyre and the other cities of Phoenicia, where the products of the West, and of the native industries of Phcenicia, were received in exchange for them. In particular it may be regarded as certain that, apart from a short-lived attempt under Hiram, the Phoenicians never themselves brought from the country of its pro- duction the frankincense with which its merchants supplied the Mediterranean coasts (Herod. 3 107). Originally the incense- trade was from hand to hand ; but afterwards, from the beginning of the last millennium R.c., the S. Arabian tribes-the Sabzeans, and still more the Minzeans-themselves took it up and sent yearly caravans to the Mediterranean centres of civilisation.

Herodotus (1 I) narrates : ‘the Phcenicians as soon as they had arrived on the Syrian coast from their original seat on the shore of the Erythaean (Arabian) Sea at once began to make extensive voyages, and exported Egyptian and Assyrian (Le . , according to the terminology of Herodotus. Babylonian) wares.’ The picture thus given, though anachronistic, quite accurately expresses the essential features of Phcenician trade. Just as the history of the Syrian countries and the course of their civilisation was determined by their intermediate position between Babylon and Egypt, the two great foci of civilisation, so also it was from these countries that the Syro- Phaenician merchants derived not only many of their wares but also above all the patterns from which they worked, and their first artistic processes and methods.

By the Greeks the Phmnicians were regarded as the masters of invention ; not only glass-making(cp GLASS, $ I), the preparation of purple and metal-work, but even weights, measures, and the art of writing (see WRIT IN^;) were carried back to them. The actual state of the case is certainly quite otherwise ; not one of these discoveries was of Phcenician origin. All these conveniences the Phoenicians in common with the other Syrian peoples borrowed ; but they carried them much farther after the appropriation.

Although the Phcenician cities drew a large proportion of their commercial wares from the interior, an extensive and busy native industry soon arose. Phcenician purple, Phoenician garments in colour, and Phcenician metal-work were specially famous, as the Homeric poems abundantly show (see ZZ. 6289, Od. 15415; 12. 23741, Od. 4618, 13288 15460, ZZ. 1120). In Od. 1542s Sidon is spoken of as ‘rich in copper’ ( ~ o X ~ X ~ X K O S ) . Similarly the bronze and silver paterae with engraved work after an Egyptianising style which have been found in the palace of Kalab (Nimriid), a t Praeneste in Latium, and elsewhere, are of Phcenician workmanship. The Egyptian monuments, too, frequently mention, in catalogues of tribute, Phoenician vessels of gold and silver, as also of iron and copper, often with blue and red enamel (WMM, As. u. Bur. 306).

The character of the Phcenician merchant nation, so receptive, so practical and soberminded, is nowhere s. Ilrt. more strikingly seen than in the region of

The question as to the essential nature of Phoenician art has for long been one of the most burning and difficult in the whole field of archaeology. The difficulty lay partly in the fact that until now from Phcenicia itself only a very few monuments, none at all of a date earlier than the Persian period,

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art.

PHaNICIA PHCENICIA have come down to us. The chief trouble, however, was created by the investigators themselves, who set out in search of a a Phoenician style’ and could not find one. The solution of the problem is very simple ; we are now able to say very positively that there never was such a thing as a Phoenician style. Phoenician art, like that of Syria in general, simply exhibits in combination the motzys derived by it from a variety of quarters (in the first instance mainly from Babylon and Egypt), without any attempt at fusing them into any higher essential unity.

The stele of king Yehawmelek of Byblos (Persian period) represeuts the king, in Pekian dress and hearing, before a seated goddess who is exactly reproduced after the pattern of Isis and Hathor with cow’s horns and the sun-disk upon her head. Over lier head hovers, as in all Egyptian steles, the winged sun- disk (Perrot and Chipiez, Art in Phuvzicia, 1 %, fig. 23). This is typically Phcenician. A stele of Marathus exhibits a god in Egyptian dress, wearing an Egyptian helmet with the uraxs serpent, and holding in his right hand an E yptian hooked sword. With his left hand he holds, in Assyrio-%abylonian fashion, a lioness by the legs ; his feet rest upon a lioness who in turn stands upon a hill-like pedestal--motifs which Hittite-Asiatic art developed still further from Babylonian models. Above the god hover two Egyptian emblems ; the moon (crescent, with full moon shown within) and the winged sun-disk (0). cit. 2 11, fig. 7).

A few examples may be given of the way in which borrowed artistic symbols were so modified as to lose their original meaning. The Egyptian emblem of the moon became a half-moon, with the sun or a star above it : the sphinx became womanlike in form ; the urzus serpents dependent from the winged sun-disk were

changed into a bird’s tail: out of the cross grew

the symbol so familiar on Phoenician seals and

Carthaginian steles, having, apparently, arms and legs added to it. In decoration, however, Phcenician art (and Syrian art generally) shows a certain independence in its employment of flower-like ornaments-lotos blossoms and rosettes-or of ornaments taken from the animal world, such as heads of wild goats, oxen, lions, and so forth. In this field a decorative a Western- Asiatic’ mixed style was developed, which, as already indicated, began to exert an influence on Greek art from the ninth century onwards.

For the rest, the art of Syria and Phcenicia follows the ‘ fashion,‘ that is, the ruling power. In the second millennhn B. c. Egyptian models prevail ; with the rise of Assyrian ascendancy, Assyrio-Babylonian motifs come more strongly into play ; and these in their turn had to give place to the influence of Persia. Alongside of these Asiatic models, however, from the sixth century onwards, the influence of Greek art made itself increasingly felt, and had already become predominant within the Persian period, in the first instance in the technique (e.g., in coins), and soon afterwards in motifas well.

In one department the Phcenicians maintained their superiority-that of navigation. Even in Xenophon’s 9. Navigation. time, when the Greeks, especially the

Athenians, had long been keen rivals of the Phcenicians by sea, and had defeated them in naval battles, a great Phcenician merchantman was regarded as a pattern of order and of practical outfitting (Xen. Ec.811) : and still later even Strabo speaks of the absolute supremacy of the Phoenicians in the arts of seamanship (xvi. 2 23). When Sennacherib caused Syrian carpenters to build him a fleet upon the Tigris for the subjugation of the Babylonians, he manned it with Tyrian, Sidonian, and Greek (Cyprian) sailors, just as Alexander brought Phcenician ships to Thapsacus on the Euphrates for his projected Arabian campaign (Am. vii. 193). When the Egyptians under Psam- nietichus and Necho brought together a fleet it consisted mainly of Fhoenicians ; and it was by Phcenicians that, under Necho, the circumnavigation of Africa was accomplished (Herod. 442). In the fleet of Xerxes the Phenicians (and of these the Sidonians) supplied the

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f 8

best vessels (Herod. 796). The war between the Greeks and the Persians was pre-eminently a struggle between the sea-power of Greece and that of Phcenicia.

W e proceed now to a brief survey of the Phoenician religion.

The Phoenicians applied to their gods the term ‘ZZim less frequently than the longer form, ’donim (so in

lo. Religion : the inscriptions of Eshmunazar and Yehawmelek), fern. ‘donot (in Plautus), just as in Heb. the plu. n*n$N, and in

conceptions’ Aram. the lengthened form ikih, came to be the forms in common use (cp NAMES, rrqf:) . The general word for ‘ goddess ’ in the Semitic dialects is either iZ& (cp below) or ‘AStar (Rab. igtar) ; but the Phoenicians employed exclusively the form ‘AItavt, ‘Attoref (with the feminine terminations added to the feminine word).

Like other Semites, they believed that these divine powers can enter into relations with human communities, and that when they do so they accord them their protection and live a common life with their clients. They bestow blessing. prosperity, and victory, grant increase of the flocks and herds, and of the field, and in return have a share in all that their worshippers acquire or enjoy, above all in the common meal and in the spoil. I n this, essentially, do worship and sacrifice consist (cp SACRIFICE). The tutelary deities are the lords and kings of the community which worships them; the community and each individual member of it are their servants or handmaidens or even their Metoikoi (gZr, very common in Phcen. proper names), their proteges, taken up and cared for by them.

Connected with this is the idea that the gods are the blood- relations of their worshippers-an idea which the Phcenicians shared with the rest of the Semites, as is shown in the proper names which designate an individual as the brother or sister, father or mother, son or daughter of the divinity (see ABI-, AMMI-, NAMES IN, etc.). These names however are not of frequent occurrence among the Phcenikans . th; idea that underlies them had plainly ceased to be intelliiible.

The gods manifest themselves to men in objects the most diverse. Not unfrequently in rocks and mountains ; thus the name given by the Greeks to the conspicuous headland between Byblos and Tripolis ( ‘ Theouprosdpon ’), plainly represents the Phceuician PZnzj’Zl; see PENUEL. Near Theouprosopon there is a dedicatory inscription to Zeus (Renan, Miss. en P h h . 146), obviously the El of the headland. Another form of manifestation was in trees and animals, especially in serpents. Still more prevalent, and manifestly also of greater antiquity, is the idea that the god has taken up his abode in movable stones or bits of wood. These are veritable fetishes, which can be carried about everywhere, and in which, accordingly, the divinity in the primitive nomad stage could accompany the tribe on its wanderings. Such a animated stones ‘ were supposed to have fallen from heaven, and were called by the Phcenicians ,9arrrihta-i.e., bait-el, ‘ G o d s house ’ : cp Jacob‘s pillar at Bethel2 (see MASSEBAH). These stones may originally perhaps have remained unhewn ; but in later times it became usual to give them a certain form-either a cone, or an obelisk with a pyramid-shaped head, or even a simple stele.

Such ‘set-u ’ stones were to be found in every cult 3 and at every altar ; tfey form the most usual dedicatory offering to the

[Cp STRANGER.]

1 More particularly in the names ‘A6a“eZi-m (‘ABG<hryw, Renan, Miss. en Ph4n. 7 9 , in meaning identical with ‘Ahd’alonim ‘A@Gd&vvpoc), servant of the gods ; Anrat’eZtm, maidservant of the gods, Mattrin‘elim (gift of the gods, cp Mufhunili-m, C I L 8 10525)~ KaQ‘eZim, dog of the gods (CIS 149 ; abbreviated to KaOd, i6. 52).

a Cp Philo Bybl. fr. 2, 19, where the &zz%yZfa are spoken of as an invention of Uranos; Damascius (Vit. Zsid., ed. Wester- mann [ap. Didot] 94 203) has it that 7Ljv @ ~ L T V ~ ~ W V Bhhov Bhho ~ v a x c b 0 a r 0 . i $pJ:o, A&, ‘Hhiy, +ais hhhorc. Hence &tuZ&, a species of mi’gic stoine, in Pliny (37 135 etc.). 1 Thus from the coins of Byblos we know of the cones in the

conrt of the great temple, where the goddess of the town had her seat, and similar objects were to he found in the sanctuary of Aphrodite at Paphos, which, though Greek, was strongly influenced by Phcenicia.

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PHQ3NICIA PHCENICIA divinity. By the Phcrnicians as b y the Hebrews and other Canaanites, they were caldd rnassabath (cp CIS 144-a mas$ebah a t Kition dedicated to Eshmnn ; for votive arid burial steles, as in the Pirmus Inscr., see Rev. Arch. 3 ser. 11 5 ; CIS 1116 etc.) or, otherwise, na@b (CIS 1x39-a nasib a t Kition dedicated to Baalshamein ; cp the Malkiba'al steles [see below] ; Steph. Byz. S.W. N ~ U L , ~ K [called Niar&s by Philo, 81; oypaivrr 62, bs +yub *lAwv, Ndo#?tr 76s u+as ; o 8 . Oirpdvros V ~ U ~ & S , $ ~ u c , uypaivcr .i, OOLV~KW $0.5 hieor ovyxripcvor oup+opqrai,-in other words, cairns or stone-heaps like the Gr. +para, out of which on a precisely similar manner arose the hewn Hermz or symbols of Hermes). Another name is Hanmnuin, which in Phcenician must have been quite current (see helow); it occurs also in O T (Is. 178 279, etc.) in conjunction with the Asherim; so too in Palmyra. The name is probably identical with the 'Appouveir of the Phcenician tempks from whose mystic inscriptions, according to Philo (1 j), Skchuniathon derived his wisdom. T h e origin of the name is uncertain; HammPnim in the O T is best translated ' hammSn-pillars.'l Stone -cones of the kind described are often found delineated in the Carthaginian steles, also upon a stele from Libybzum (CIS 1138).

In close association with the stone-pillar we find the erected pole, or the tree-stump, precisely as in the Grecian cultus. This is called AshErah (a::;!) as in Hebrew (see ASHERAH). Copies of it in clay are very often found in the ruins of the temples of Cyprus.

A representation of a goddess, in clay, has been found in Cyprus, sitting within the tree-trunk of Ashera (cp Ohnefalsch- Richter, Xy@-os, 1 1 7 1 ; 2 Tab. 17 2)) and we hear in the inscription of Ma'sob of ' the Astarte in the AshZra.' The word Asherah might therefore he used as a divine name. T h e only known instance of this, however, is Abd-agrat (also Abd-aSirta) in the Amarna letters, where ASrat is always written with the deter- minative sign of deity.

A variety of these poles may plainly be seen in Carthage steles : and closely associated with them, perhaps, are the quickly fading flowers and rootless plants of the Adonis gardens at the Adonis festival (cp ADONIS).

A s to the origin of these modes of worship, Philo (28) relntes that Usoos the brother of Hypsouranios of Tyre (cp below, § IZ), after a sea voyage on a tree-trunk, erected two steles to the Fire and the Wind, worship- ping them and making an offering of the blood of beasts. After the death of the two brothers, staves were consecrated to them, the steles adored, and their memory commeinorated in a yearly feast. These staves and steles are the Asherim and Masebahs or gummdnim -in the first instance doubtless, in Philo's view, some specially holy and ancient objects in Tyre.

When a people becomes settled, not only does it itself undergo a change as it accommodates itself to the land which it tills, the city it inhabits, the mountains and streams of its chosen home; its gods also no longer continue the same. They too abandon their nomadic life, settle, and become the lords of the soil upon which they are worshipped.

'Thus an E l or ZZut (or Astarte) becomes the dn'aZ or ddtzlut of a definite locality, the god or goddess of

C p MASSEBAH.

I ~

ll. Gods some particular town or hill. Such divinities are many in Phcenicia. Thus the 'pod of Sidon' is called proper names*

' Baal-sidon ' (CIS i. 3 18 [Eshmunazar], Inscr. of Pirzus, Rev. Arch. 3 ser. 11 j ; on the gods of Tyre see below). The 'goddess of Byblos' is invoked as e the mistress, the Ba'alat of Gebal' (CZS l r , cp GP:RAL, I). Rib-hadnd too gives her this title in all his letters (the name is always written ideographically). In &irrt&zduSt (Kition) of Cyprus the peuple worship the god of the Lebanon on the mainland opposite, as

1 13aaLhanimiin was the chief deity of Punic N. Africa (found also in Libybzmnn CIS1 138). H e is the god of the &nziruin-sfe& in which 'he had his abode, and the steles dcclicated to him frequently bear the enigmatical name 3 ~ 3 5z325n (crs 1 123 147 194 q j 380. Hadnrmetzm 9). Similarly t e god Melki'aitart in Umm el-'kw;lmid, S. of +yre (CIS 18) ani1 in the neighbouring Ma'snb are designated EZ-jLanwuin. His female counterpart is ' the Astarte in the Asherah of El- hammxn.' Melki'aTtart is in fact the El-hammxn. The numen occupying his (tamman-pillar (Ra'al-hamman) is naturally his inferior, who in turn has an Asherah in which dwells a female beirig, an Aitarte.

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' Baal-libanon, their lord ' (CZS 1 s).' Among the hills behind Sidon there occurs a ZEIJS 6p,peros-i.e., a mountain-god pure and simple-to whom in an inscription (Renan, il4iss. 397) two lions are dedicated.

A god can also take his name from specified attributes ascribed to him at a particular place of worship, or from his association with some particular religious object or custom.

A well-known instance of this kind is the BAAL-BERITH [r.u:] a t Shechem : there was also a 'god of dancing' (Lat. Jupiter Balmarcodes, Gk. Bahpdpros .oipavos ~ S p w v ) , a god worshipped with festal dances a t the sanctuary of Der el- Kal'a i n the mountains behind Bsrot (cp CIG 4536, CIL 3 rjj , Cler.-Ganneau, Reu. dArrl . Orient. 2 1 0 1 8 : Euting, SBA W, 1887% p. 407, no. 129). Most renowned of all is Baal-hammiin (see above, 5 10).

All these gods and goddesses are strictly nameless, and are merely powers possessing a specified sphere of influence. So also with Ba'al-Zani&m (see below, 12). There is no god Ba'?! and goddess Ba'alat. It is only very rarely that a genuine proper name occurs a t all. The God of Tyre (Ba'al s r ) indeed bears the name Melkart (cp 12) ; but even this is really no proper name but a compound of iWeelek Kart, king of the city. For worshippers, the god of their home, or of the temple which they frequent, is ' the Ba'al' or ' the Ba'alat ' without qualification, and in ordinary life no other phraseology is used (cp I K . 1 7 8 )

There is no need to specify what particular god is intended. I t is quite usual, therefore, to give children such .names as Hanniba'al, ' favour of Baal ' . 'Azru-ba'al 'help of Ba'al ' . Ba'al'azar, ' Ra'al helps' ; Ba'al-daniin, 'IBaali; favourable' ; 'Abd: Ba'al, 'servant of Baa1';Adoni-Ba'al, 'Baal is lord,'etc. I n these cases the giver as a rule has in his mind some such god as Ba'al-hammPn, Ba'al-Samen, Ba'al-$don, or the like. Often enough too, the god's name falls away altogether, and we get such names as Haniin or Hann6, 'Abdo, etc.

It is easy to understand how, ultimately, this should have given rise to the feeling that there was an absolute god Ba'al of whom the individual Ba'alim are only forms. This feeling must have developed greatly in Babylonia, and, to a certain extent, also among the Ararnaeans, where Bel, Aram. B'el, actually became the proper name of a definite deity. It found its way into Phcenicia as well. In the first instance foreigners naturally formed the belief that there was a single Phoenician deity Bdal. The Egyptians took over his cult and-in the new kingdom-worshipped him as identical with Sutekh (Set). The Greeks always designate him by his Aramaic name as re lo^,^ and identify him with Zeus,-and rightly. for everywhere the Baal of a place is the highest god of its proper pantheon. Similarly they explained Baahis (so Philo, 225 ) or BaXOrs (Melito in Cureton, Spic. Syr. 44: Hesych.) as the proper name of the goddess of Byblos. At last the Phcenicians themselves followed the example, a t least in their systeni of the gods-the idea is found in Philo. In the native inscriptions indeed, and so, we may infer, in their worship, it never found a place; only one Greek inscription, from the neighbourhood of Antara- dos. mentions an altar of BqXos; here doubtless the Syrian, not the Phcenician. deity is intended (Renan, op. cit. 104).

Ba'alat is never employed in the formation of proper names, and is indeed of somewhat rare occurrence anywhere; to denote the feminine divinity the name AStart is ordinarily used. In the religious conception, indeed, there is no difference between the twb, only Astarte needs no complement of the name of a place ; but the Astarte in the AsLZnih of El-+ommdn mentioned

1 I n Philo27 these gods appear as mighty primzval men from whom the mountains which they occupy (&v 2xpl:yuav) took their names. Thus the Lebanon, Antilibanus, Kasius mount Bpae;. 2 I t 'may here be remarked once for all that, later, the

Aramaic form crept into use in all divine names. Philo has only the form BGAos. A late inscription from Berytus ( L e b n 111. 1854 ir) presents both forms in the two contiguous name: ' A @ L ~ ~ ~ A O W and 'O<cp@nhou. I n Africa the pronunciation h ' a l alone is found : cp Hannibal, Haadruhal, etc. Sew. ad &'n. 1729 ; ' Saturnus . . . lingua punica Bal deus dicitur.' The identification of Kronos and Ba'al in rare.

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PHCENICIA PHCENICIA above might equally well have been called 6u'aZuth hi-asherah.

The Greeks were quite correct when for the most part they applied the designation Asfarfe to the goddess of Byblos (Cic. Nat. Dew. 359, Plut. de Is. 15). In Tyre Hiram I. hudt a temple to Astarte (Menander ap. Jos. C. A#. 118, cp Philo 224). Itoba'al I. was priest of Astarte before he became king. In Sidon Astarte is the principal divinity (so throughout the OT ; similarly, e.g., Lucian, Dea Sur. 4). The Kings Esh- munazar I. and his son Tabnit are priests; the latter's sister, the queen-mother Am'aHtart, is priestess of Astarte (cp inscr. of Tahnit and Eshm. 11.); the king Bod'aStart raised a building to her (CIS 14). By the side of the goddess of the city we find also in Sidon an 'Astarte of the Baal of Heaven' (see below). From what we know we may presume that all the Phcenician towns had an Astarte as tutelary deity.

Alongside ofilstarte is found the name Wit, 'goddess' (cp above). Il%t had her priests in Carthage (CIS 1z43f:), and, under the name ' the lady Ilat,' a temple in Sulci. On the other hand, El is never found as the designation of any definite deity, and, even in personal names, occurs only in inscriptions from Byblos, in striking contrast to the Hebrew and Arabic usage' (cp NAMES, § 25). The same remark applies to 'adon, 'lord.' The true name of the god known to the Greeks as ADONIS [ g . ~ . ] is undiscovered. Perhaps he remained nameless in the cultus, and it may well be that the case is similar with El. The ancients, indeed, have much to tell us of El (whom they identify with Kronos). Philo informs us that 'HXos was made with four wings, of which two are at rest and the other two outstretched; also, he had two eyes open and two closed, so as to show that in sleeping he also waked and in resting flew. Upon his head he wore (after the Egyptian manner) two feathers. From this description De Vogue (MeYanges d' Arch. Orient. 109) has identified him, perhaps rightly, upon Phcenician seals. His first seat was at Byblos ; later he presented Byblos to Baaltis, Berytus to Poseidon and the Cabiri. In conformity with this, we find in Steph. By% the founding of Byblos and Berytus ascribed to Kronos. Thus the El of Byblos is probably one of the gods of the Byblos district. Accordingly El forms an element of the name of the king of Byblos, Elpa'al (!&m), known to us from coins ; and also probably, in spite of the elision of K , in 5j.y. "EvuXos (Arrian, ii. 156)-i .e. , 'Ain'el, ' Eye of El.' In this case El (as Bdal elsewhere) must be regarded as the abbreviation of some fuller divine name. But a similar El must also have been worshipped in other towns. I t is stated by Philo (ii. 1824; fr. 3 4 J ) that human sacrifices were offered t.0 Kronos, and the Greek historians constantly speak of Kronos as the god to whom in Phcenicia, Carthage, and Sardinia, children were sacrificed.' This Kronos is certainly El. who, according to Philo, offered up his only son I ~ o d (cp ISAAC, § 3) in time of famine to his father Uranos, and also killed his son Sadidos and a daughter. Whether there was a separate El in every individual town, or whether he, too, had a no longer ascertainable proper name (such perhaps as El-Hamman Melki'aStart) we cannot say.

As man's civilisation and culture advance, the great cosmical forces, on which the course of the world depends, acquire for him increasing interest and importance. At first the community of worship takes no account of them at all. Sun, moon, and stars, it is thought, roll on in their courses unconcerned about men ; the seasons come and go whether man sacrifices, or refrains from sacrificing, to the celestial powers by whom these changes are ordered. I t is on the local

1 On the other hand in Syrian territory a god 5~ is found in the inscriptions of Zenjirli and Gerjin, among the gods of J?'udi, but always mentioned after the god Hadad. Along with El is named the god Rkb-'el (pronunciation unknown), who seems to have heen the chief divinitv of Sam'al (Bauinschrift :d. Sachau SBA W 1896, p. 1051) and- hears the title n*l lord of thehouse ' ((nscr. of Panamu)[cp WRS, ReL Sem. 94 n.]: 2 Plato, Minus, 315; Diodor. 1386 2014; cp Justin, 1 8 6 ;

Plut. de supersf. 13; Porphyr. a'z ndstin. - 2 5 6 ; Suidas, Xap8bvror yiAws=schol. Od. 20 302, etc.

3743

powers who stand under these greater powers that the prosperity a man desires in his own immediate circle and in the home depends-fruitfulness of field and flock, success in trade, victory in war. T o these local deities prayers are made and sacrifices offered, and to them the grateful worshipper returns thanks when the god has ' heard his voice and blessed him,' as the standing formula in the Phcenician inscriptions mns. Hence these local gods live with, and in, nature, like the ' Lord ' worshipped a t Byblos (see ADONIS), who according to the legend, was killed while hunting the boar far up in Lebanon, near the fountain of 'Afka, whereupon the spring became red with his blood (Lucian, 2.c. ).

Similar religious observances are met with elsewhere also. In Tyre the awaking (ZyepuLs ; Menand., ap. ]os. c. Ap. 118, § 119) of Melkart-Heracles was celebrated in the Macedonian month Peritios (Feb. -March, according to the Tyrian calendar; cp Gutschmid, KZ. Schr. 4474fl) ; his death in the West occurs in colonial legends. In other places the gods are associated with other elements. Thus the god of Berytus doubtless a ' Baal Berut,' is treated as god of the sea (Poseidon; Philo, 225) . A Poseidon, to whom offerings were thrown into the sea, is found also in Carthage (Diod. 1383, Polyb. 7 9 ) ; but the name bywhich he was there called is not known. Similarly, in Sidon honour was paid to a BaX&uuros Zeds (Hesych., s.v.). In Berytus. according to Philo (2 11 17 25 27). he has associated with him seven other gods, the sons of Sydyk, 'the righteous' (2 II 20-i . e., p w ) , the discoverers and patrons of navigation, called the Kabiri, 'great gods.' W e know that their worship also reached Greece ; but its Phcenician form is quite obscure.

No such deities are found u on the inscriptions ; pelhaps we should identify them with the ghanician Pataikoi mentioned by Herod. (Y37), dwarf-like images placed at the bows of the ships (see CAsToK AND PoLmx)-modifications of the grotesque Besa (Bes) figures (which the Egyptians of the New Kingdom borrowed from the Semites and prized so highly) which appear so frequently upon Phcenician monuments.1

When, with the advance in civilisation, the good things of life for which man cares and toils increase, when his interests and connections, both political and commercial, are extended, and the community steps forth from its narrow isolation into a larger world, the local gods no longer suffice. There arises the need for higher powers who can exert their influence and extend their protection everywhere throughout the world. At the same time the religious conceptions are raised and intensified ; man begins to realise his dependence upon the great cosmic powers, and feels the necessity of coming into close relations with them. Its influence is shown in two opposite directions; in the elevation of the local deities to a rank in which their influence is not local, or at least not exclusively so, and in the introduction into the local worships of the great cosmic powers, with the development of a worship specially dedicated to them, which gradually pushes into the background and ultimately supersedes the cults of the old local deities. Among the Israelites the first of these two processes triumphed and obtained undivided supremacy ; the tribal-god Yahwk became the universal God-the ruler of heaven and of earth, besides whom there is no other. Elsewhere we usually find the two processes going on side by side, with no consciousness of their mutual opposition.

W e have already seen how it came to pass that the local deities rose to a position of larger significance. I t was quite natural that the god who had protected Tyre and made it great and prosperous should continue to grant his aid when his worshippers removed to distant lands and founded cities there; and that the goddess of Byblos and other Astartes should manifest

1 W. M. Miiller's conjecture (As. u. Eur. 310) that they are derived from the Babylonian Izdubar-type seems highly probable.

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So it was in Phcenicia.

PHmNICIA PHCEINICIA themselves as givers of prosperity and fruitfulness, and as patrons of sexual life, not within the narrow confines of the city alone ; to those who worshipped them they became gods capable of showing their power far and wide over the earth. For this reason it was that foreigners also turned to them and, to gain their protection, dedicated to them altars and temples. The festival of Adonis, for example, was celebrated throughout the Phoenician world ; the god of Lebanon was worshipped in Cyprus, etc. Of still greater importance in this connection is the similarity of the functions of ‘the various gods, the Baals, Astartes (‘Altaroth), etc., leading as it does inevitably to the view that they are all but forms of one and the same mighty universal being. They are deemed to be the gods w h rule the w-orld and regulate all the phenomena of the cosmos. Here, especially, the Babylonian conception that the gods manifest themselves in the stars, finds a place (so Astarte, according to Philo, 224). In the cultus all these views are represented; but the local tie, by which their worshippers stand to them in a quite different relation from that which they OCCUPY towards similar gods of ueighbouring places, still subsists. In feeling, however, and in religious idea, the sense of this local tie retreats more and more into the background, and ultimately its place is taken by the larger, more generalised conception of the Baal, the Astarte, etc., spoken of above.

There are instances, hpwever. of the opposite development also. In isolated cases in the Phoenician cities, on the evidence of proper names, we can trace the worship of the sun-god Shemesh (Adoni-5eme4, CIS 1 8 8 [Irlalium] ; Abd-leme5, ib. 116 [Sidon] ; 107 [Citium]), and of the moon-god Yerah’ (‘Abd-yerah, on a seal, TSBA 5456). Reference in this connection may be made also to the earth-goddess, invoked in Carthage, along with the sun and the moon (Polyb. 79), of whom Philo has much to say.

Above all, however, worship was given to the ‘god of heaven ’ Bdal-SamCm.

His temples are found in Tyre,a in Umm el-‘Awimid (CIS 17). ,Carthage ‘(3. 379) on the Hawk’s Island near Sulci in Sardinia (3. 139). He’is the Z&s irravpavror of the altar in Sarba beside the Nahr el-Kelb near Beirht (Renan op. cit. 332). Carthage borrowed his cult from Cyprus (J& 185). T o the religious consciousness of a later age he became the chief deity, equivalent to the Greek Zeus (cp Plautus, Pan. 56J); he alone of all the gods is b Philo explained not as a deified man, but as the sun, who gas been invoked from the earliest times (25). This narrows the conception far too much, although we may assume that he was believed to manifest himself particularly in the sun.

Corresponding to the ‘god of heaven’ we have the ‘goddess of heaven,‘ the ‘Astarte of the heaven of Baal’ ( $ y > n w n i n ~ y ) , to whom we find ESmun.azar setting up a temple by the side of the sanctuary of B.ial-Sidon-a temple which is not to be confounded with that ‘of our lady Astarte in the sea-land (coast- land).’ This goddess was worshipped by other Syrian tribes as well.

Herodotus calls her Aphrodite Urania (i. 105 137), and (very incorrectly) regards the sanctuary of the goddess of Askelon [Atar atis i e , the ‘Attar (Astarte) of the god ‘Ate (see ATAR- G A T I ~ I as%; lentre of diffusion from which her worship passed to Cyprus and Cythera. At21 of heaven (an Aramaic forrnbworshipped by an Arabia; nomad tribe (ASur-bani-pal, col. viii. 112 124: cp KATP) I48 414). and the ‘queen of heaven,’ worshipped in Jerusalem Uer. 7 18 44 178). The merchants of Citium brought the cult of their goddess with them to Athens and erected a sanctuary t o her there in B.C. 333 (CIA 2 168). In CIA 2 1588 (a tolerably old votive-insciptipn erected bv Aristoclea of Citium) she is called ’ A + P O ~ L ~ O U ~ Q V ~

This Astarte was pre-eminently worshipped in Car- thage and all over Punic North Africa. In Latin authors and inscriptions she is called Ccelestis, ‘the heavenly goddess.’ She is a virgin (Aug. Civ. Dei, ii. 4 26 ;

1 The name Ben-hodeS (Gk. Novlujucor), so frequently found in Cyprus, has nothing to do with a cult : it merely denotes a child born a t the new-moon.

Menand., ap. Jos. c. A,#. 118, i v 70:s TOG A&; Dios, ib. 117, 705 ‘Ohu~rriou A& 7 b rep&.

Compare also the ‘Atur&zmuin-i.e.

See QUEEN OF HEAVEN.

See BAR-SABBAS, NAMES, g 72.

120 3745

CZL 89796; ‘De= magna3 virgini ccelesti,’ etc.), and so not the wife of BdalSamem; but she stands in the inscriptions by the side of Saturn ( i . e . , probably, Bdal-hamnign) as the chief goddess of N. Africa. In the treaty with Philip (Polyb. 7 1 9 ) the two appear a s Zeus and Hera at the head of the Carthaginian pantheon (cp Aug. in Heptateuch. 7 16 : ‘lingua punica Juno Astarte vocatur ’). Ancient writers identify her more commonly with Urania. Her image, probably a cone of stone, was brought by the emperor Elagabalus to Rome, and wedded to the stone fetish of Emesa which was an object of veneration with him (Herodian, 56, Dio Cass. 79 12). For her aspect as moon-goddess, see below, 5 13.

H e stands over the community which he protects, in the same way as the earthly ruler does, only that the latter also is his subject. ‘King’ and ‘queen’ (Melek and Milkat) are used with extraordinary frequency in Phoenician personal names to denote some divinity (thus we have the name Abi-milki of Tyre as early as the Amarna tablets), just as in Israel down to the exile Yahwk was very often invoked as Melek (wrongly vocalised Molech). But here also we meet the same phenomenon as in the cases of El. Ba‘al. and Ba‘alat ; there is not a single inscription in which any god named Melek or Milkat is invoked. These, like the others, were obviously mere titles, whilst the names by which the deities were invoked varied. Perhaps we may co-ordinate Melek with the MelkiL‘aStart mentioned above (but not with Melkart, which, when occurring in proper names, remains un- changed),’ and Milkat with the ‘queen of heaven‘ (Jer. Z.c.)--i.e., the Carthaginian Caelestis. Here, too, no certainty is possible. See MOLECH.

None of the divine names hitherto mentioned have been genuine proper names; but such names are,

The divinity is ‘ king ’ as well as ‘ lord.’

. . 12. G)ods with nevertheless, abundant enough. T o

this class belongs that of Melkart of proper names’ Tyre (see a 11), with reference to whom

it may here be adied that according to Philo he is the son of (the otherwise quite unknown) Damariis, son of heaven and earth (222, -r$ 6& AqpapoDr-ri yivmar MEXKdepos 6 Kai ‘HpaKXijs) ; and according to Eudoxus (ap. Athen. 9392) son of Asteria (Astarte) and of Zeus. Another name of this class is that of ESmiin, one of the chief gods of Sidon, where ESmun-‘azar (2. 17) built him a temple.

I n personal names ESmBn is exceedingly frequent (for the pronunciation cp ‘ABG&oiruos : Lebas, 3 1866~). H e was also worshipped in Citium (CIS 142#.), and bad a temple in Carthage (ih. 252). A trilingual inscription in Phcenician, Greek, and Latin, from a temple in Sardinia, gives him the enigmatical cognomen ~ H D , which is simplyretained in the trans- lations (Wscolujio Merre, ’AmdqrrLo Mqppq), plainly because even then unintelligible. The inscr:ption shows that ESmhn was identified with Esculapius, whom Philo (2 20 27) names a s son of Sydyk by a daughter of Cronos (El) and Astarte, and as brother of the Kabiri. On ESmhn-‘AStart and ESmhn-Melkart, see below.

Another deity frequently found in compound proper names is i x (prouably to be pronounced *d).

A Tyrian living in the Egyptian On is called Sidyaton (‘Sid gives ), son of Ger-$id (‘metoikos of Sid’) cp CIS 1 IO‘. YatonTid and ‘Abdsid are very frequently met with in Carthage * for Han-:id cp CIS1292. worship of Sid ; but the gods Sid-melkart, and Sid-tnt are both met with (see below). We may hazard the conjecture that ?id is, th; ’Ayprlis of Philo (29), ‘ the hunter,’ or his brother Ahrwr, the Fisher,’ who figure in that work as men of the

primzval time. The name can scarcely be separated from that of

SIDON [pv.]. 1s it not most probable that both town and people have taken their designation from the god (cp the tribal names Asher, Gad, Edom, etc., derived from deities)? I t may also be noted that Cheyne ( Z A T W 1 7 1 8 9 ) has rightly discerned the eponym of USu=Palzetyros in the Usoos named by Philo (28) as

1 The Melekbaal and Melelt‘osir mentioned above cannot

We do not find any trace of

help us here.

3746

PHaNICIA PHaNICIA the brother and rival of Saniemrumos' of Tyre, who settled upon the mainland opposite and became the first seafarer (see above, § IO). This being so, the identification with Esau disappears, unless perhaps the region took its name from this deity2 (see ESAU).

We are still less in a position to speak of the rest of the deities found in the Phoenician inscriptions.

Sankun, in IayXowLaBljv, written ]ID, Sakkiin, in the very frequent Carthaginian proper name Ger-sakkiin (cp also 'Ahd- sakkun, CIS 112 n [Abydos]), and i3DN (Eskiin) in an inscription from the Pirzus (ib.118), where an altar is set up i i u p D & - i e . , doubtless ' t o the mighty Eskiin' (cp 11"7y2).3 3ng is found in many Cypriote names, but also in Carthage (CIS 1197 617 670) in the names Pmy-bma' and PmyatBn . it is written Pni 'in 'Abdp'm in Abydos ( ib. IIZC). Ykn ocdurs in Ykn-Sillem inCitium(C1.S i. 1013)and Carthage(id.484). Dmin D'm-$lleh (cp above), son of Dm-hanni, GI. 4 o p u d w s 4opauo from Sidon (Athens, CIS 1 lrg), and in Tsnoyi, D'm-malak in Tyre (ZDMG 39217). pDq (perhaps sfisim, horses, cp I K. 23 T I ) appears in Abd-ssrn rn Cyprus (CIS 1 46 49 53 93) ; see SISMAI. Again, we have i3DniL)n. a god or goddess who possessed a temple in Carthage (CIS 1253J); the first part of the name according to the editors is connected with the Egyptian Hathar, whilst the second part appears in the name Ger-mskr (ib. 267 372 886 : cp ISSACHAR, $ 6, end).

Of the female deities, only one, Tnt, claims attention. I t has become customary to pronounce the name as Tanith ; but there is no authority for

In the name of the Sidonian 'Abd-tnt Gr. Ap~pr8wpor (CIS 1 116: Athens) the goddess is interpreted as Artemis; but whether the seven Tisavi8ss 4 ' A ~ T & % F of Philo(2 zo), daughters of El and Astarte, have anything to do with her we do not know. She is elsewhere found only in Carthage where, as 'the lady l'nt of the Pne ba'al'5 (that is, as Halevy has reco nised, a place-name-' face of Ba'al corresponding to PEKUEL~; she has a temple which was held in high repute, and is invoked, along with 'the lord Baal hamman,' in countless inscriptions, in which she is always given the first place.

Once (CIS 1380), in her stead, we find mention of ' the mother, the mistress of Pne'ba'al ' fi ( 5 ~ x 2 ~ n i l 5 0x5 inn Sy25 i&). From this it would appear that the ' lady mother ' (NDN) who in Carthage (CIS 1177) is invoked along with the ' goddess of the cella' (n i inn n5yx), is only another name of Tn t ; but whether the ' mother of the Ashera' in Citium ( n i m n nN so read for n i m n ; CIS 113) is so also, remains undetermined. If further combinations are sought, we may perhaps discern in this motherly divinity the earth-goddess.

Whether we are to assume that the Phoenicians had also a goddess of Fortune or Fate, Gad ( = d x ~ ) , we cannot say. The frequent feminine name Gadna'mat with its variations (in Plautus Giddeneme ' pleasant fortune ' ) is no proof of this.7

A large class of Phoenician divine names is formed by combining two simple names. Other Semitic tribes also thus combined names of opposite sexes. T h e often -quoted Phoenician divine name Melki'aStart is doubtless to be explained in the same way, as meaning the Melech who is the husband of Astarte. So also in Carthage we find a god Egniun-'AStart (CIS 1245) ; another Sid-tnt of Ma'arat (Megara, the lower town of earthage ; ib. 247-249).

There is more difficulty in explaining similar combinations of

1 There was most probably a god bearing this strange name (Philo translates it 'Y$oupavros) in Tyre.

2 Esau is as much a divine name as Edom. WMM rightly sees his female counternart in the Svrian goddess 'Asit (see Eoohl 8 2' ESAU S n. 6). Whither <he ~ i ~ i x y of'the Carthiginia; inscri&on {CZSlz95 ; text difficult) should really be read 'Abdedom or 'Obed-edom (cp OBEII-E~OM), and taken as proving the existence of a Carthaginian god Edom, the present writer does not venture to decide.

3 In Cirta CIS 1145 Baliddir CIL 85279 191213 4 Hoffmarh's acute :ombinatibns regarding this and other

names (Uebev einige P h n . G8ttir, 3 2 8 : : ) seem to the present writer quite untenable. At all events, they admit neither of proof nor of disproof.

5 Written 5 ~ 2 ~ 3 3 , Euting, Cnrthagische Inschnytten, IW. 6 This shows at the same time that Pne-ha'al is really a

locality and that the rendering 'face of Baal' in which some have sought to find a mystic doctrine of theology is untenable.

7 Whether the m z c . name nyi, in Idalium (CIS 193) ought t o be pronounced Gad'ate, and is compounded from the Syrian divine name 'Ate (cp ATARGATIS), is, doubtful ; see Noldeke, ZDMG 4247' [1888], who compares Gld'on (see GIDEON).

3747

two masculine names, Egmun-melkart in Citium (CIS 1160 23-28), Sid-melkart in Carthage (id. &), Melkart Reseph (prob! ably for Rebeph) on the old seal of Ba'alyaton-man-of-the-gods (Le., divine servant) of Melkarth-reseph: W N D ~ N V N in*sp& q x i mpS& (De Vogue, Mil. 8 1 ; Levy,SiegeZ u. Gemmen, 31, no. 18, from Tyre). Perhaps we should reckon also to this class such names as Ba'al-adir, Melek-ba'al, Melek-'osir, and the like. In the case of these names there is hardly any other course open than to assume an identification of the two gods to be intended -not a very Semitic idea.

T h e Phoenicians showed in religion, as in so many other directions, their readiness to appropriate what 13. was foreign. As in art, so also here, the gods, etc. influences of Babylonia (in the form in

which these had reached Syria) and of Egypt are most apparent (though there are also Syrian gods). T h e influence of the two civilisations upon the character of the deities and of the religious symbols and amulets employed, has been referred to already (§ 8). I n this instance it is the Egyptian element that pre- dominates. T h e Ba'alat of Byblos is modelled exactly on the pattern of Hathor ,or Isis-with cow-horns on her head, between them the sun-disk, in her hand a sceptre with flowers.

Astarte was often similarly represented (see ASHTAROTH. KARNAIM) ; as she was also in the Syrian interior-for example at Kadesh on the Orontes, where the goddess of the city was sg fashioned. Hence the statement of Philo (2 24) that Astarte assumed as royal ornament the head of an ox. later, ceased to be understood and was taken for a crescent moo; (whence Lucian's designation of Astarte as ZcAqvaiq, De Dea Syr. 4) which along with the interpretation of Ba'al-bnem as mean& Sun-god (see above) led to the result that the heavenly Astarte (oirpdvra) came to be regarded as a moon-goddess ; so Herodian56 : Ai@ves pBv o;ua;rilv Ohpaviav K ~ O V U ~ . Qoivncr88 ' A u ~ p o a p ~ q v [corrupted from Astarte, the reference being to her star, see above] bvo,~&<owur, ufh$vl)v dvar BiAovTas. Modern scholars have long mistakenly sought to find in this identification with a moon-goddess the central conception of Astarte-worship.

Ba'alat of Ryblos was connected with Isis and Osiris. Later we find the name of Osiris frequently present in proper names (CIS 1 9 1 3 [Umm el'AwRmid]; 122 [Tyre] ;, 46 58 65 [Cyprus]) ; also Bast (Bnbastis), Horus ( Abdhor, zb. 53 ; Cyprus ; cp 46), Isis (perhaps in 'Abdis [?I o i l y , from Sidon in Carthage, ib. 308). T h e god Tdau~or son of Mi@r (Egypt), that is, the Egyptian Thoth, who plays so great a part in Philo (14 '211 2 5 8 5 9 ) as inventor of writing and all wisdom, has not as yet been met with in the inscriptions.

It was from Syria that two deities zealously worshipped by the Phoenicians in Cyprus originally came-ReSep (pronounciation uncertain) and (possibly from Babylonia) 'Anat-both of whom the Egyptians of the New Kingdom adopted as war-gods e (see RESHEPH, ANATH).

'Anat has a temple in Citium (Euting, SRA W, 1885, no. I ~ o ) , and another in Idalium characterised by the absence of any of these votive images of the god so common elsewhere in Cyprian temple^.^

To Babylonia is due the influence exerted on the ritual of Adonis of Byblos by the legend of TammCiz. From the same source also came the cultus of Hadad (for such appears to be the right pronounciation of the Babylonian-Assyrian deityusually called RammXn), which we meet with not only in Syria but also in Phcenicia at Byblos in the name of Rib-addi in the Amarna tablets

1 n D 2 N in n D l N i i y , CIS 186 B 6 [Kartha-daSt in .Cyprus] ib. 102 [Ahydus] ' Gk. ' A @ & o ~ ~ a u r o c [Lehas 3 1 8 6 6 ~ ; Sldon].

'2 See WMM, 'As. U. Eur. 3 1 1 3 R&e; is included, in the Hadad-inscription of Panamu among the gods of the land of Ya'udi [Zenjirli]. He is idenhied with Apollo in the bilingual inscriptions, and has several names that are in part borrowed from the Greeks (Mkl='ApwrAos [CIS 1 8 9 8 , Idaliuml, n+ ='Ehcrras, and Dn'n~H='Ahauioras-i.e. of AlaHia? [Euting, SBAW, 1887, p. 119f:; Tamassus]). I: Carthage he has a temple under the form r p q ~ ~ ArSaph (CIS 1251 ; cp 'Abd'ariap ib. 393). NRldeke (ZDMG 42473 [1888]) rightly adduces also the name of the Palestinian town Arsiif (the Greek Apollonia); possibly the god had a temple there. [So, before Niildeke, Clerm.-Ganneau, Horns et saint Georges, 16f. (1877).1

In a Lapathos in-

The symbol

3 See Ohnefalsch-Richter, Kyjros, 16. scription we find 0.n ly y . cp 0-n li~ nmwy and Dt;3020. That is, approximately, k a t h in her fnlness of vigour ; she is taken as the equivalent of 'ABqva uwreipa V ~ K V (i6.95). She is not elsewhere met with in Phrenician territory.

3748

PHCENICIA PHCl3NICIA (see HADAD, RIMMON). His name does not occur in Phoenician inscriptions : but Philo (224) knows him as ‘king of the gods’ who, with ‘ the greatest Astarte’ (4 peylurq ’Aurdprq) and with Zeus son of Demarus, rules the land by the authority of Cronos (El). Philo mentions also DAGON [q...], whom he takes for a corn- god, but who is of Babylonian origin, and whose cultus came to Philistis before the Philistine settlement (Dagan- takala, Am. Tab. 215f:).

Here and there also we find traces in the later period of the deity, originally from Gaza, known as hlarna, ‘our Lord’ in the proper names ‘Abdmarfiai (‘jmmy, CZS 116 6) and MarThai (i6. 93 [Cyprus] ; cp the Tyrian lamp with the dedication 6’eG BseXpapr CZS1 p. 111). With the Macedonian period the Greek deities began to be introduced and, as we have already seen, to be put as much as possible on a level with the native ones.

Such, apart from a few other figures in Philo quite unintelligible to us. are the deities known to have been

On Assyrian gods in Sidon, see below, fj 21.

- worshipped among the Phoenicians. 142tt;y Though the general type, however,

state after was the same everywhere, the details .. of the Dantheon were. as niieht he aeatn* exoected. different in ‘each inchdual city. The only one of these pantheons about which we possess precise information is that of Carthage, which we know through the Greek translation of the treaty between Hannibal and Philip of Macedon (Polyb. 7 9 ) . In that treaty the gods of Carthage are arranged in groups of three, invoked in the following order :-(I) Zeus [Ba‘al-Sami%n], Hera [‘AHtart Sme Ba‘al= Coelestis], Apollo [unknown : hardly ReSep ; many have thought of Ba‘alhammh, hut ESmtin is also possible]; (2) Gaipwv KapXqGoviwv [Astarte of Carthage], Herakles [Melkart]. Iolaos [unknown ; in any case he is thought of as a constant attendant of Melkart] ; (3 ) @so2 oi uuurpareubpwor-by which we are to understand fetishes carried along with the army to the field as was the ark of Yahwk--, sun, moon, earth ; ( 4 ) rivers, harbours, streams ; (5) all the gods who inhabit ( K a d X o u u r ) Carthage. The name most conspicuous by its absence is that of Tnt-for it cannot be represented by any of the deities mentioned.

The Phoenician worship differs in no essential particular from that of the allied members of the Semitic family. Sacred territories are dedicated to the various gods, and altars and niassebahs grow up. Out of these the image of the god is gradually developed, often (as we have seen) borrowing its forms from the nations more advanced in civilisation. The image of the god demands also a house for the god, a temple, which in the Phmnician cities was built throughout in the Egyptian style. Alongside of the newer, however, the older forms of religion continued to hold their ground. The arrangements of a Phoenician temple, as we learn from the coins and excavations in Cyprus (see Ohnefalsch- Richter ; especially instructive is his [partly recon- structed] temenos of Idalium. Plate lvi.), included a large open court, in which stood the stone-fetish of the god and the worshippers set up their votive pillars (mas- SEbahs) and divine images. Limitation of space forbids a lengthened discussion as to the various sacred animals (doves to Astarte, etc.), or of the festivals or the ritual.

From Carthage have been recovered several fragments of sacrificial ordinances (CIS 1 165 167.170 -amongst them the great sacrificial tariff of Marseilles) which fix with exactitude the various dues of the priests, just as in P, or in the Greek ordinances relating to the same subject. Moreover, we have from Cilium fragments of a list of expenses for temple servants and sacrifices (i6. 86), and from Carthage a fragment of a sacrificial calendar (i6.166), as also of a list of large expenditures b y the citizens on the temple (3. 171). Amongst the personnel of the temple, the ‘ hair-cutters (barbers) of the gods’ (&K 152, C I S 186aPJ, 257-259588) have a prominent place (cp BEARD); as

1 T h e existence of a God 5” (as conjectured by Berger in a dissertation cited by Noldeke in ZDhfG42 471 [1888])can hardly be said to have been sufficiently proved.

3749

also have the temple-servants (86247&, etc.); other ofiicial designations (e.c., 260J 377 ; and some in the passages already cited) still remain ohscure (cp Doc;, $ 3).

Of all that the individual or the state receives by the favour of the god, a certain portion, and that the first and hest-an (irrapxf or nvmi (CZS15, as in 0T)- is rendered to the giver. So also the deity receives a share of the spoils of war. The practice, the existence of which we know from the OT, of sacrificing to the god after any great victory or deliverance. if not all the prisoners, at least the best and choicest of them, *upon the altar before the holy tent ’ was still followed in Carthage in 307 R. c., after the victory over Agathocles (Diod. 2065). When angry, however, the godhead demands for propitiation also the blood of the worshipper’s own kin. The maxim ‘every firstborn is mine ’ plainly held good in Phoenicia also, and applied, as amongst the Israelites, to the firstborn of men as well as of earth (see FIRSTBORN). In ordinary times no doubt the debt was redeemed, as in Israel ; but in times of extremity a man would offer to his god his own grown-up son. See MOLECH.

I f it were his only son, the sacrifice would be all the more efficacious, as we learn from the story of El (like that of Abraham ; see ISAAC) in the legend narrating the institution of this kind ofoffering(see above, $11 , col. 3743). As civilisation advanced, the Carthaginians sought to escape thedire obligation by settingapart forsacrificechildrenofslaves whom they brought u p as their own. In 310, however, when Agathocles had reduced the state to the utmost straits and the enemy lay encamped before the city, they once more laid 200 boys of their nohlest families upon the arms of the brazen image of Cronos where they were allowed t o fall into the fiery furnace flaming beneath (Diud. 20 14). This seems to have been the last occasion on which matters were brought to such extremity; in the agonies of the Punic wars we do not read of any similar measure being resorted to.

In other cases, when a catastrophe threatens or has already befallen, the head of the state offers himself as a sacrifice to the offended deities and ascends the sacrificial pyre. So, according to the legend, did Dido- Elissa, the foundress of the city ; so did Hamilcar after the battle on the Himera; and a similar step was meditated by King Juba of Numidia after the battle of Thapsus, and would actually have been taken by him if Cirta his capital had not shut her gates upon him.

The deity demands yet other sacrifices besides. Among these was circumcision-a practice borrowed by the Phcenicians, as by the Israelites, from Egypt (Herod. 2 108), and according to Philo (224) performed by El upon himself in the first instance and so imposed upon his subjects. We find no allusion, however to the practice of castration in honour of the gods so frequentl; found in Syria and Asia Minor. On the other hand ecstatic L prophets ’ who in honour of ‘the Ba‘al ’ perform wild dances and wound themselves with swords and spears in orgiastic frenzy as was done by the followers of the goddess of Comma, and ishven now done by the Persians a t the mourning festival of Hasan and Husein were known to the Phoenicians also (cp I K: 18 26fi). In the’Golenischeff Papyrus (see B 5 ) a page of the King of Ryhlos, seized by the god during a sacrifice, gives a n oracle in his ecstasy. Another sacrifice to the deity is the requirement that virgins should prostitute themselves in the service of the great goddesses and make over the profits t o the temple treasury-a practice that was widely diffused among the Semites and the peoples of Asia Minor. Perhaps Rohertson Smith is right in finding here a religious survival of primitive conditions, under which fixed marriages were still unknown and the sexual coitus was considered as a manifestation of the divinity in human life. W e have direct evidence of the existence of the custom at Byhlos (Luc. D e Dea Syr. 6) and in Cyprus (Herod. 1 199, Justin 18 5). For another analogous practice in the service of the deity which seems to have been current in Phcenicia c p Eus. Vit. Const. 3 55.

With regard to what happens to men after death the views of the Phoenicians, as of the other Semitic peoples, remained quite undeveloped. From the sepulchral inscriptions of Eshmunazar and Tabnit we see that undisturbed rest in the grave was desired, and to ensure it imprecations were employed ; to open a grave or coffin is an ‘abomination unto Astarte’ (Tabnit 6). It is, however, hut a comfortless, shadowy existence that is lived in the dark kingdom of death ‘ among the ghosts or Rephiinz’ (A40ot. nn. the god of death, son of El, mentioned in Philo, 2 24). The Phoenician, like the Israelite, had no more heartfelt longing than for a descendant to continue his family and with it his earthly

3750

PHCENICIA P H CE N I C I A existence ; e to have. no son or seed' is the heaviest curse the gods can inflict ( ESmun. 8 I I 22, Tabnit 7).

In connection with the cultus, among the Phcenicians as elsewhere, there gradually developed a body of

15. TheologJl theological doctrines. The few allu- and cosmogony. sions to these in the inscriptions, how-

ever, are practically unintelligible, as is shown by the texts of the Malakba'al-stelPs,l and still more by the inscription of Ma'siib (see above, 5 IO). This last would almost seem to sdggest that the Israelite conception of an ' apostle' or messenger (1~53) of the deity was not unfamiliar even in Phcenicia (cp the name Ba'al-mal'ak. CIS 1 182 455, etc!). In Cyprus arose the singular conception of a divinity in which man and woman are united, and which accordingly was represented as a bearded goddess.

T h e theologians of the Hellenistic period dragged this to light, calling the deity in question Aphroditus (Philochorus and Aristophanea <z#. Mucrod. iii. 8 2 3 , Hesych. S.V. 'A+pd&roc, etc.), and the church fathers are very ready to refer to the subject ; but this deity never possessed much importance. I t is portrayed on no monument, and the attempt to associate it with any of the divinities named above, still more to find it (as has sometimes been done) in the compound names of gods, is very Precarious. It is not even certain whether it is really Phcenician a t all, Fince, according to Hesych. (/.c.), it seems to have belonged originally to Amathus, which was not a Phcenician town.

Phenic im theology had its speculations about the origin and growth of the world, of mankind, of civilisation, and of its own home. Presumably these were embodied in a religions literature of the subject, which dealt with it somewhat after the manner of the narratives of Genesis. All our actual information on the subject, however, has to be taken from late recen- sions of it, written in Greek, and showing marked traces of foreign influences. In these writings, as in the many Jewish writings of the Hellenistic age, we have native scholars with patriotic arrogance seeking to exhibit to the then dominant race the antiquity and depth of the native traditions, and to prove that the Greeks really stole their wisdom and theology from the East, a t the same time distorting it in the process. That these writings, however, rest not only on native traditions, but also, as was the case with the Jews likewise, on native written documents, is not to be questioned. On the other hand, the names of wise men of remote antiquity, who are alleged as authors of these works, are of very problematic authenticity.

Two cosmogonies have come down to us, the one from Sidon, the other from Byblos.2 The former was narrated in Greek by Eudenius a pupil of Aristotle, and from him it was borrowed by Damascius (De pr. grin. 125) who subjoined a Neo-platonic interpretation. In a somewhat modified form the same Sidonian tradition is cited at a later date as the work of the ancient Sidonian Mochos ( M G X O S ) ~ which had been translated into Greek, ostensibly by a certain Lretos, along a i th other unknown Phenician authors (Theo- dotos, Hypsicrates) in the time of Posidonius of Rhodes (first half of the last century B.C. ). Damascius (Depv. priz. 125) has preserved for us an extract from this cos-

1 Berger in his discussion of these has doubtless established the literal meaning correctly enough ; but that does not solve the whole problem (1. As. ser. 7 tome 8 [1896]).

2 It is no proof of Byhios beibg the religious metropolis of Phcenicia that we usually find on its coins, from the Hellenistic period onwards, the surname 'the holy' (n&qj~$i~$. i f p i c BUS- Aov) . for similar expressions occur on the coins of Sidon and Tyr~(Ec8Gvoc n i s iepp8r m i LWAov [also with personification of the city-deity ZLGSVOS &is i r p i s rai LaJAov ai vavapx~8osl and Tdpou k p L rai L&A\ou).

3 According to Posidonius (Strabo, xvi. 224) he lived r p b TGV T p o r i l v . He passed into the later handbooks as one of the oriental founders of Philosophy; Diog. Lzrt . #rem. I (mis- written'tlps, followed by Suidas, s.~.), Ianiblich. Vif. P th 14 (b +uor6hoyor, ancestor of the Sidonian prophets, and d e rest of the Phcenician hierophants), Jos. Ant. I. 3 9 (with a n unknown Hestizus, and the Egyptian Hieronymus, and other writers of various nationalities, as alleged authorities for the story of the flood) ; Athen. 3 126a (with Sanchuniathon).

4 Tatian, adv. Grrecos, 37 [copied by Clem.Alex. Sirom. i 21 1171 ; cp Kiihl ' zu Menander von Ephesus u. Lretos,' Rhein.

3751 MUS. 50 141x

mogony also, Posidonius detected in it the atomic theory (Strabo, xvi. 224), just as Damascius found in it the Neo-platonic conception of the world. It does not at all followfrom this, however, eitherthat thewritingof Mochus contained a single word about atoms-how Posidonius arrived at his view can be perceived clearly enough from the fragment which has come down to us-or that the writing was a ' literary fraud' as Riihl supposed.

Considerably later is our authority upon the Byblian traditions-Philo of Byblos, the well known writer of the period of Hadrian. H e relied for his information upon an ancient sage, Sanchuniathon, who had drawn the primreval wijdom of Taaut from the writings of the 'Appouveis in the temples (see above, 5 IO).^ Whether there ever really was a I'hcenician writing under the name of Sanchuniathon we do not know ; in any case the tradition has been very greatly manipulated by Philo with two objects ; first, to explain all mythology in the Euhemeristic sense, by making out all the gods to have been men-kings and others of primitive times who had been raised to divine honours after their death --and secondly to make ont that the Greek mythology was only a depraved copy of the Phcenician.

T h e lateness of his traditions is shown also by the fact that he uses Aramaic forms of names (Bsthuapju , Zo+aaqp;v, Bljhor ; only PaplppoGpor is the Phcenician pronunciation of Shamemrgm), and that he says the companions of EL or Kronos bore the name 'Ehosrp, i.e., Kp6uror. This is of course the Heb. &N, Ehhirn, which is not met with in Phcenician, and thus Philo here betrays a Jewish influence not discernible elsewhere. From Philo we still possess large extracts in Eus. Prq5. En., which in their turn seem to have been taken from Porphyry.

I n details the Sidonian cosmogony and that of Byblos differ from one another a t many points. Fundamentally they are in closest agreement not only with each other but also with the old Hebrew myths which can still be clearly enough detected behind the narratives of Gen. 12 (see CREATION, 3 7).

Of the Phcenician constitution and government we know almost nothing, even in the case of Carthage, 16. Constitution. not to speak of the other cities.

That their polity had a thoroughly aristocratic character might he presumed from the whole character of Semitic civil life, and is confirmed by the weight everywhere laid upon descent ; this comes into special prominence in the long genealogies of the inscriptions. The ' eldest ones ' (cp the ?rpeuppdra.ror in Marathos and Aradus ; Diod. xxxiii. 5 z 3) who form the council .of the king are the representatives of families ; in Sidon the council seems to form a college of.100 members (Diod. 16 45). The most distinguished family is of course the royal ; in Tyre the priest of Melkarth ranks next the king (Justin. 184). In these little city-states, however, with their many vvealthy merchant families the power of the king was limited in many directions by the council and the nobility. I n Tyre a t the time of the Chaldean suzerainty the monarchy was for a time abolished and a ' judge' (ffiphe?;) took his place as supreme authority (Jos. c. Ap. 121). Presumably the office was responsible, and limited in time, although in Tyre the tenure cannot have been for a fixed period, since we find individual judges ruling for 2, IO, 3 months, and then, apparently, two together rulingfor dyears(see below,§ao). Something similar may have occurred in other cities also, just as in Carthage from the time that we know anything of its history two suffetes (usually called ' kings ' by the Greeks) figure as yearly officials a t the head of the state; so also in other colonies, such as Gades. T o the Hebrews also, as

1 Compare the strange statement of Porphpy(Eus. Pr&. ED. i. 9 21 and x. 9 12) that Sanchuniathon here called a native of Berytus derived hisaccountof theJewsirom a writingof Jerombal (= JeTuLa'aI) the priest of God, of euo ( k p d s 8eoG TOG 'Iwir) that IS, Yahwk, who had dedicated l i s work to King Abelbal or Abihal of Berytus. Whether this absurd story was Porphyry's own, or due to the inventiveness of others before him, we cannot tell ; in any case i t has nothing to do with Philo's Sanchuniathon. Its lateness Is shown also by the part assigned in i t to Berytur

3752

PHCENICIA PHCI3NICIA the Book of Judges shows, the conception of 'judges ' as rulers of a state, with royal but not hereditary powers, was not unfamiliar.

Of the native histories written by the Phcenicians themselves nothing has come down to us, even in Greek l,. Sources. trarislntiotis, except a few extracts (pre-

served by Josephus), from the Chronicles of Tyre, which Meiinnder of Ephesus had translated into Greek ; they relate to the period extending from 969 to 774 B.C. (c. Ap. 118 ; Ant. viii. 53 [also viii. 31 on the era of Tyre]. Ant. viii. 132) and to the siege uuder Elulaxs (Ant. ix. 142). Josephus also (6. A$. 121) gives the list of kings during the period from Nebuchad- rezzar down to Cyrus (585-532 B.c.), but here, too, is doubtless dependent on Menander, although a little before (c. Ap. l zo=An t . x. 111) he refers for the siege of Tyre hy Nebuchadrezzar to the otherwise unknown Jewish and Phcenician history of one Philostratus.

In addition to these Josephus cites(Anf. viii. 53=c. A$.117), for the eriod of Hiram I., the Phcenician history of Dim, who is close& dependent on Menander. He also is not otherwise known. I t IS probable that Josephus took all these fragments directly from a compilation by Alexander Polyhistor (v. Gut- schmid ; cp Wachsmuth, EinL in die a l f e Gesch. 403,f). These short fragments contain little that relates to the history of Phcenician colonisation.

W e return now to the history of the mother country from the end of the Egyptian period onwards. The 18. Period of little we know for the immediately independence, succeeding centuries relates only to

Tyre was successful not only in founding a colonial empire, but also in gaining the supremacy in the mother country. Our accounts begin -since they concern themselves with merely biblical interests-with the first H IRAM (4 . z ).'

Of him we learn that he extended the city territory by mounds in the quarter Eurychoros (Jos. c. A$. 113), substituted new temples for old, to Melkarth and Astarte, dedicated a golden stele (CLJY) to BaHIFam&n in his temple and instituted the festival of the awakening of Melkarth. H e brought back to its allegiance the city of Utica which had refused to pay the usual tribute. Mention has already been made of his relations with Israel, and of his Ophir voyages (see also CABUL, HIRAM).

Josephus, in speaking of the successors of Hiram, gives only the duration of the life and of the reign of each down to the founding of Carthage. W e may be sure, however, that Menander gave some further particulars. I t is, at any rate, clear from the list of kings that usurpations and struggles for the succession were not unknown. Hiram's grandson was put to death by the four sons of his foster mother ; of these the eldest held the throne for twelve years. Then followed further confusions, with regard to which tradition is very uncertain, until the priest of Astarte, Itoba'al. by violent means (see ETHBAAL) founded a new dynasty. Owing to his relation to Ahab, one or two facts respecting him have been preserved by Josephus. The length of his reign is unfortunately not known; Kuhl, following the tradition of Theophilus, assigns him twelve years (876-866 B.c.), but according to most MSS he reigned thirty-two years (though the length of life assigned by tradition to him and to his son makes this doubtful) from 885-854 B.C. The three years famine of the period of Ahab and Elijah (I K. 17 f.) is mentioned by Menander as having lasted one year.

Hiram I. is in the O T invariably called king of Tyre ( 2 S. 521 I K. 515 910); Ethbaal, on the other hand, is king of the Sidonians ( I K. 1631). This last is also the title borne on the oldest extant Phcenician inscription (CIS 1 5 ) by Hiram IL2 who is also named by the Assyrians in 738 ; it is the inscription of a bronze sacrificial vessel which the ' governor ( 1 3 ~ ) of KarthadaSt (Citium), servant of Hiram king of the Sidonians, dedi-

Tyre.

1 The individual items in Menander's list of kings vary in the tradition. We here follow the reconstruction of Riihl (Rhein. Mus. 18 565 #-although by no means certain at all points). In their original form the data seem to he quite authentic. 2 That Hirani II., not Hiram I., is intended in the inscrip

tion has been shown by von Landau, Beitr. ZUY Alterthums- Kunde des Orients, 1 (1893).

3753

cated to his lord the god of Lebanon (13a'al-lebanon) 3s a ' ' first fruits " (6aapxlj) of copper ' (nun> nzwiz) in the temple upon the hill Muti Shinoas near Amathus (Ohne- falsch-Richter, Kypros, 119). The Tyrian dominion In Cyprus must accordingly have extended thus far. These designations show that, in the interval between Hiram I. and Ethhaal, the ' kings of Tyre' had become 'kings of the Phcenicians,' and thus had considerably extended their authority, in particular by acquiring the sovereignty of Sidon. This is confirmed by the Assyrian data, that the whole coast from 'Akko (near the Israelite frontier) to near Berytus w-as in the possession of Tyre.' Of Ethbaal we are told that he pressed even farther north; having founded the city of Botrys, to the N. of Byblos. in the neighbourhood of the 'l'heouprosopon. Plainly the intention, which was not, however, effected, was toreduce Ryhlos also to dependence on Tyre. Of Ethbaal we learn further that he founded Auza in Libya. Under the third of his successors, Pygmalion (820-774), Tinlaeus (and, following him, Menander) placed the founding of Carthage in 814-3 ; its mythical foundress is called the sister of the king. With Pygmalion Josephus's extract from Menander (Jos. c. Ap. 1 IS) ends.

For the next century we get some information from the Assyrian data. The great westward campaigns

19. The of the Assyrians began in the beginning of the ninth century.2 In 876 ASur-nBsir-nal invaded Svria and the suaerainty'

-, ~~

dynasts of the interior as weli as the kings of the seal coast, of Tyre, Sidon, Byblos. Maballata (sic), Maisa (unknown), Kaka (unknown), Amuri, ' Arvad in the sea,' brought tribute-brazen vessels and parti-coloured and white linen garments as well as silver, gold, lead, copper, and cedar wood. Shalmaneser 11. (860-824) undertook the subjugation of Syria in a more thorough- going way. Only the more northerly, however, of the Phcenician dynasts were represented in the army of the allied Syrian princes which fought at Karkar in 854 (see AHAB, SHALMANESER). The remaining cities preferred to submit quietly and in 842 and 839 paid tribute to Shalmaneser as they also did later to his grandson Hadad-nirari 111. (81 1-782) when he marched upon Syria.

As yet these expeditions led to no enduring suzerainty (see ASSYRIA, § 32). In the first half of the eighth century the movements of the Assyrians were restricted by the powerful opposition of the kings of Urartu. With Tiglath-pileser 111. began those systematic invasions which ended in the virtual subjugation of the whole Syrian territory.

It is within this period that more precise information regarding Phceuicia first becomes accessible. Whilst the older Assyrian kings, as we have seen, mention (correctly or incorrectly) the names of a large number of Phcenician cities and dynasts, under Tiglath-pileser 111. and Sargon there are only three Phcenician states -Aradus, Byblos, and Tyre. The coastland of the Eleutherus region, along with Simyra. 'Arka, and Siyana, now belongs to the kingdom of Hamath (Annals of Tiglath-pileser : 3 R. 9, 3 ZI. 26 46), but is made by Tiglath-pileser into an Assyrian province. The Phoenician cities appear to have submitted without striking a blow. In 738 we find, amongst many other dynasts, Matanha'al of Arados, Sibittiba'al of Byblos. and Hiram 11. of Tyre paying tribute to Tiglath-pileser. Soon afterwards Tyre showed signs of a longing for independence; a heavy tribute was exacted from Metinna (Mytton-ie., MattBn) of Tyre in consequence (about

Sennacherib (Prism Inscr. 2 3 8 8 ) enumerates :--Great and Little Sidon, Betzitti, Sarepta, Mahalliba, USii (pr. UsB),--i.e., Palretyrus,-Akzih. Akko. In Menander (Jos. Anf. ix. 142 285) we must, therefore. read Irre'c~ r e Tupiov PiSLv x a i ' A q rat $ Ildarm'por x d rroMa1 B M a r rrdhrrc (so LV), and not with the other MSS

1 As cities taken by him from Tyre

'Ap=:Arka., Various kings of Assyria set up steles by the Dog river near

Beirut ; but these are in such had preservation that noteven the. names can now be deciphered.

- 3754

PHCEINICIA PHCEINICIA 730 B.C.). The main portion of the Phcenician coast- land still owned the sovereignty of Tyre ; Elulaios (Ass. Lule), who reigned, as Menander says (Jos. Ant. ix. 14z), thirty-six years (say 725-690)~ is therefore called by Sennacherib ‘ King of Sidon ’ (cp SIDON). O n the other hand, Tyre lost its hold on Cyprus ; seven Cyprian princes did homage to Sargon,l who set up a statue of himself in Citium. That Citium was lost to Tyre for a time is attested also by Menander.

Under Shalmaneser IV. (727-722) and Sargon (722- 705) the Phoenicians appear to have remained quiet.2 Under Sennacherib (705-681). however, when an aqti- Assyrian league was planned in South Syria, Elulaios of Tyre gave in hisadhesionto the project. The result is told elsewhere (see SENNACHERIB). I t may suffice to quote the words of Sennacberib, ‘ From Lule king of Sidon I took his kingdom ’ ( C O T 1 279). Menander informs us that Elulaios again reduced Citium to subjection, and so reopened hostilities. In the great campaign of 701, however, Sennacherib in all essential respects recovered the supremacy, though Tyre, like Jerusalem, escaped being captured. The Tyrians lost the whole of their territory, and in Sidon a new king was installed, Tuba’lu (Ituha‘al), who had to pay a fixed annual tribute. Elulaios himself fled to Cyprus, evidently to the recently re- acquired Citium. Here again Menander comes to our aid. He tells us that the Assyrian king Selampsas, after conquering all Phmnicia, made peace and returned home. Selampsas can only be Shalmaneser IV., as Josephns also assumes. Therefore, doubtless, what is referred to is his campaign against Hosea of Samaria, who formed an alliance with Egypt against the Assyrians in 725. Perhaps the Phcenicians also at first participated in this action-it is to be observed that we learn nothing about Shalmaneser from Assyrian sources-but made their peace in good time.4

Next however Menander goes on to relate-taking no account df the inte6ening period and without any knowledge of the wider political relations-th& Sidon, Akko, Palaetyrus, and many other cities of the Tyrians revolted and yielded themselves to the Assyrian king. Accordin&, when the Tyrians themselves rebelled, and the king took the field against them, he was supported by 60 ships and 800 rowing boats, manned hy Phaenicians. With only 12 ships, however, the fleet was scattered, and 500 were taken prisoners. The Assyrian king, withdrawing, stationed a garrison at Palaetyrus 705 WOTO+O~ I(& 7 j v 38pa wyciwv) to cut off the water supply. The Tyrians, however, wi& their reservoirs held ont for five years (701-@6), and presumably obtained satisfactory conditions Thus one sees that the war followed the same course as under Abimelech at the time of the Amarna letters. The sea-fortress was im- pregnable-a fact admitted by Sennacherih himself, who passes over Tyre in eloquent silence. The possessions of Tyre on the mainland, however, were lost to it ; in Usu Sennacherib received the tribute of the kings of the West, among others of Abdili’ti of Aradus and of Urumilki-the correct name also (-r5a[J~) of the grandfather of Yehaw-melek of Byhlos (CIS 1 I t o f Byhlos.5 Her Cyprian possessions also Tyre had to forfeit ; among the other names in the list of Cyprian va%al princes under Esar- haddon and Agnr-bani-pal appear these of Damigu, king of KarthadaSt (Citium) Kistura of Idalium, and RnmiSu of Tamassos.6 From this date the Tyrians never again exercised sovereign rights in Cyprus. 1 [Does this ex lain ‘ even there (in Cyprus) thou shalt have no

rest ’ Is. 23 I Z ? gee &he. I n k . Is. 140 ; hut cp Duhm, ad Zoc.1 2 ’The general expression ‘who pacified Kue (see CILICIA) and

Tyre’ [cp Che. Infr. Is. 1441 supplies no sure evidence to the contrary.

3 [So Tiele BAG a37 314’ Che. Znfr. Zs. 144.1 4 In GA 1 ir884), p. 467, ’a different view is assumed ; but

the above now appears to the present writer the most probable solution. It is i n untenable assumption of von Landau, in his study on the siege of Tyre by Shalmaneser in Menander (Reitrrigp 1) to suppose that in the closing portion of his account MeAander passes from Sennacherib’s campaign to the war of Esarhaddon and Aiur-hBni-pal against Ra‘al of Tyre, so that Menander has compressed into one the various Assyrian campaigns against Tyre. That the same occurrences should repeat themselves in sieges of Tyre lies in the natnre of the case ; the Amarna letters and the history of Nebnchadrezzar hear out this view. Alexander was the first to contrive the means for the thorough subjugation of the sea fortress.

5 Under Esarhaddon and ASur-biini-pal these places are taken by Matanha‘al and Yakinlu of Arvad (see below) and Milkiasaph of Byblos.

6 Cp Schrader S B A W isgo, pp. 3 5 7 8 It is not inconceiv- able that these three pridcipalities may only then for the first

3755

Under Esarhaddon (680-668) arose new conflicts. Firstly, Sidon rebelled under king ‘Abdimilkut ( i . e . , Abdimilkat with the usual obscuration of the u ) , but after a long siege the city was conquered, and the king, who had taken refuge beyond seas with ‘a Cilician dynast, was taken prisoner together with his host, and put to death (675). The rebellious city, which had so ill requited the Assyrians for its deliverance through them from the Tyrian ascendency, was destroyed, and its population deported. An ’ Esarhaddon’s town ’ was newly built on another site, and peopled with foreign settlers. Hencefonvard an Assyrian governor ruled here as well as in Simyra. The possessions of Tyre on the mainland were now (if not before) placed under a similar officer, who received the high-sounding title ‘ governor of Tyre ’ although the city proper was never under his rule.’ Tyre still remained unconquered, even though (presumably) compelled to pay tribute. The king, Ba‘al (an abbreviation of some composite name), was attacked by Esarhaddon, probably on his second expedition to Egypt (670). The triumph stele of Zenjirli represents the king as leading captive the Ethiopian king Taharka and the king of Tyre by a cord passed through rings on their lips ; but in reality neither the one nor the other ever was his prisoner. Esarhaddon, however, caused the shore to be fortified, and cut off the Tyrians from water and supplies as his father had done. Neither he nor ASur-bani-pal(668-626). however, met with more success than Sennacherib. On the subjugation of Egypt, however, Baal gave up the struggle, submitted to a ‘heavy tribute,’ sent his daughter and nieces to the harem of the great king, and despatched his sou Yahimilki (Yehaumelek) to court, where ASur-bani-pal received him to favour and dismissed him. At a later date we find A+-bani-pal, like Esarhaddon before him, placing Baal of Tyre a t the head of the list of his Syrian and Cyprian vassals. Yakinlu of Arados. who seems to have made common cause with Baal, was less fortunate. He had to send his daughter and all his sons with rich gifts to the great king, and abdicate in favour of his son Aziba’al. Opposite Arados, at Antarados, ASur-bani-pal raised a memorial stone (PSBA 7 141). These events belong to the earlier years of his reign. At a later date, after his expedition against Uaiti of Kedar, Ah-bsni -pa l called to account Usu and Akko which had been insubordinate, put to death the offenders, and deported some of the remaining inhabitants to Assyria.

We have no precise information as to wrhat occurred in the Phcenician

The next decades are a blank.

ao. The chal- cities during the period of the decline daan period. and fall of the Assyrian empire ; this it

would seem was materially hastened by the great Scythian invasion-which in 626 extended tb Syria (see SCYTHIANS). At any rate the Phcenician cities, like Judah and its neighbours-the four Philistine cities, Edom, Moab, Ammon-recovered their independence for a while ; in the list of all the existing states of which he prophesies the downfall, Jeremiah (in 604 B.c. ) includes the kings of Tyre, of Sidon, and of the isles beyond the sea-Le., Cyprus (Jer. 26 22 ; cp 273 Ezek. 25-29). The inference is plain ; Sidon also must have regained independence and received kings of its own- presumably of Phcenician origin (see below, § Z I ) . ~ The time, however, for the independent life of petty states was past. When Assyria collapsed, Egypt sought once more to acquire the suzerainty of Syria (see EGYPT, 68 ; JOSIAH). Its success was brief, though in 588 Apries

~ ~~ ~

time have been added to the list of the seven which had done homage to Sargon. 1 Wi. G I 1 201 n. corrected by Wi. A 0 F l 4 4 1 , n. 2 The intentidn df the representation was first perceived by

Pietschmann (Gesck. P h n . 303). See Ansgrabungen in Zendschirli’ in the MiftheiZ. aus d. Oriental-Sad. d. Bed. Mus. Hft. 11 17 (von Luschan). 3 Winckler’s attempt to set aside this evidence (AD. Unt.

1 1 4 8 ) seems to the present writer inconclusive. 3756

PHCECNICIA PHCECNICIA (Pharaoh-Hophra) still hoped to preserve Palestine lrom becoming a prey to the Babylonians. He penetrated into Phoenicia, the cities of which were on the opposite side, and fought successfully against Sidon and Tyre (see Herod. 2 161).l When Nebuchadrezzar’s army approached, however, Apries retired, leaving Syria to its fate. No sooner had Jerusalem fallen (586) than Nebuchadrezzar marched upon Phoenicia. The other cities would seem to have again submitted ; but King Itobaal 11. of Tyre once more defied the apparently inevitable. For fifteen years (585-573) Nebuchadrezzar laid siege to Tyre.

Ezekiel, who in 586 had prophesied the approaching assault (2&20), expected the annihilation of the haughty city. H e was mistaken, however ; once more the sea-fortress asserted her strength; the prophet was constrained in 570 to confess that Nebuchadreuar and his army had had ‘ no-recompense ’ for the manifold fatigues of the siege (Ezek. 29 18). Yet it is evident that in the end Tyre became more dependent on the Babylonian King than it had previously been.

The list of kings which here again has been preserved to us (Jos. c. A?. 121) shows that with the close of the siege Itobaal’s reign came to an end-doubtless he was deposed. His successor was Baal 11. (572-563) after whom judges (see 5 16) took the place of kings,-at first, single judges for a few months, and afterwards, if the reading be correct.2 two priests (or brothers) for six years ; between them (according to Gutschmid, ’ after them ’ ) Balatoros was king for a year. Then a ruler Merbaal was fetched from Babylon (555-2). who in turn was succeeded by Hiram 111. (551-532), under whom the ChaldEan fell into the hands of the Persians.

In the struggles of the Assyrian and Chaldzean period, the political power of the Phcenician towns, and the position of ascendancy which Tyre had occupied in the Phoenician world, came to an end. Nor could the sway of Phcenicia over its colonies be any longer maintained. The spread of Greek trade and the development of the Greek naval power, broke up their solidarity, and when, even during the continuance of Cbaldaean suzerainty, the Phoenicians of the west combined to withstand the Greeks, it was no longer Tyre but Carthage that stood at their head. Carthage never indeed broke with Tyre.3 and for a long time continued to send tithes to the Melkarth of the mother city ; but politically the relations came to he inverted ; Carthage was a great power, Tyre a city-community subject to foreign lords. Even when, in consequence, the transmission of the tithes had been reduced to that of a trifling present, Carthage still continued to show filial piety by regularly sending festal embassies to Tyre (Arr. ii. 245 Polyb. xxxi. 2012) until, after the defeat by Agathocles, the Tyrian Melkarth again once more received propitiatory offerings (Diod. 20 14).

The prosperity and commercial importance of Tyre suffered much less by the vicissitudes of war than is often supposed. Even if the connection of the city with the shore was cut off repeatedly for periods of years, the Assyrians and Chaldzeans could do little to her sea power and her trade ; the attempt to overwhelm her by the aid of the fleets of the other Phoenician towns was an entire failure. As soon as peace was restored the old relations with the interior were re- sumed ; in fact, the import and export traffic forthwith became all the brisker from the temporary check. As for Sidon, which otherwise might have been a forrnid- able rival, i t needed a long breathing time in order to

1 I n Aradus has been discovered a fragment referring to his deputy Psamtik-nofer (Renan M i s s . en. Phen. 265) De Rouge connected it with P w k t i k I., but hardly with justice. W. M. Muller (Mifflr. d. zforderus. Ges. Hft. 4 1896) tries to detect a king of Byhlos on a very mutilated E b p t i a n monument of this time from Phcenicia (published TSBA 16 91); hut this is hiphly problematical.

2 See Riihl Rhein. Mus. 48577. It is perhaps significant that the reign’of Baal 11. came toanend with that of Nebnchad- rezzar whilst Merbaal’s begins with that of Nabuna’id.

8 1; its second treaty with Rome (348) Tyre is named along with Carthage, though it is not mentioned in the first, about

3757 503 (?) (POI. 3 24).

recover from its catastrophe under Esarhaddon. W e must not forget, moreover, that during the period between Tiglath-pileser 111. and Cyrus for 20 years of war there were 180 years of peace, in which trade and the general well-being must have prospered, the more because the connection with the great continental empire made business relations easier and more extensive ; the sovereigns, too, were energetic in protect- ing the safety of the routes of traffic. Finally, her loss of colonial supremacy affected Tyre’s commerce but little because it came about without any violent shock, and the community of speech and sentiment as well as the sharp antithesis to the Greeks kept the two portions of the Phcenician nationality together. If in Carthage the wares and art-products of Greece were imported in ever increasing quantity, neither could that city dispense with the products of the East ; and it need not be said that the Carthaginian merchants sought for these at the fountain-head of Phoenician life rather than from Greek middle-men.

How prosperous Tyre was, and how dominating was her position in Phoenicia in q86 B.c., is visiblv shown zl.-persian by Ezekiel’ (2f). It was not b y a single

blow that this queen of the seas lost her imDerial state : the transference of Dower period.

was gradual. When the Persians in 539 enteredupon the inheritance of the Chaldzeans without meeting with any resistance from the peoples of Syria and Phcenicia, Sidon became the first and richest city of Phoenicia (cp Diod. 1641). The best ships in the fleet of Xerxes were contributed by the Sidonians, whose king took the place of honour next the great king. Next in order came the king of Tyre, and after him the other vassal princes (Herod. 7 44 96 98 8 6 7 ; cp also 3136 7 100 128 ; Diod. 1479). This superiority of Sidon is doubtless chiefly to be accounted for by the fact that the advantage of situation which remained with Tyre during the period of the wars became a positive disadvantage when peace prevailed, and all the Phoenician cities equally belonged to a great empire.

I t then became a positive disadvantage that Sidon was able to expand freely while Tyre was confined within a narrow space (in Strabo’s time it was very closely built, the houses having more stories than in Rome) ; the many purple manufactories were indeed a great source of income, hut did not add to the amenity of the city as a residence (16223). Above all, the merchants and caravans must have found it much more con- venient to expose their goods in Sidon than to ship them over to Tyre. Sidon accordinsly became a successful competitor with Tyre. That the Persian kings deliberately set themselves to advance Sidon a t the expense of Tyre is hardly likely; the situation existed before they came, and was not of their making. But they promoted its development ; in Sidon the Persian kings had a park (rrap&ruos), and it was here that the satraps of Syria resided when they came to Phcenicia.

As a result of its destruction and re-foundation by Esar- haddon Sidon received a very mixed population ; and even although, after the fall of the Assyrian monarchy, the Phmnicians recovered the ascendancy, the foreign elements (as in Samaria) continued strongly to assert themselves; indeed, we can still trace them even in the scanty materials that have come down to us2 W e can thus understand how in Sidon the national narrow- ness may have been counteracted, and the rejuvenated commonwealth have acquired an international character which had a favourable influence also upon its trade. Hence we find in Sidon, during the whole Persian period, in spite of the opposing political interests and

1 T h e ‘oracle on Tyre ’ (Is. 23) is too uncertain to be referred to here (see ‘Isaiah’ in SBOT, and cp Che. Infr. Is. 138-145, and the commentaries).

2 The fact has been recognised by Winckler (A T Unf. rtcgz, p. 177). The tomb of ’Au&m Zuvpurh’jgou %Govia &e., Asephat, daughter of ESmunSillem, of Sidon) in Pirmus (CZS !,119; CIA 2119) was erected by Yatonbel, son of ESmunsdleh, chief priest of Nergal (hij O ~ K O J ~ J 23). We see that the Assyrian god Nergal is worshipped even in the Sidonian colony at Athens. Moreover the name Yatonbel is compounded from that of the Assyrian Bel, not from that of the Phaenician Baal. Similarly a Sidonian in Carthage (CIS 1287) bears the name of szl~y, ‘Ahdbel.

Perhaps there was another factor in the change.

3758

PHO3NICIA PHO3NICIA repeated hostility between the Greek and Phcenician fleets, the traces of a singularly strong and ever grow- ing Phi1hellenism.l W e find this in its highest degree under King Straton (probably a corruption for ‘Abd‘aSt- art) in the first half of the fourth century. H e maintained a mast luxurious court, and brought together from all parts of Greece singing and dancing women, who competed at his feasts for prizes in their art (Theopoinp. fr. 126 in Athenzus 12531 ; M i a n , Yur. hist. 7 ~ ) . ~ H e had close relations with Athens, and gave his support to the embassy which went to the Persian court in 367. In return the Athenians granted him and his successors the right of pvoxenia and the Sidonian merchants staying at Athens were exempted from all taxes (CIA 2 86.) The same king’s name probably occurs in the bilingual inscription from Delos in CZS 1114, where only the beginning of his name . . . y i i y is preserved ; perhaps also in CIS 1 4.

In other respects the conditions of Phrenicia seem to have altered but little under the Persians. Now as before it consists of four states-Tyre. Sidon, Byblos, Arados. All four are in separate existence in the time of Alexander the Great (Arr. ii. 13 7 1565 201 =Curtius 41 6 fi), whilst Herodotus (798) in his catalogue of Xerxes‘ fleet mentions only the kings of Sidon, Tyre, and Aradus. He does not name Byblos at all ; plainly in his time this city occupied politically and commercially a very subordinate position, and partook of the character rather of a country town.

Also the cities which took part in the settlement of a level strip of coast near the northern end of Lebanon beyond the Theouprosopon, called by the Greeks Tripolis (its Phcenician name is unknown) were the same three-Arados Tyre and Sidon. Each of these had a special quarter to itself,’surrounded by a wall and separated from the others by an interval. Here, as Dipdorus (following Ephorus) informs us, the Phcenicians were wont to hold a federal meeting and joint political council ; the king of Sidon attends it with 100 councillors. (Scylax, 104 ; Diod. 16 41 45 ; Strabo 16 z 15.) I t is hardly probable that the town, or this attempt to bring the whole nationality under a combined organisation, was older than the Persian period.

From the end of the fifth century the Phcenician states also began to introduce the employment of coinage-that is, the issue of pieces of precious metal of a standard money weight, bearing the emblem and often also the name of the state or of the lord of the issuing mint. The Persian kings since Darius had already, as we know. been in the habit of coining. and reserving the right of gold coinage as a royal privilege, whilst the issue of silver money was left to the discretion of the vassal princes and communities and of the satraps. Arados coined by the Persian standard, the three other cities by the Phcenician. We are able to determine with absolute certainty, however, only the coins of Byblos, which invariably bear the name of the king (Elpa’al, Adarmelek, ‘Azba’al, and ‘Ainel) and of the city ; the names of two other-earlier-kings of Byblos we know through the stele of Yehawmelek. Of Tyre, Sidon, and Arados, also many coins are still extant ; but the name of city and ruler is either absent or inscribed in characters that cannot be clearly made out. Their assignment to the three cities seems to have been satisfactorily determined by the researches of Six and Babelon ; on the other hand the attempt to determine the name of the individual king, and hence establish fresh historical data, as for example the reign of a certain Euagoras in Sidon, is highly precarious.

1 This is visibly brought before us in the sarcophagi of the Sidonian royal sepulchres discovered by Hamdy Hey. See Hamdy-hey and Th. Reinach, Nicrojole voynle ri Sidon. On the interpretation and on the place of the sarcophagi in the history of art, see especially Studniczka, ‘ Ueber die Grundlagen der geschichtlichen Erklsrung der sidonischen Sarkophage ’ in Jahr. d. an&oL. Inst. 10 (r894). Hut the present writer cannot concur in Studniczka’s dating of the tombs of Tabnit and Eshmuna‘zar (see below).

2 Probably the sarcophagus of the Mourning Women dates from his reign. 3 Six, Nzmism. Chron. 1877 : Ren. nunrism. 1883 ; Eabelon,

BuZl. de cowes#. helien. 15 1891 and in Cat. des nronraics grecqrres de le 522. Nat. 2 (“Ls Gases Achkmknides,’ 1893).

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I t is clear that Berytus throughout belonged to the kingdom of Byblos. Then comes the territory of Sidon to which also Ornithopolis N. of Tyre belonged, whilst Sarepta nearer Sidon was a possession of the Tyrians. The coast down to Akko and Cannel is Tyrian. The Palestinian maritime plain during the Persian period was also shared by the two states. Dor, probably also Joppa, was Sidonian ; Ashkelon and presumably Ashdod (Azotus) to the N. of it were Tyrian.l Only Gaza formed an independent commonwealth of very cosmo- politan character which steadily rose in importance, above all as the goal of the S. Arabian caravans. During the Persian period it issued coins of Attic type and Attic standard.

Regarding Tyre we possess only the quite legendary narrative preserved

Of Sidon we have already spoken.

in Justin (183). According to Justin’s story the city was long and variously

attacked by the Persians victorious indeed. but so echausted that it fell into the hands &

i n d came off from the struggle

the slaves who rdse in insurrection and massacred their masters. Only one, a certain Straton, was saved by his slaves and afterwards after he had shown the superiority of his kifts, macle king dy the insurgents. In consequence, Alexander at his conquest of Tyre, by way of exemplary punishment, caused all the survivors to he crucified with the exception of the descendants of Straton whom he reinstalled as rulers. If this narrative contains aAy historical element a t all, the struggles with the Persians of which it speaks can in reality only be the Assyrian and Chaldrean sieges, and it might perhaps be assumed that after these a revolution may have broken out, in which the dependent population made themselves masters of the city. Possibly the introduction of Sufetes in the Chaldaean period may have been connected with this. T h e whole story, however, i s of so dubious a character that i t is hardly possible for us to give it any place in history.2

Arados rose in importance during the Persian period ; the whole of the opposite coast was subject to it : on the N. Paltos and Balanaia; then, opposite Arados, Karnos or Karna (so Plin. 578) . which in the second century B.C. for some time issued coins inscribed l i p (Ant-Arados, mod. Tartiis, is of later origin and is mentioned only in Ptolemy) ; then Marathus (on Hellenistic coins nia), which though never mentioned in the older period had in Alexander’s time become a great and prosperous town; finally, Simyra and the regions of the Eleutheros (Am. ii. 137f: = Curt. iv. 16 ; Strab. xvi. 2 IZ 2 16).

Under the Persian rule Phcenicia, in common with all Western Asia, enjoyed for a period of a century and a half an epoch of peaceful prosperity, within which, apart from the intervention of the Phcenician fleets in the struggle with Greece (480-449) and afterwards in that against Sparta (396-387), there is nothing of importance to relate. I t was not until the decline of the Empire had become growingly evident under Artax- erxes 11. (404-359) that Phcenicia also became involved in the confusions and contests which again broke out.

Euagoras of Salamis who in the unceasing conflict between Greeks and PhmniciaLs for supremacy in the island had once again for a short time secured the ascendancy for the Grecian element in 387 supported by Akoris of Egypt, conquered Tyre also and ruied’it for a time (Isocr. Euag. 62 ; Pane,,. 161 ; .Diad. 15 2). Straton of Sidon (see above) held close relations with his son Nicocles ; both became involved in the great Satrap revolt of 362 and on the victory of the Persians, were compelled to seek their &n death-Straton by the hand of his wife (Jer. adv. /m&. 145).

Most disastrous was the revolt of all Phcenicia which in 350 Tennes of Sidon in alliance with Nectanebos of Egypt stirred up, embittered by the harsh oppression exercised by the Persian kings over Egypt and by the deeds of violence perpetrated by the satraps and generals in Sidon. The outbreak in Sidon was one of great violence; the populace wasted the royal park, burnt the stores at the royal stables, and put to death as

1 See the (unfortunately very fragmentary) notice in Scylax,

lot One is strongly tempted to suspect that it is in some way connected with the story of Abdalonymos (referred by Diodorus to Tyre) and derived from that. This appears to be the supposition of Judeich also (jalrrd. d. archreol. Inst. 10 167, n. 2).

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PHCENICIA PHCENICIA many of the Persians as fell into their hands. At first the movement seemed likely to succeed. When, however, Artaxerxes 111. advanced a t the head of a great army, Tennes and his captain of mercenaries, the Rhodian Mentor-who afterwards played so great a part, as also did his brother Memnon, in the Persian service-surrendered the city to the king, who gave free course to his vengeance. Sidon was given up to massacre and flame. More than 40,000 inhabitants are said to have perished-chiefly by their own hands or in the flames of the conflagration they themselves had kindled. The traitor Tennes himself, after he had served his turn, the Persian king caused to be put to death. Hereupon the other Phmnician cities surrendered (Diod. 1 6 4 1 8 ) . In Sidon we again at a later date find a king Straton installed by the Persians.

When Alexander, after the battle of Issus (Nov. 333). marched on Phcenicia. the citv-kinm with their con-

i "

22. Macedonian !ingents were with the Persian fleet and Roman in the Egean. The cities, however,

opened their gates to him and the Persian fleet dispersed. In Sidon period.

Alexander was received with enthusiasm ; he deposed king Straton and elevated to the throne a descendant of the old royal house, Abdalonymos, who is alleged to have heen living as a gardener in very humble circumstances.l Tyre alone was recalcitrant, and de- clined to admit Alexander to the island city, where he wished to make an offering to Heracles ; plainly its hope was to regain its independence, and as in former days to be able to defy the lords of the mainland. Alexander, however, was too strong for it. The fleets of the other Phcenician cities, those of the kings of Cyprus, as well as ships from Rhodes and Asia Minor, %-ere a t his disposal. By a causeway which he constructed in the sea-it has ever since connected the island with the mainland-he brought his siege engines to bear. After a seven month's siege the city was carried by storm (July 332). The entire population, so far as it had survived the horrors of the siege, was sold into slavery, to the number of 30,000 ; mercy was shown only to those who had sought asylum in the sanctuary of Herakles. among them king Azeniilkos, the higher officials, and the members of a festal embassy from Carthage. The city itself had a new population sent to it, and in the period immediatelyfollowing Tyre figures as one of the chief garrison-cities of the Mace- donians.

The subsequent history of Phcenicia can be told very shortly. After Alexander's death the satrapy of Syria fell to Laomedon ; but in 320 he was displaced by Ptolemy of Egypt. In 315 Antigonus made himself master of Syria, and maintained himself there despite repeated attempts of Ptolemy to dislodge him. He died on the battlefield of Ipsus ( ~ o I ) , and his kingdom fell to pieces. Demetrius secured, amongst other fragments, Sidon. 'Tyre, and portions of Palestine ; it was not until he went to Greece in 296 that Seleucus came into possession. Among the many cities which he founded, we must probably reckon Laodicea, to the S. of Tyre. the ruins of which are now known as Umm el-'Aw%rnid. After the death of Seleucus (281) Ptolemy 11. became master of Palestine, Ccelesyria, and Phcenicia, and not only he but also his successors continued to hold them despite all efforts of the Seleucidre to dis- possess them, till 197. Aradus alone and its territory (also Orthosia ; see Euseb. Chrun. 1251, ed. Schmne) were retained by the Seleucidre, who greatly favoured that city.

T h e era of Aradus dates from the year 259, which may be taken as marking the termination of the native kingdom- i t is probable that in that >-ear the cityalong with thr republican'

1 T h e story is related in thoroughly romantic st le by Curtius ( i v .1158) and Justin (1110). In Diodorus (1747) i t is referred to Tyrr, and in Plutarch (De f o r t . A l . 28) even to Paphos, and the house of the Cinyradz. Abdalonymos of Sidon is mentioned also in Pollux (ti 105).

- ~~ ~

3761

constitution granted by Antiochus 11. took at the same time the position of a free city-i.r., became exempt from the jurisdiction of the satraps, like the cities of lonia. Seleucus 11. (247 .2~5)~ having been supported by Aradus in his struggle with his brother Antiochus Hierax, added the further privilege that it was not compelled to surrender a subject of the Seleucidz who had taken refuge there, hut was permitted to intern him-a concession that greatly raised the prestige o i the city (Strabo, xvi. 2 14). I n 218 the city is completely free, and enters into a treaty of alliance with Antiochus the tireat IO the war against Ptolemy IV. (Polyh. 568).

Marathus, on the other hand, seems to have made use of the political situation to emancipate itself from Aradus; from 278 onwards it coins money after the Seleucid era, but with the heads of Lagid kings and queens. The other Phcenician possessions of Aradus also seek to gain independence ; in 218 Antiochus the Great mediates between them and Aradus. At a later date Karne also for some time issued autonomous coins. But the Aradians were in the end successful in reasserting their supremacy. About 148 they attempted. after having bribed Ammonius the minister, to destroy Marathus with the help of the royal troops by an assault which, at the last moment, after the Aradians had already put to death the ambassadors of the hated city contrary to the law of nations, was frustrated by the warning of an Aradrean sailor. who by night swam over to Marathus (Diod. 335). Finally, in the time of Tigranes. with whom (or soon afterwards) the coins of Marathus come to an end, they achieved their object, Marathus was destroyed and its territory like that of Simyra divided into agricultural lots (Strabo, xvi. 2 12 ) .

Under the Roman rule, the whole coast from Paltos to the Eleutheriis belonged to them.

Of the cities of the Ptolemrean domain Sidon is again the only one of which we know anything. Here the kingship continued to subsist for a long time. When Ptolemy I. in 312 became for the time lord of Phmnicia he appears to have made his general Philokles, son of Apollonides, king of Sidon, for this title is borne by Philokles in inscriptions of Athens and Delos (CZA 2 1371 ; ~ ~ 2 ~ . curr. hell. 4327 14409, cp 407, etc.). His rule can have been only quite transitory, however, although he continued to take the title, for in 311 Phcenicia and all Syria. had already been reclaimed and readministered by Demetrius the son of Antigonus. Philocles. although as already said he continued to wear the title, appears in the immediately following years as Ptolemy's corn- mander-in-chief on the A3gean.2 In the third century we again meet with a native royal family which also exercised the priesthood of Astarte (see above) ; to it belong kings Eshmunazar I., Tabnit (pronunciation quite uncertain ; perhaps identical with Tdvvqo) and Eshmunazar II., all of whom we know of through the sarcophagi of the two last named.

The sarcophagi are Egyptian, in mummy form : that of Tabnit bears the epitaph of an Egyptian general Penptah, and seems to have been stolen from an Egyptian tomb, perhaps in the conquests of Artaxerxes III., and then to have passed into the hands of the king of Sidon. Both cotlins bear a Phcenician inscription with imprecatory formulas against the violator of tombs ; 3 that of Eshmunazar also enumerates his buildings and other benefactions to Sidon. 'l'he date of these inscriptions has heen much disputed, but should most probably be assigned to the Ptolemzan period and to the middle of the third century B.C.4 T h e preference shown for poor Egyptian coffins, and these stolen, over the splendid Greek works of art which the kings of the Persian period had caused to be made, certainly shows an amazing degeneracy of taste, a native reaction against the Greek polish of Straton and Abdalonymus. In priests of

1 For this and subseauent data derived from coins see Babelon. ~ - _ _ - __ ~ ~~ ~~ ~ . ~. ~

0). cit.

Cory. hell. 15 137. 2 That the case was so has heen shown by Homolle in BUZZ.

3 [For the inscription of Tabnit, c p Driver, TBS, Introd. Formerly a later date was given to him.

pp, xxvi-xxix.] 4 Eshmunazar designates his overlord as 'Lord of kings'

(0350 y~), which is the standing title of the Ptolemies in Phcenihan inscriptions (CfS i. 93 95, inscriptions of Ma'gab. and of Lamar Lapithu ; transferred to the Seleucidie, CfS 1 7). So far as we know, the Persian king always took the title 'king of kings,' ~ 2 5 ~ 750. At present we must allow decisive weirht t o this argument' of Clerrnont-Ganneau.

3762

PHCENICIA P H CE N I C I A Astarte, however, and under the rule of the Ptolemies such a phenomenon presents nothing surprising. The Ptolemies were never favourable, as the Seleucidae were, to Hellenism and !he fusion of nationalities and civilisations, but dealt wlth the native populations as subject mces sharply separated from the ruling Macedonian Greek race.

Eshmunazar 11. reigned for 14 years in conjunction with his mother Am‘aStart the sister and wife of Tahnit. ‘ In compensation for the great tribute paid by me, the lord of kings presented us with Dor and Joppa, the magnificent grain lands1 in the plain of Sharon, and we added them to the territory so that they became for ever the possession of the Sidonians.’ The old Sidonian possessions on the Palestinian coast thus came back to them once more. Eshmunazar died while still young, leaving apparently no children. On his death perhaps, or at all events not long afterwards, a republican constitution was introduced in Sidon.

To this not to the later era of 111 B.c., must be referred the era by wdich a bilingual honorary decree of the Sidonian colony in the Pirzus is dated : ‘in the 15th year of the people of Sidon.’z The inscription (Renan Rm. Arch. 3 ser. t. 11 [1888l, p. sf:. Hoffmann ‘Ueher einige’phcen. Inschr.,’ in Adh. G%t. Ges. rb89, p. 36) belongs as Kohler observed (CIA ii. suppl. 1335 I), to the third cent& or only a little after it.

In Tyre the same thing occurred in 274: it is by the era of ‘ the people of Tyre’ (274-3) that one of the inscriptions of Umm el‘AwHmid (CIS 1 7) and of Md+Cb is dated. This district accordingly must have remained Tyrian. On the other hand, Akko became independent. Coins are extant, with Phoenician legends ( n ~ y ) , dated most probably according to the Seleucidan era, down to the year 47 (=267 B . c . ) , ~ when Akko was changed by Ptolemy 11. into a Greek city bearing the name Ptolemais (first mentioned Polyb. 437). With regard to Byblos we have no information. Tripolis had doubtless been an independent commonwealth from the beginning of the period of the Diadochi (Diod. 195885); Babelon attempts to make out for it an independent era from the year 156, the place of which was afterwards taken by the Seleucidan era. Berytus also issued autonomous coins for some time during the second century.

From 197 onwards all Phcenicia belonged to the Seleucidae ; but not for long. Soon after, with the death of Antiochus Epiphanes (164 B.C.), began the collapse of the kingdom-the revolt of the Jews, the appearance of rival claimants to the throne, the loss of the eastern provinces. At last came the complete break up at the end of the second century. For some time the kingdom was in the hands of Tigranes of Armenia (82-69).

Phoenicia was affected in various ways by these confusions. Berytus was destroyed by Diodoros Tryphon (141-138 ; Strabo, xvi. 2 19). On the ather hand Tyre, probably in 126 B. c., a for a small sum ’ (Strabo, xvi. 2 z?), and Sidon in 111, received complete autonomy: with these years new eras begin for each of the respective cities. Aradus in the time of Tigranes destroyed Marathus (see above), and regained all its old territory. On the other hand Arabian robber tribes established themselves in Lebanon, wasting the territories of Byblos and Berytus, and seizing Botrys and other places on the coast (Strabo, xvi. 2 18). In Byblos and Tripolis usurpers or ‘ tyrants ’ (Strabo, 2.c. : Jos. Anf . xiv. 3 2) arose, as in so many other places in Syria.

To this intolerable state of affairs an end was put by Pompey in 64. H e made Syria a Roman province and established order everywhere. The robber tribes were subjugated, the tyrants of Byblos and Tripolis put to death. The privileges and the territories of Aradus, Sidon, and Tyre were confirmed and enlarged (Strabo, xvi. 2 14 223; Jos. Ant. xv. 41). In a n inscription

1 Or ‘lands of Dagon ’ . see DAGON, DOR, 5 3. 2 As long as the kingihip lasted, dates were gben by the

regnal years ; when it ceased the dating was given accordinc: to the years of ‘the eop1e’-i.c., of the republi: (where not along with, or exclusive& by, the Seleucidan era). 3 Cp Babelon, 03. cit. clxxvii.

3763

Tripolis also is called iepd ~ a l dsuhor K U ~ ah6vopor K U ~ vauapxir. In the main these arrangements proved permanent, though of course not without certain modifications. Thus Augustus on account of internal dis- turbances deprived Tyre and Sidon of their freedom : that is, he placed them under the direct oversight of the imperial legate (Dio Cass. 547 ; in 20 B.c.). Their civic self-government, however, with aristocratic insti- tutions, he preserved and maintained in the Phoenician communities as elsewhere throughout Syria.

In the centuries that followed Alexander’s time, the Greek influence in Syria became continually stronger. The Phcenician language occasionally appears in conjunction with the Greek legends on coins down to the second century A. D., and in the mouth of the common people was superseded, as in the case of the Jews, not by Greek but by Aramaic, as Philo of Byblos shows (see above, 15). Greek everywhere makes its appearance alongside of it, however, and in the inscriptions Greek rules alone from the beginning of the Roman period. Relations with the Greek world become continually more and more active ; here Sidon takes the pre-emin- ence by far. Among the Phoenicians who are named in Greek inscriptions the Sidonians form a majority.

AS early as the end of the fourth century we find a Sidonian -Apollonides son of Demetrius (he may have been the father of king Philocles mentioned above)-receiving, on account of the services he had rendered to Attic merchants and sailors, the honour of a Proxenos and Benefactor, and the right to acquire landed property in Attica ( C I A 2 171). Of a still earlier date is the decree in favour of two Tyrians (ib. 170).

From the second century the sons of Sidonians, Berytians, and Aradians enter the corps of the Attic ephehi (CIA ii. 482467 469 471 482), and among the victors in gymnastic games there figure in Athens (ih 448 498 g66 968 970) and elsewhere (Bull. cow. hell. 5 207 [Cos], 6 146 [Delos]) Sidonians, Tyrians, Berytians, Byblians. Soon we meet with artists (e.g., CIA 2 1318) and philosophers who come from Sidon and Tyre (Strabo, xvi. 2 24) ; and, however much they may try to preserve their native traditions, they become imbued with Greek elements, as Philo’s exposition of the Phoenician religion visibly shows.

The Roman rule introduced also a Latin element. Augustus in 14 B.C. caused Berytus to be rebuilt as a Roman colony, and settled in it two veteran legions (Strabo, xvi. 220, etc.). From that time Latin became the official and prevailing language of the city, which was endowed with an extensive territory reaching as far as to the source of the Orontes. Under Claudius, Ptolemais, under Septimius Severus, Tyre, and under Elagabalus, Sidon became Roman colonies.

The trade and prosperity of the Phoenician towns received a great impetus under the peaceful, orderly rule of the Roman emperors and their governors. On the other hand the Phcenician speech and nationality- like so many others-became extinct within the same period. In N. Africa alone did they continue to drag on a further existence for some centuries longer-how degenerately, is conclusively attested by the language and writing of the inscriptions.

Among works dealing with Pbcenician history or portions Of it, after Bochart’s Phaleg e f Cunaair (1646), special mention IS

due to Movers’ Die Phonizicr (1842-1856), 23. Literature. which long enj.oyed a great reputation. In

reality it IS quite uncritical and unscientific, ?nd at every opportunity falls into the most fantastic combinations ; it is impossible to warn the reader too earnestly of the need for caution in its use. Good and very useful, on the othef hand, are the short surveys by von Gutschmid (art. ‘Phcenicia in EB(9)18&1$ . in German in the 2nd vol. of hls Kleinz Schnzten) and by)Pietschmann, Gesch. der Phocnizier, Berlin, r889 (in Oncken’s Alllgein. Gescfi. in Einzel-darsfellunlgen). See further the Phcenician sectlons of the larger works on ancient history ; in particular, Duncker’s Gesch. d. Alferfhums, Maspero’s Hist. anc. des jeujles de IOrienf, and E. Meyer’s Gesch. d. Alterthutns. A l ~ o H. Winckler’s ‘ Zur phiinizisch- Karthagischen Geschichte a numher of often very bold hypotheses(AZtor. Forschu&n, 1 I18971 421.462). For Carthage Meltzer’s Gesch. d. Karfhalger (2 vols. as yet : 1879, 1895) is thorough. On Phcenician religion see further Baudissin, Stud.

semit. ReL-gesch. 1 118761, 2 [1878], Baethgen, Beitr. ZUY

3764

PHmNIX smi. jieL-gesch. [1888] NGldeke in ZDMG 42 4 7 0 8 several articles of E. Meyer ’in Roscher’s Lex. d. Griech. A.. Rdin. J/ytkolo@e, in particular the article ‘ Baal 1 2 % 7 f i (the older articles ‘Astarte’ and ‘El’ are antiquated) and W. R. Smith, ReL Sern.(z), 1894. E. M.

PHCENIX (kn, or [the reading of the Massoretic school of Nehardea and of the Western recension, Ginsb. Zntrod, 515, but cp Kirnhi, Ek. of Roots, who attests only the former] irn, @ below).

The name of a certain long-lived bird, Job2918 RVm5 (text of EV has ‘sand,’ which can hardly be right). This rendering harmonises with the preceding stichus in MT, which EV renders, ‘ Then I said, I shall die in my nest’ ( i . e . , in my home), but RV‘W more corrcctly, ‘ . . . beside [Heb. with] ’my nest.’ An allusion is supposed (Ew., Hi., Del., Bu., Du. ) to the story of tne bird called the Phoenix (Herod. 273). which lived 500 years, and then consumed itself and its nest with fire, to rise again as a yonng Phoenix out of the ashes. Franz Delitzsch even produces linguistic justification for the identification of h, @Z, or 5an, 4ziS (so pointed to preclude the rendering ‘ sand ’ ) with the Phcenix. But though Ezekielos, the Jewish dramatist of Alexandria (2nd cent. B. c.), introduces the Phanix into his drama on the Exodus (Del. Gesch. d. jiid. Puesie, 219, quotes the passage in its context), it is most unlikely that the Phcenix myth was known to Jewish writers as early as the composition of Job. ’There are three further objections to Ewald’s view-- viz. ( I ) that the next verse leads us to expect a figure from a tree rather than from an animal, (2) that there is considerable difficulty in explaining ’ with my nest,’ in the first stichus, with reference both to Job and to the Phcenix, and (3 ) that 6 points to a different and much more natural form of the text.

@ renders v. 18 thus,- r I r a 64, $ $At& FOV y?pducr’

& r f p urMcy.os 4oivixor rrohiv ~ p d v o v j3~6uw. l h i s suggests reading for ‘3iJ-W, ‘with my nest,’ ‘3?1?, ‘in

my old age,’and for iin91, ‘and as the sand’or ‘and’as the phcenix,’ h?>, ‘and as the palm t r e e ’ l (cp Che. jQR, July 1897). When we remember that the Phcenixof later literature is merely a materialised form of one of the fine old Egyptian symbols of the sun-god (of which another is the CROCODILE [q :~ . ] ) , we can give u p Job’s supposed reference to the fable without a pang. On the Phcenix, see art. ‘Phcenix’ in EB (’3) (where references a re given) ; Delitzsch on Job 29 18 ; Bochart, Hieroz. 6 5 ; Charles, Sewets of Enoch,. IZJ ; James, Texts and Sfudies v. 188 (4 Bar. 6), and cp ON 2. For the hlidrashic stories see Hamburger, R E desJzdenth~ms, 2 @.

T. K. C. PHCENIX, Acts 27 IZ RV, AV PHENICE (q .~ . ) . PHOROS (&mor: rBA1).

PHRY GIB

. T - , - - L _I

I. I Esd. 5 g= Ezra 2 3, PAROSH (q.~.). 2. I Esd. 8 30 RV = Ezra 8 3. PAROSH (q.~.). 3. I Esd. ! lzb=Ezra10~5, PARDSH (g.~.).

PHRURAI (apoypal [BLB]), Esth. 111 RV, AV PHURIM. See PURIM.

PHRYGIA (@PY,-la [WH Ti.], Acts 166, 1823, doubtful whether as noun or as adjective [ywpg, under-

1. Geopaphy. stood]. I n z Macc. 522 the ethnic [@pu.] is applied to Philip, governor of

Jerusalem under Antiochus Epiphanes-Le., about 170 B. C. ). Phrygia, the country of the Phryges, was the name given to a vast and ill-defined region in central Asia Minor. Speaking generally, we may say that it em- braces the extreme western part of the plateau and the fringing mountains, from the confines of Bithynia to those of Pisidia. The more eastern portion of this country consists of broad open valleys, gradually merg- ing into the great steppe which forms the centre of Asia Minor ; to the west it is more broken ; it has several important mountain ranges ; and its cities lie in mountain valleys, through which pass the main-lines of com- munication [e.g., the valley of the Lycus]. Throughout it run the two great roads [the old Royal Road, and the Eastern Trade Route] which have at different

1 C p Ecclus. 5012, where $ n ~ = + o b t & See PALM. 3765

periods connected the sea-coast and the interior ; and Phrygia has in consequence always had a double history -on the one side linked with the central plateau and the East, on the other with the sea-coast towns and the Greek peoples of the West ’ (Headlam, in Aufhurity and Archeulozy, 363 8). The original extent of Phrygia was much wider than is indicated above ; but it was only for a short time that there was an independent Phrygian-kingdom.

T h e Phryges were a group of invaders from Macedonia (Herod. 7 72) who solit UD the old emnire (Hittite?) that had its ~~

c;tl>iul at kycri.i i,~’~’~~i,,:;,,l,,,,in. C r k i n i the Htllc-pcat~, the l’hryges ,pre.d OVCT A5ta >I inx , eii\ra.ard.; acru..r ilir 5mig:mti~ a> f;ar as the Hal!., and wuth-es*iuarda 10 I ycaonia arid the ‘l’:~urus. In the suuih-cii.r, I c ~ ~ ~ ~ i u n i wi4.l t lx I x t cit) uf I’hrygiii. I n thc opp.”itc rlirectiuii, they twrdered upcm the Hellc.pmi angl the I’rqmnti, (cp the (;reek i r3di t ic) i i of :I I’hrygi;m ‘ ~ l i : . l . t ~ ~ , u ; i c y I:a-ting twciity-tiye ye:.rs from q , 5 ii.c.; I J w d . 7 1 1 ; ll<m. / I . 24 j T h e Trujan c i rymd i h e d!iw+ty

g > f I’+m LcItm<cd I., t h uple. l’riljct froni Tt race, the 3ly.1, Thyni, .tiid Ilitltyi .ur.cd the Ijospurus a l l t i s acred l’ltry<ia i i i t d I U U part--Hellc,yonliiie UT I.itrle Plirygia, an uiiclcrind ,trip ; t l ~ , n ~ the w i i t h e r n i l lore of the l’rq)on~i-, of no nccotiitt i i i Iii-tury, s i l d (:rent l’liryyia (l’h,yKia Alaptn) the reiti:\iiider (Str.iI)>, 571).

‘The ccntre of p ( ~ \ \ ~ r uf Gre:it Phrygia lay in the region of thc Slidas ’I‘cmb (sce Murray’s l f a n d h u k /r , A.If, 134 8) : with this kiiigtlom arc coiinected the ixi i i ies of (;ordim :id 1lid:ib ; : i d to i t the rarly kings of Lydia ( t l t c uestern imgnieiit of the old Hittite [?] monarcli!) rmctl nlleginiicc. (For cc1iot.s o f thc l’hrygian power. cp Iloni. / I . 3 1 8 7 2862 ; Honi. lfymn /,I Jphru-

‘I‘he (~‘intnicrian invasion (about 675 t { . c ~ . j lroke the I’hrygian power, and caused a re\t.rsal o f th t . relations 2. IIistory. with Lydia, \\hich IION ( l c v t h p ~ l into a

great kingdonr. and rt i lc~l ;I> > w t n i i i over I’hrygia as f;rr as the Ilnlys (see L Y I ) I A ) . ’l‘lirre was hencrfor\vard no unity i n Phrygixn hiator! ; for the old conquering ~ i c c itself was at,sorl,ed by the native race which i t had conquered : the I’lirygea ‘sank to that placid level of character which tielonged to the older subject population and is produccd by tlic genius of the land i r i vhich they dwelt-the character of an agri- cultttml a i d c:ittle-breetling popul:itioii of rustics, pence. ful and god-liuniouretl ’ {E. llcyer. CA 130~). ’l’his atsorption \vas already coniplete when, in 278 H . C . . the ( h u l s entered Asia Minor. As the result of thcir victories over the then umvarlike I’hrygians.’ and of thcir defeats a t the Iiands of .\ttnlus l . , king of PEHCAML‘M (q .~, . ) , the Gauls were fiiially rcbtricted tu north-eastern I’hrygia, which thus twanie known as (;alatia.? ‘l‘he northern part of I’hrygia alJo gaiiird a spc-rial name about 205 H.C. As the outcome of w i r with t’rusias, king of Rithyiiia, Attnlus I . made hiinsrlf niaster of the region in wliich lay Cotimiin :lilt1 Dorylmirn , which herice- forth was cnllcd I’hrygia lipictetus (Acquired Phrygia : Strxbo, 576).

‘l‘he south.ca&rn corncr, betweeu the ranges nom called EmiY./)qh a i d .Su/t~m-l)ngh, wa> called P h q g i a Pamreui ( I l a p 6 p t t o c ) ; i t contain, the cities I’olylmtui, Philomelium, lyrizuii i , arid other, (Ranla. / / / s t . (;mq~. of Ah? r39J). S. of the .Ytr/tan-Un,~h, :b f:rr as the ’I’aiirus, came tlic dktrict kiiuwn itr l’i.idic(l’i.,idiait) Phrygin, u,r I’,hr)gia towarda Pi5idin (Strnbo, 576, c u n v q TB n a p 6 L ~ O F hryopivq 4 p u y r a rat 7 rrpos Iltotlm. C p Polyh. xxii. 5 14, 6toI. Y. 5 i ) ; : j it- one important city Antioch (‘.4w<+ta 6 n p b c Ilruidip, >irabu, 557, 56g, 577).

When I’hrygia came to form par t of the Konlan pro- vinei:il sysiem i t was dealt ~ i t h in a uav thxt ( I d \ iulenue to Iiistory ;mcl ethiiology. For, on the w i t ’ Iinnd, the wstitrit portion i n I\ hich lay Ironiuni, arid r l t r s(mihcrn portion in u hich lay Antioch, ucre attached to thr pro- viiice G.rl:tti;i, whilst the rest fell to the province A& ; on the other hand, the name I’hrygia \has cxterided in the \V. to enibracc all the I.ycus vallcp, and in the SM‘. to enilrace all thc country tounrds Ly ia . l ‘ l ~ p;ut of l’hrygia H hich helonged to Galatia \vas cnllcd P h ~ g ’ a

1 Cp Herod. B 3 2 , App. Milhr. 19, &fipdo~v dnohipotr. 2 l h e Gauls a k o extended their conquest, ea.twards, m e r

territory claimed by the Pontic kmg> and the Cnppadocianb. 3 See Kaiiia. Cifies and B i d . of t’hrygin, 131~lf:

lfitt!, 112. )

p y + T p p y l a . : . cv

3766

PHRYGIA PHRYGIA epithets are attached to one noun following them, in Acts 18 23 an epithet and noun are connected by ' and ' with a following epithet (if +puyiav be an adjective here also) to which the preceding noun must be supplied.' The explanation set forth by Ramsay is that cPpvyiav is here an adjective-the ' Phrygian Region ' being simply the briefer description of the territory spoken of in Acts 166 as the 'Phrygo-Galatic Region.' The region is combined with another, lying E. of it, the region con- taining the towns of Derbe and Lystra-i.~., Galatic Lycaonia, as opposed to Antiochian Lycaonia which was ruled by king Antiochus (see LYCAONIA). This explanation involves the assumption that the titles Lyca- unia Galatica and Lycaonin Antiochiann could become ' Galatic region ' ( F a h a r i K G XLjpa) and ' Antiochian region ' ( ' A v r r o x i a v v X h p a ) , respectively, in the mouth of a Greek (or of Greek-speaking Paul) passing through the country. Put in this way the parallelism is deceptive. On the one hand, of the Latin titles only the second, Lycaonia Antiochiana, has been found (CZL 10866o), whilst the other is inferred from the analogy of Pontils Galaticus; on the other hand, of the Greek terms only the second '( AurroXiavG X d p a : Ptol. v. 6 17 j occurs. The use of the term ' Galatic region ' (l'axanrb X h p a ) for the Roman part of Lycaonia (and even its supposed Latin equivalent, Lycaonia Galaticn), however possible on grounds of analogy and desirable in the interests of symmetry, is not yet proved. On this ground, not on that of its complexity, we reject Ranisay's explanation. Its weakness lies in the necessity of taking the passage in close connection and comparison with Acts 166.

Still, even so, what is there to suggest the contrast with the non. Roman part of Lycaonia whereby alone the expression ' Galatic region ' (raAaarm$ x&pa)is justified and explained'! In Acts 166 ' Galatic region' ( l h b z r L x $ &pa) receives its explanation and limitation precisely from the word ' Phrygian' (QpvyLav) with which it appears in combination ; but in Acts 18 23 the defining words 'of Lycaonia ' ( n i s Avraovlac : cp Rams. St. Paul the Traveller, 1 0 4 ) have to be supplied by reference to Acts 14 6 (where Lystra and Derbe are called 'cities of Lycaonia') On formal grounds also the expression ' t h e Galatic region and Phrygian' (*v raAartr+v X&pav cdr Qvyiav) becomes objec- tionable if ex lained as Ramsay explains it. For the adjective ' Galatic' in t i e first member of it indicates the province, and the part (Fycaonia) is to be supplied by the reader ; hut the adjective Phrygian' (apvyiav) in the second niember of it indicates the part, and the province (Galatia) is to he supplied by the reader; for, according to Ramsay, the expression means 'the Galatic Region (:f Lycaonia) and the Phrygian Region (of the province Galatia). Cp GALATIA, 5 12.

I t is a mistake to insist upon the parallelism of the two phrases ; Acts 1823 must be interpreted indepen- dentlyof Acts 166. In 166 'Phrygian' (@pryla.) is an adjective, in 18 23 it is a noun. In Acts 1823 ' Phrygia' is not Phlrgia GaZatica but Phtygia Asiana : the words ' the Galatic region ' sum up the whole breadth of the province Galatia from Derbe to Antioch, including, therefore, both the Galatic part of Lycaonia (which, in Acts 146. is described as Lystra and Derbe ' and ' the region that lieth round about ' ) and the Galatic part of Phrygia (which, in Acts 166, is described as the ' Phrygo- Galatic Region '). See GALATIA. g 9, col. 1598. On this view, Paul travelled westwards from Antioch (Pisidinn) and struck the eastern trade route perhaps a t Metropolis (in the TchaGOvaj; but, instead of following the road through Apameia and the Lycus valley, he took the more direct road through Higher Phrygia, by way of Seiblia (see Rams. Cities and Risk. of Phqzia, 25795). This journey through Phrygia is described in Acts 191 as a journey * through the upper coasts' ( r d dvcorepiKb y.!pp?! RV ' the upper country'). I t is vain to explain this phrase as having reference to the distinction between High Phrygia and Low Phrygia (Rams. Church in Rom. 9 4 ) if non-Galatian Phrygia has not previously been mentioned, but only Galatic Phrygia; for that distinction had no validity for Galatic Phrygia. The phrase in

1 For the grammatical point here involved see Ramsay, Church in Roin. Enr$.(5) 486 ; St. Pad the Tr&ller, 210f:

3768

GaZaatica; that which belonged to Asia was Phrygia Asiana (Galen, 4312 [Kuhn, 6515]).' Hence many inscriptions enumerate Phrygia as a component part of the province Galatia (e.g., CZL 36818, where the parts are Galatia, Pisidia, Phrygia, Lycaonia, Isauria, Paphla- gonia, Pontus Galaticus, and Pontus Polemoniacns ; date. after 6 3 A. D. ). Phrygia experienced many vicissitudes ; but these fall outside the province of the student of N T history (for details, see Rams. Hist. Geog?. of A M 1sr$).

The Jews were much favoured by the Seleucid kings, who planted large colonies of them on the routes leading 3, Jews in from the Syrian Antioch through Lycaonia

into Lydia and Phrygia. Antiochns the Phrygia' Great settled 2000 Jews in the cities of Lydia

and Phrygia about zoo B.c . (Jos. Ant. xii. 33 , (i 1485). Seleucus Nicator had granted the Jews full rights of citizenship, equal to those of Greeks and Macedonians, in all his foundations ( id . , Ant. xii. 31, (i 119). and the later kings maintained this policy. Hence the Jews were members of the aristocracy in the Phrygian cities (see on this Rams. Cities and Bish. of Phrysia, 2667 8). The Phrygian Jews were considered in the Talmud as the Ten Tribes (for many of them had been transplanted from Babylonia) ; and it is said of them that the baths and wines of Phrygia had separated them from their brethren-by which we must understand that they had failed to maintain their own peculiar religion, and had approximated to the Grreco-Roman civilisation by which they were snrrounded (cp Neubauer, Ge'ogr. du TaZmud, 315; Rams. St. Paul the Travelleler, 142 8). The marriage of the Jewess Eunice to a Greek a t Lystra, and the fact that Timotheus, the offspring of the marriage, was not circumcised, is an illustration of this declension from the Jewish standard (Acts 16 I). The result was that the Jews had in their turn strongly influenced their neighbours, and thus prepared unconsciously a favourable field for Paul's teaching (cp the many proselytes a t Antioch, Acts 1343 so). On the other hand, the Phrygian Christians were strongly inclined to Judaism (Gal. 16 49), for there was no strong racial antipathy between the natives and the Jews (cp Rams. Hist. Cumm. on GaZ.

The distinction between Galatic and Asian Phrygia which held during the first century A.D. (8 z), explains

189J ) .

4. Phrygia the passage in Acts 166 (TC @puylau K a l in the wT. raharrh- i lv X h p a v , AV Phrygia and the

region of Galatia' ; RV ' the region of Phrygia and Gal&'). The word Phry@an is here an adjective, connected with the following 'country' ( X d p a v ) : and the whole phrase denotes that territory which was a t once Phrygian and Galatian-Phrygian from the point of view of history and local feeling, Galatian from the point of view of the Roman provincial classification, Le., ' the Phrygo-Galatic Region,' or, ' the Phrygian or .- Galatic Region.'

Even if ' Phrygian' (Qpvyiav) in this passage he regarded as a noun the interpretation must be the same. Paul was at Lystra (v. 3);'and unless he abandoned his intention of visiting the brethren 'in every city' in which the word had been preached (Acts 1536), he must necessarily have crossed the frontier of Lycaonia a few miles N. of Lystra (cp Acts 146) into Galatic Phrygia, the region &&pa, Repio)in which the cities of Iconium and Antioch lav.

This interpretation is entirely independent of any view that may be held with regard to the whereabouts of the churches of Galatia. [See, however, GALATIA, $1 IO-

14. I More difficult is the explanation of Acts 1823, where

the same words are found, but in reverse order (74" r a X a r i r + j v X h p a v Kal +puyiav, AV the conntry [RV region] of Galatiaand Phrygia'). The phrase in Acts 18 23 covers a larger extent of ground than does that of Acts 166 ; for the latter, we saw, fell NW. and W. of Lystra, but Derbe and Lystra are now included. The order of words is also important ; whereas in Acts 166 two

1 4 AapJAarov :UT' pdv & x L q T$S 'Aura4s Qpvyias.

3767

PHUD Acts 191 refers back to, and is an expansion of, the word Phrjyian (+pu$av) in Acts 1823.

Phrygia is also mentioned in Acts 2 io(on thislist, see PONTUS). If we are not to admit here a cross-division (the names of Roman provinces being used indiscriminately with pre-Roman national divisions emhraced hy them), Phrygia must he taken to stand for Galatia ; I'h~ug'a Galaticu being, from the point of view of Jews, the most important part of the Phrygian province (cp Acts 13 qf: 14 I).

Christianity was introduced into Galatic Phrygia by Paul and Barnabas on the 'first missionary journey' (Acts

PIBESETH

5. Christianity 1314$, Pisidian Antioch ; Acts 141$, in Phrygia. Iconiuni ; both revisited, 1421). On

the ' second journey' Paul and Silas traversed Asian Phrygia, probably from (Pisidian) Antioch to Dorylzeum (Acts 166J See MYSIA) ; but no public prexhing was attempted as they were ' for- bidden to preach the word in Asia.' On the ' third journey,' Phrygin Galaaticu was traversed a fourth time, and Phvygiu ilsiana a second time; but we have no record of the establishment of churches in the latter region. There is, however, no reason at all for imagin- ing that the churches of the Lycus valley (Colossae, Laodiceia, and Hierapolis) were the earliest foundations in Phrygia; although it is clear from Rev. I r r that Laodiceia was the representative church, at any rate in SW. Phrygia, in the first century A.13. The tradition that Bartholoniew was the apostle of the Lycaones makes i t probable that central Phrygia was the scene of his lahours, for the Lycaones lay NW. of Synnada (Rams. Citie-r and Rish. Phrygia. 2709). In the history of Christianity in Asia Minor. Phrygia holds an important place, and from it comes a larger number of inscriptions claimed a3 Christian than from any other part of the world except Rome itself.

Christianremainscomr:fromfour dktricts : (1)central Phrygia, the region of the Pentapolis. From it comes the famous tomh- inscription of Avircius Marcellus, hishop or preshytsr of Hiera- polis (192 A.U.) . l He was the leader of the anti-hlontanistparty, a 'disciple of the pure Shepherd, who feedeth flocks of sheep on mountains and plains ' who ' with Paul for a companion followed while Faith led the Cay' (Rams. Cities and Bish. ofP/zrygia, 2 7098); (2) the districts of Eumeneia and Apameia; (3) Iconium and the country N. and NE. from it (Rams. H i s f . Conrm. on Gal. 2 2 0 ) ; (4) N. Phrygia, the valley ofthe Tembris (Rams. Ex#m., 1888, ?4orJ ) .

' These facts point distinctly to three separate lines of Christian influence in Phrygia during the early centuries. The first comes up the Mzander valley, and reaches on different lines as far as Akmonia, and the Pentapolis and Apameia and Pisidian Antioch ; the second belongs to Lycaonia and the extreme SE. district ; the third belongs to the NW. The spheres of these three influences are separated from each other by belts of country where early Christian inscriptions are non-existent ' (Ranis. Cit. and B5L. 2511). Ramsay would trace all three centres to a Pauline source (ibid. and 715). The persecution of Diocletian practically destroyed Christianity throughout Phrygia.

See Ramsay's monumental work, The Cities and Bish. of Ph?yKia, of whichonlytwoparts-i., LycosValley ; ii., West and West-Central Phrygia-have as yet appeared.

PHUD (@oyA [BKA]), Judith 223AV, RV Pu~(g.v .1 . PHURAH, RV Purah (???; as if ' v a t ' ; cp 283

Judg. 7 2 5 , but see below ; @ap& [BA4L]), Gideon's attendant, or armour-bearer, Judg. 7 I O / That a mere attendant's name is recorded, is remarkable. Purah must either be, or spring from, some clan-name, either 3:: (see GIOEON, I , n. z, PUAH), or more probably Ophrah (Judg. 6 11 etc. ) or Ephrath. Cp MEONENIM,

PHURIM ( a p o y p a l [BLB]), Esth. 11 I, AV. See

PHUT (B.1B). Gen. 106 I Ch. 1 8 AV, RV PUT (4.v.). 1 [The view that this inscription owes its origin to a Christian

is extremely doubtful. A mass of literature on the suhject is cited, for example, in Rev. de ?h<st. des rcl. 1897, 418f: The most noteworthy defence of its pagan origin is insietrich, Die Gra6schrlfi des Aberkios, Leipsic, 18g6.1

w. J. w.

MOREH. T. K. C.

PURIM.

3769

PHUVAH (nl?), Gen. 4613 AV, RV PUVAH= I Ch.

PHYGELLUS, RV better, Phygelus ( a y r s h o c .

7 1 PUAH (4.v.).

KCD), is mentioned in 2 Tim. 1151. beside Hermogenes as having become alienated from Paul. Pseudo-Doro- theus speaks of both (see HERMOGENES), and represents Phygelus as having been a follower of Simon (Magus), and afterwards bishop of Ephesus. Otherwise the voice of legend is silent.

PHYLACTERIES (@~A&KTHPI&) , Mt. 23s. See

PHYLARCHES (0 @~AAPXHC) , 2 Macc. 832 RVmg.,

PHYSICIAN (K61, Gen. 502 etc.; I&TPOC, Mt.912

FRONTLETS.

AV PHILARCHES, RV ' the phylarch.'

etc. ). See MEDICINE.

PIBESETH (npa+g ; ~ O y ~ a c T o c [B.4rI. CTOMh ~ ~ n e l p & [Q] ; Bubastus), a city of Egypt which along

with On - Heliopolis is threatened with Name* destruction by the Babylonian armies

(Ezek. 3017). In view of the connection with cities on the Western frontier of the Delta (Tahpanhes, v. 18) and the renderings in the versions, we must recognise here the famous city not far from the W. entrance to G'oshen. Its ruins, which are still known as Tel(1) Basta, are situated just S. of the modern city and railway-centre ZakBzik.

The earliest Egyptian name of the city was ( PL')bst' (signification unknown), probably to be pronounced UbFset. The place acquired a religious importance so high that its divinity, a cat (sometimes also in form of a lioness) or cat-headed goddess, had no other name than ( W)bstt,2 U6astet, ' the one of Ubeset.' Later, the city was called 'house (or temple)3 of Ubastet,' P (originally Per)-ubaste(t). The Greek rendering of this form changes the P to B, as always before w , ~ and drops the ending in accordance with the vulgar pronunciation. The Coptic version of the OT gives the rather old form $,oyBaceI. The Hebrew orthography has hardly been handed down correctly ; it is certainly influenced by the analogy of *s, ' mouth,' (cp @Q as above). Besides, the vocalisation -des& instead of -bast must have been introduced a t a quite recent date after an analogy of Hebrew grammar. Originally, the name must have been pronounced by the Hebrews also like Pubast(e?). The modern shorten- ing Basfa(h) is as old as the Arabian conquest.

Our knowledge of Bubastus has been greatly increased by the excavations of Ed. Naville, in the winters

1887-89, described in Memoir 8 of 2. the Egypt Exploration Fund (1891).

where also the literature relating to the city and its history are collected.

The city, the capital of the eighteenth nome of Lower Egypt, must have been very old. Naville found remains of buildings by the pyramid-builders Cheops and Chephren (@wfw[i?] and @a'f&). At a still earlier date, the local goddess U6nsfet-Bubastis (presupposing the existence of the city) is mentioned in the texts of the pyramids (cp EGYPT, 46). This goddess was called Artemis by the Greeks; the

. Cp Brugsch, Dirt. Geox. 206.

The singular freedom of Egyptian writing allows the suppression of the ini- tial in the common orthography. Occas- ionally, however, it is written, and the

Notice that the classical writers ' give Buhastlrs for the city, Buhastis for the goddess.

The confusion between the forms which, unfortunately now prevails, is due to Herodotus, who does not distinguish (in the present text).

4 form of the name is made certain by the foreign transcriptions.

4 C p ETHAM. ' '

3770

PICTURES Egyptians emphasised her joyous and benign nature as contrasted with various warlike goddesses in lioness- form. Cp the feasts of Bubastis at which hundreds of thousands of pilgrims from all Egypt assembled for the revelries so vividly described by Herodotus (260). Of course, the goddess, like all important divinities, soon received a solar character, and one of her chief titles is, ‘ eye of the sun-god,’ by which evidently she is designated as the sun-disk itself. The cat was sacred to Bubastis, and consequently there was near the city an enormous cemetery for cats (and ichneumons), which in our prosaic time has been exploited for manure. That the cat was considered sacred not only in Bubastus hut also throughout all Egypt proves the general worship of Bubastis. Male divinities worshipped along with her were Nefer-tem and Ma-hes, in lion-forms.

Various kings of all dynasties (6, 12, etc.) built a t Bubastus, even the Hyksos-rulers Heyan and Apopi ; above all, however, the pharaohs of dynasty 22

among whom Lower Egypt had completely gained the upper hand over the Thebaid. Osorkon 11. erected there a very large hall in commemoration of one of those jubilee-festivals called (zeb-sid by the Egyptians, 7praKovraaT4pt6es ( Inscr. Rosettana, 3) by the Greeks. See for the curious sculptures of that building Memoir I O of the Egypt Exploration Fund. The twenty-second and twenty-third dynasties seem to have had their residence in Bubastus ; for the question, why Manetho calls them Bubastide kings, see EGYPT, 64. Herodotiis gives a very impressive description of the temple. Later it was enlarged by Nectanebes (Ne/LtnFbef), one of the last Egyptian kings. Diodorus (1649) narrates the capture of the place by the generals of Artaxerxes Ochus. Although the Greek and Roman rulers do not seem to have expended much on the temple, Bubastus continued to be a flourishing city down to Arab times. Diiring the middle ages, it was abandoned ; the present ruins do not offer many attractions to tourists.

W. M. M.

PICTURES. I. ni”?v, W i y y a t k , Is. 2 16, RV ‘imagery,’ RVmr. ‘watch-

towers.’ ‘ Figured works’ would be the most natural rendering ; but we expect something tall to he mentioned. There seems to he corruption in the text. ‘Ships of Tarshish’ in n. 16a cannot be right ; they do not come in at all naturally after ‘high towers and ‘steep walls.’ Tocorrect ni*?p into niipD, ‘ships’(Siegfr.- Stade), is therefore unsatisfactory, even apart from the fact that this word, well known in Aramaic, only occurs in the late Book of Jonah 1 (Jon. 16). We can hardly defend it by @BKA m b a v BCuv rrhoiov KC~AAOUS, which is paraphrastic. See EBONY,’ $ z (e).

2. ni’jl$F, ~lraikbiyyatk. (a ) Nu. 33 5 2 (uKorrca i ) , rather ‘fignred(stones),’asRV; cpLev.261, n.3V.a ?>N, ‘figuredstone’

The rendering is found only in AV.

(AVw., RV), and see IDOL, $ 13 (6) Prdv.2511 (on @ see BASKET), RV ‘baskets ’ ; hut the ‘baskets of silver ’ are as doubtful as the ‘pictures.’ See BASKET.

PIECE OF MONEY, PIECE OF SILVER, or OP GOLD. I. “F’kq, &ii@ (Gen. 33 19 and I I Josh. 24 32 [RV ; AV has

‘pieces of silver’]; also Job 4211). A doubtful reading. See KESITAH.

2. manip, Mt. 1727t AV, E V w ‘stater,’RV SHEKEL (pa.). 3. I D ? n$is, ’dg8rath kdseSepk (b@oAoS dwvpiov ; numinuin

argenteum, I 8 . 2 36 ; EV ‘ a piece of silver ’). Doubtful (see SPELT).

4. I n 2 K. 5 5 E V has ‘six thousand [pieces] of gold’ for nuw 331 o.&. RVw. suggflsts ‘shekels’ for ‘pieces’; cp Zech. 11 IZJ ‘[pieces] of silver.

5. I n Lk. 158 f: the ‘piece of silver’ is G p a x p G (EVW ‘ drachma ; a coin worth about eightpence ’ ). The ‘ pieces of silver ’ of Mt. 26 15 27 3f are hpydpra ; the fifty thousand pieces of silver in Acts 19 19, apyvpiov p v p i & s ~ C V T S .

PIGEON ($fiJ, Gen. 159 ; n!V, Lev. 128). See DOVE, FOWL.

PI-HAHIROTH (llicn3-93 ; in Ex. THC E T T A Y ~ E W C [BAFL], in Nu. CTOMA snipwe [Bl, CT. a p W B

See MONEY.

1 Gunkel (SckCjJ 50) thinks ni.?i to be a rare word for ‘ships ’ ; but his theory has no solid basis.

3771

PILATE, PONTIUS [BabAFL] ; Phihahiroth) Ex. 142 g Nu. 337 ; also HAHIROTH (nVn;! ; alpwe [BAFL] ; Phihahiroth) Nu. 338. See EXODUS i., 5 IT ; also BAAL-ZEPHON, and MIGDOL, I.

PILATE, PONTIUS (TTONTIOC T T I ~ A T O C rrrsl- AATOC KBDI).

In Mt. 27 2 TICLA&TW r i Ijyep6vr ; thereafter 8 TIerhGso~ or b $yep& simply ; Mk. f5 I ‘ I I c L A & T ~ simply, thereafter b 11. ; Lk.

3 I +pVovdovroc TIovriov I I E L A ~ T O V (here only 1. Name and Acts 427 t h e double name); for the title

a d titles. cp 20 20 : in other places 6 rI. as in 23 I 8 or 11. simply (as also in Acts3 13); Jn. ISzg f l

has 4 27 onlv b TI. The Nf, as above shown, uses only the title f iy~pdu,

= Lat. prmes, a general term (cp fiyepovla used in Lk. 3 I of the emperor, in w.hich place it is translated ‘reign,’ EV), used also by Josephus in speaking of the ’governor ’ of Judzea (Ant . xviii. 31, § 55). Josephus also often employs the word 8aapxos (Ant. xix. 92, 363) or Bmp~h7pjs (Ant . xviii. 42, § 89) ; but the specific title of the governor of Judrea was procuratov, in Greek Bai- ~ p o ~ o s , and so he is called by Jos. Ant. xx. 62, 132, 231 ii. 81, 169 and elsewhere (cp Tac. Ann. 1544-the only passage in which Pilate is mentioned by a Roman writer). For an account of this office see PROCURATOR.

Pilate’s birthplace is unknown ; hut the legends offer an ample choice (Muller, P o d Pil. 48J ). His nomen Pontius suggests a connection with the famous Samnite family of the Pontii ; his cognomen Pilatus, if it were really derived from the word pileutus (pilleatus), ‘wearing the piZZeus, or felt cap of the manumitted slave,’ would suggest the taint of slavery in the history of his family (cp the case of Felix, who although actually only a freedman held the procuratorship of Judaea). The word Pilatus may, however, just as probably he connected with pilutus (piZum) or pi laha ( p i h ) , either of which derivations would start us upon a very different train of imagination, the conclusion of which would equally have no historical validity whatever.

On the death of Archelaus in 6 A.D. his kingdom, which had included Judzea, Saniaria. and Idumrea, was made a Czesarian province (see HEROD [FAMILY], 8). Of the seven procurators who administered the province between 6 A.D. and 41 A.D. Pontius Pilate was the fifth ; he held office for ten years (26-36 A. D. Cp Jos. Ant. xviii. 42, 5 89).

According to Philo, Agrippa I. in his letter to Caligula describes Pilate as inflexible, merciless, and a. StorJr of obstinate’ (T+Y $6uiv ~ K U ~ T + S ai p ~ d

TOO ab0dsous ~ ~ E ~ ~ L K T O S ) , and charges him with ‘ corruption. violence, robbery,

image* ill-usage,oppression, illegalexecutions,and never-ending most grievous cruelty ’ (Phil. Leg ad Caium, 38). The few incidents recorded of his career are supposed to furnish completely satisfactory evidence of this undoubtedly overdrawn characterisation. So ‘ the very first act by which Pilate introduced himself into office was characteristic of him who treated with contempt the Jewish customs and privileges ’ (Schurer, G3Y 1 4 w ; ET i. 283). In order to satisfy Jewish scruples it was a standing order that the image of the emperor borne upon Roman military standards should he removed before troops entered Jerusalem ; hut on one occasion, probably soon after Pilate’s entry upon office, it was discovered that this rule had been evaded by a detach- ment which had entered the city by night (Jos. Ant. xviii. 3 I , For five days Pilate was deaf to the protestations of the crowd which gathered before his palace a t Caesarea. On the sixth day the malcontents were surrounded by troops in the race-course ; but their fanatical obstinacy was proof against this display of power, and Pilate was obliged to give way. It was his first experience of that strange intractable temper which made the Jews so difficult to govern; he learnt now, a t the outset of his career as governor, how far the people were prepared to go for

3772

117, 92,

imperial

56 ; BJii. 92, § 169).

PILATE, PONTIUS PILDASH the sake of their religious scruples. That a massacre of the mob was seriously contemplated, it would be foolish to assert ; for the imperial system was a sensible attempt to govern by means of sensible men. The utmost that can be extracted from the narrative, in our ignorance of the exact circumstances of the breach of regulations, is the conclusion that the procurator erred through inexperience of the people and an inopportune insistence upon a point of honour. Pilate's Roman sentiments must claim weight equally with the punctilios of the Jewish mob ; but this is often overlooked.

The other instances of friction will be found upon a fair review to bear a very different interpretation from that usually put upon them.

The treasure accumulated in the temple was in part appropriated for the construction of an aqueduct to

3. Other Jerusalem. This excited vehement opposi- stories. tion, and a visit of the procurator to the

city was made the occasion of a great popnlar demonstration. Pilate having received previous information of the intended outburst issued the necessary orders, and the soldiers mingling with the crowd dispersed the rioters with bludgeons, and effectually silenced all open opposition to the scheme; this was uot accomplished without some loss of life (Jos. Ant. xviii. 3 z ; BJ ii. 94).

The incident to which reference is made in Lk. 131 ( ' the Galilreans, whose blood Pilate had mingled with their sacrifices ') is not elsewhere recorded. When accmunt is taken of the disrurhed state of the country, due to the fanatical mutual hatred of the various religious groups (cp, for example, the act of the Samaritans who threw bones into the temple just before the Passover in order to pollute it-Jos. Ant. xviii. 22, Q 30 ) , we must recognise in the incident only the strong hand of a governor concerned to carry out impartially the duty which was in fact the prime requirement of a provincial governor-the maintenance of order (cp Ranisay, W a s C h i s t born a t BethZekem ? 174f. ). The permanent difficulty of this task in the case of Jndzea is evidenced by the insurrection in which Barabhas had been prominent (Mk. 157 Lk. 2319) , and also by that collision between the government and the Samaritans which led to Pilate's recall. These Samaritans, under the leadership of an impostor, who promised to reveal the sacred utensils which were supposed to be concealed on Mt. Gerizini since the time of Moses, gathered in great numbers armed a t the mountain, but were dispersed with bloodshed by Pilate's troops, and those of repute and influence among them executed. The Samaritans made complaint to Vitellius, who had come as legatus to Syria, and Vitellius sent Pilate to Rome to answer for his conduct, making over the administration of Judza to Marcellus (Jos. Ant. xviii. 42).

The true nature of the two incidents last sketched is clear. Upon the whole, we must refuse to subscribe to

4. Pilate's administration.

that unfavourableverdict which has been passed upon Pilate on the strength of evidence derived from hostile sources,

whether Jewish or Christian. The peculiar misfortune of Pilate, that he was connected with the tragedy of Jesus (see ROMAN EMPIRE), has resulted in all treat- ment of his career being merely a search for evidence in support of a foregone conclusion. His ten years' tenure of office (a length of tenure equalled only by that of his predecessor Valerius Gratus, 15-26 A.D. ) is evidence of the general success of his administration ; for the reason assigned by Josephus (Ant . xviii. 6 5 ) , that long tenure was due to deliberate intention on the part of Tiberius to secure if possibIe a mitigation of official rapacity, on the principle that ' it is better to leave the gorged flies on a sore than to drive them off' is simply foolish if taken as more than thejeu d'esprit of a mal- content (for other assigned reasons, cp Tac. Ann. l SO). Pilate's suspension and dismissal to Rome just before the death of Tiberius (Tac. Ann. 6 3 2 ) proves only the greatness of the pressure brought to bear upon the

newly-appointed legate of Syria, or at most the desire on the part of the central government to go still farther on a path of conciliation, signs of which tendency had not been wanting even before this event. For Pilate had already been compelled by imperial mandate to remove to Czsarea certain votive shields, without figures, gilded only and inscribed with the emperor's name, which he had huug up in the palace a t Jerusalem. 'less for the honour of Tiberius than for the annoyance of the Jews,' as the letter of Agrippa I. unfairly puts it (Philo, Leg. ad Caiufn, 3 8 ) . This was probably after the death of Seianus (31 A . D . ) if it be true that Seianus was an arch-enemy of the Jews (cp Schiirer, GVf 1411 ; E T i. '286 note). Here a corrcct interpretation will see, not ' a piece of purely wanton bravado on the part of Pilate,' but a small concession on the part of his imperial master overriding and correcting the attitude of a subordinate, in deference to a petition supported by powerful names. This new departure was entered upon very energetically by Vitellius (for the details, see Jos. Ant. xviii.43), and had its natural sequel in the favour shown by Caligula to Agrippa I. and the great advancement of Agrippa by Claudius (see HEROD, FAMILY OF, Q 12).

Pilate has woii notoriety through his connection with the trial and sentence of Jesus (Mt. 2 7 z J Mk. 15.f. ; more fully in Lk. 23 ~ f . Jn. 1828f: adds much to the Synoptic accounts).

Refore he reached Rome Tiberius was dead (Jos. Ant. xviii. 42). Various 5. Legends. traditions were current. Eusehius (L'hron.

and H E 27) asserts, on the authority of unnamed Greek or Roman chroniclers, that he fell into such misfortunes under Caligula that he committed suicide. In the apocryphal Mors Pilati, his suicide follows upon his condemnation to death by Tiberius for his failure to save Jesus. His body was cast into the Tiber ; but evil spirits disturbed the water so much that it was carried to Vienna ( Vienne) and cast into the Rhone, and after various vicissitudes, ended in the re- cesses of a lake on Mt. Pilatus, opposite Lucerne (for this legend and its origin, see Muller, Pont. Pil. 82f. ; Ruskin. Mod. Point. 5 128). In the apocryphal IIapd- doors DrXdsov it is related that Tiberius called Pilate to account for the crucifixion of Jesus and condemned him to death ; and both he and his wife died penitent, and were assured of forgiveness by a voice from heaven (see Tisch. E'vang. Apocr. 449f:). According to other accounts, Pilate's execution occurred under Nero (so Malalas. ed. Dind. z5oJ ; and authorities quoted by Schurer, op. cit. 88 n. ). The tendency of the tradition to represent both Pilate and his wife as embracing Christianity is easily understood, and is in contrast with the unsympathetic estimate of later times (cp Tertull. Ap. 21, jam pro sua conscientia Chistianus. ' already in conviction a Christian,' at or immediately after Jesus' death ; Gosp. of Nic. 2 ; Orig. Nom. on Mt. 35 ; Stan- ley, East. ch. 13). Tradition gives the name of Pilate's wife as Claudia Procula or Procla, and by some she has been identified with the Claudia mentioned in z Tim. 4 21.

G. A. Muller, Ponfius Pilafirs der f f t e Proczrator von J&u, etc., 1888 ; with full list to date of the literature on

Pilate. Arnold, Die neronische Cht istenver- 6. Literature.fl'ng, 116f: Articles in Exflos. ser. 2. vol.

8 (1884), 1c7f: (Cox), and ser. 6, vol. I (IW) 5 9 3 (hlacgregor). Taylor Innes, Trial ofJesus Chvist, L legal Mono rap& 1899. The many Lives of C h i s f may also be consulterf but with little profit as regards obtaining a correct view of Pilate himself. For the so-called Acts ofPiZnfe (Gospel of Nicodenzus) consult J. C. Thilo, Codex upocr. NT i., 1832, 1183 4 8 7 3 ; R. A. Lipsius, Die Pilatus-Ahfen, 1871.

See, further, ROMAN EMPIRE. Of Pilate's end nothing is known.

W. J. W. PILDASH (~;)B), b. NAHOR (Gen. 2222 : +AAAAC

[AD'PL], -A [D"]). The name, however, looks doubtful, and may have been partly assimilated to the name q h which follows (Che.).'

1 Dillniann (adloc.) citesa Nab. name )vi$fi; but the reading is more than doubtful

3774 3773

philologus-pildash

Documents

b b gesch

country b

egyptian origin

hastings d b

j ulia

imperial household c

egyptian desert

egyptian answer