philippine-us military relations post 9/11
TRANSCRIPT
-
8/6/2019 Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11
1/21
PPHHIILLIIPPPPIINNEE--UU..SS.. MMIILLIITTAARRYY RREELLAATTIIOONNSS PPOOSSTT--99//1111::
Implications for Philippine Security Policy in the Context of an Emergent China
A research paper presented to
DR. CAROLINA G. HERNANDEZ
And the faculty of the College of Social Sciences and Philosophy
of the University of the Philippines, Diliman
In partial fulfillment of the requirements for
Political Science 280 (Problems in Philippine Foreign Relations)
Submitted by
TAN, AVEMAR T.
2002-05695
19 October 2010
-
8/6/2019 Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11
2/21
Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11 TAN, Avemar T. 2 | P a g e
Introduction to the Study:
When two commercial flights commandeered by alleged Islamic terrorists collided with
the World Trade Center in New York on September 11, 2001, the horrific sight generated,
among others, pledges of support from the allies of the United States. The Philippines, under the
leadership of then President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo was one of those who promptly answered
George W. Bushs call for action and the nation found itself embroiled in the ensuing Global
War on Terror as part of the Coalition of the willing.
While West Asia served as the main battlefield, Southeast Asia was likewise gaining
reputation as the Second Front of this war on terror. The Abu Sayyaf, a local group operating
in Southern Mindanao who were once characterized by President Arroyo as a gang of money-
crazed bandits became one of the organizations that were included in the list of international
terrorists, and were discovered to have links with other alleged terrorist groups operating in the
region specifically Jemaah Islamiyah. Other accounts reported that insurgent groups in Southern
Mindanao including the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) had ties with the Al Qaeda and
with Osama Bin Laden and that camps set up in the area were being used as training facilities for
new recruits. These reports did not go unnoticed and with it came the US realization that the
Philippines was crucial in the success of the Global War on Terror. Subsequently, the US
provided significant funding for security assistance and in addition, the annual Balikatan
combined Military Exercises held in the Philippines were expanded to include counter-terrorism
focused mainly against the Abu Sayyaf in Southern Mindanao.
Arguably, foreign and security policies of states, especially of one as influential a player
in the international arena as the United States have significant impacts on the policies of others in
the playing field. As such, in light of the recent turn of events, particularly the 9/11 Attacks, and
the renewed importance the Philippines plays in the United States security agenda, there is a
need to determine what specific changes are observable in the Philippine-US Military
relationship and, on the basis of other international developments, what implications these
changes could bring with it.
-
8/6/2019 Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11
3/21
Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11 TAN, Avemar T. 3 | P a g e
A. Statement of the Problem:
It is a widely held notion that the 9/11 Attacks, which constituted the single most
important new development in the security environment of the recent decade were what
prompted George W. Bush to expand and strengthen US military posture. While this research
does not assume a casual relationship between the Attacks and the increased robustness of U.S.
Military posturing, the veracity of the alleged changes in the Philippine-US military relationship
is examined to determine if there is truth to the popular belief that reinvigoration of ties did
occur.
Furthermore, this research explores the implications of such an intensified military
relationship between the Philippines and the United States. This research is based on the
following hypothesis:
After 9/11, the US expanded and strengthened its military relationship
with the Philippines and in turn, this reinvigoration of the military ties between
the two states has significant implications for Philippine security policy and
foreign relations especially towards an emerging China.
B. Objectives of the Research:
1. This research intends to demonstrate how the security policy pronouncements of theUnited States, being the most significant player in international affairs at this point in
time, affects the security policies and strategies employed by less influential nations and
its allies
2. This research also aims to show the reader that developing an independent securitypolicy, one that is devoid of foreign influences and considerations is unlikely since states
exist within a larger community where the actions, decisions and events in one state
would have profound effects and influences on the policies and decisions of another
-
8/6/2019 Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11
4/21
Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11 TAN, Avemar T. 4 | P a g e
A Brief History of Philippine-American Relations:
The Philippines has had a long history with the United States, which began in 1898 when
Spain ceded the Philippines to the Americans through the Treaty of Paris, ending the Spanish-
American War and marking the beginning of what would be the American Occupation of the
archipelago that was to last until 1946.1
Shortly after regaining its independence, the Philippines entered into a treaty with the
United States granting the latter the right to retain the use of the bases in the Philippines for a
period of 99 years, to permit the US to use such bases as the latter may determine according to
military necessity and to enter into negotiations with the US concerning the expansion of such
bases.2 These bases had proven to be strategically valuable in fending off the Japanese invasion
and in arresting the continued advance of the Axis forces during the Second World War where
Filipino soldiers fought side by side with the American troops.3 The 1957 Mutual Defense Treaty
formalized and further solidified the military alliance between the two countries.4
The Philippines strategic importance was further highlighted during the Cold War where
the country was promoted as Americas shining example of democracy and capitalism. As an
American ally, the Philippines would send its troops in various conflicts that involved the United
States particularly those which took place in the Korean Peninsula and Vietnam.5
1Dio, Dino C. (2007) The Philippines as a Major Non-NATO Ally and the War on Terror. A Research submitted to
the Faculty of the Air Command And Staff College, Air University. Alabama: Maxwell Air Force, pp. 2-5
Felix, Victor A. (2005) Philippine-US Relations: Challenges and Opportunities After 9/11. Pennsylvania: US Army
War College, Carlisle Barracks, pp. 1-4
Lum, Thomas and Larry A. Niksch (2009) The Republic of the Philippines: Background and US Relations.
Congressional Research Service Report for Congress. 15 January 2009, p. 12
Ibid., Felix, pp. 1-43
Docena, Herbert (2007)b At the Door of all the East: the Philippines in United States Military Strategy. Focus on
the Philippines: Special Report No. 2, November 2007. Quezon City: Focus on the Global South, p. 14
Ibid., Felix, pp. 1-4; Dio, p. 2-5
De Castro, Renato Cruz (2003) Special Relations and Alliance Politics in Philippine-US Security Relations, 1990-
2002 in Asian Perspective, Vol. 27 No. 1, pp. 137-1645
Ibid., Felix, pp. 1-4; Dio, pp. 2-5; De Castro, pp: 137-164
-
8/6/2019 Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11
5/21
Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11 TAN, Avemar T. 5 | P a g e
A Decline in the Alliance:
By 1988 however, the deadlock in the Philippine-US base review coupled with a Soviet
proposal to forge a naval arms control agreement with the United States altered American
foreign policy and a debate on the strategic importance of Philippine bases ensued in
Washington.6
The reduction of the threat emanating from the Soviet Union prompted the US to
reassess its security strategy wherein the reduction of forward deployment was eyed.7
Thus,
Philippine demands for higher base-related compensation did not generate positive responses
from the United States who, by May of 1990 was already of the position that although the
presence of the bases were extremely desirable.. these were no longer vital to American
ability to fulfill Washingtons defense commitments in the Pacific Theater.8
Despite this however, the Philippine Senates rejection of the proposed Philippine-
American Treaty of Friendship extending the presence of the US Military Bases placed a dent in
the relationship of the two allies and in the following years, there was a marked decline in
Philippine-US relations which was characterized as having become essentially moribund.9 The
withdrawal of US forces from the Philippines dealt a significant blow in the US capacity to
project its power in the region and warned that it would be difficult to guarantee the external
defense of the Philippines since US forces had lots a facility from which they could
operate.10
Although the formal military alliance covered by the Mutual Defense Treaty of 1957 was
not rescinded, relations cooled and were limited to the Joint Military Exercises that had been
held annually since 1981 and which had been drawn up in accordance with Article II of the
6 Op. cit., De Castro (2003) pp. 137-164
Peachy, Shane (2003) Are the USAs National Interests in the Asia Pacific Region Sufficient to Keep America
Engaged in the Region as the 21st
Century Progresses? In The AustralianDefence Force Journal, No. 161,
July/August 2003 pp. 23-277
Op. cit., De Castro (2003) pp. 137-164; Peachy (2003) pp. 23-278
Ibid., De Castro (2003) pp. 137-1649
Banlaoi, Rommel C. (2002) The Role of Philippine-American Relations in the global campaign against terrorism:
Implications for regional security in Contemporary Southeast Asia, August 2002.10
Op. cit., De Castro (2003) pp. 137-164
-
8/6/2019 Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11
6/21
Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11 TAN, Avemar T. 6 | P a g e
Treaty.11 By 1995 however, even these exercises which included a series called the Balikatan
was placed on an indefinite hold and only small-scale exercises with no more than twenty US
personnel were permitted.12
The United States turned to the Philippines neighbors and was able
to secure contracts with Singapore, Thailand and Malaysia which granted US access to various
ports where its planes and ships may dock for refueling or repairs, despite being able to assure
that there would be no power vacuum in the region which might permit the rise of a regional
Asian hegemony the strength of its presence in the region had been significantly reduced.13
The Impetus for the Revival
During the first quarter of 1995, approximately three years after the last of the American
troops left Subic Naval Base in 1992, the Philippine government discovered the presence of
large man-made structures on the Mischief Reef, which comprise part of the contested features
on South China Sea that were the subject of ongoing territorial disputes with China and a number
of ASEAN member countries as well.14 These structures had been built by the Chinese but they
alleged that these were simply shelters built by Chinese fishermen plying the South China Sea.15
According to former Senator Orlando Mercado during one of his speeches in December 1998,
Chinas defense build up is a major regional concern that has prompted the Philippines to
strengthen its ties with the US16
In addition to the external threat of an increasingly expansionist China, it was likewise
uncovered that beginning in the late 1980s Osama Bin Laden had been building networks,
dummy foundations and terrorist cells in the Philippines to develop, finance, plan and set into
motion, a series of terrorist attacks that would target a number of American commercial airline
11Op. cit., Docena (2007)b
12 Radics, George Baylon (2004) Terrorism in Southeast Asia: Balikatan Exercises in the Philippines and the US War
against Terrorism in Southeast Asian Journal, Vol. 4 No. 2 May 2004, p. 11813
Op. cit., Peachy (2003)14
Severino, Rodolfo C. (2007) Southeast Asia in Search of an ASEAN Community: Insights from the former ASEAN
Secretary-General. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, pp. 180-18915
Ibid., Severino (2007), pp. 180-18916
Mercado, Orlando S. (1998) The New Context of Philippine-American Relations in Changing Tides: Rethinking
Philippine-American Relations in the New Global Environment. Proceedings of the 2nd
Seminar in the Carlos P.
Romulo Foundation for Peace and Development, Foreign Policy Series held last December 3-4, 1998, Makati City.
-
8/6/2019 Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11
7/21
Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11 TAN, Avemar T. 7 | P a g e
carriers and also, assassinate the Pope during his visit to Manila.17 It was in 1995 when these
series of terrorist attacks dubbed as the bojinka plots were exposed due to a freak accident in
an apartment in Manila involving a number of explosives and unstable chemicals18
.
These multiple threats: Chinese encroachment on Philippine territory, the documented
resurgence of communist insurgency and the subsequent exposure of terrorist plots that have
been subsequently traced to Osama Bin Ladens networkprovided the impetus for the
Philippines to reconsider negotiations with the US for a treaty which could operationalize the
existing Mutual Defense Treaty.19
The Philippine Senate would go on to ratify the Visiting Forces Agreement in 1999
which provided the legal framework for the resumption of joint military exercises and substance
to the existing Mutual Defense Treaty.20 This marked what would essentially be the beginning of
the revival of the military relations between the two states and by the following year, the
Balikatan Exercises which had been discontinued in 1996, restarted.21
9/11 and the Global War on Terror:
With the September 11th
Attacks in 2001, which took place under the administration of
President George W. Bush, came fundamental change in the global security environment.22
Terrorism emanating from non-state and not readily identifiable actors turned into the foremost
threat that confronted the international community.23
In addition, observers note that as a result
17Ressa, Maria A. (2003) Seeds of Terror: An Eyewitness Account of Al Qaedas Newest Center of Operations in
Southeast Asia. New York: Free Press.
Abuza, Zachary Tentacles of Terror: Al Qaedas Southeast Asian Network in Contemporary Southeast Asia, Vol.
24, 2002. Accessed through:www.questia.com/PM.qst%3Fa%3Do%26d%3D5002516117Accessed on: 25 July 2009
Op. cit., Banlaoi, 200218 Op. cit., Ressa (2003); Abuza (2002)19
Estrada, Joseph Ejercito (1998) Shaping Philippine-American Relations for the Future Relations in Changing Tides:
Rethinking Philippine-American Relations in the New Global Environment. Proceedings of the 2nd
Seminar in the
Carlos P. Romulo Foundation for Peace and Development, Foreign Policy Series held last December 3-4, 1998,
Makati City.20
Op cit., Banlaoi, (2002)21
Op. cit., Felix (2005)22
Op. cit., Dio (2007)23
Ibid.,Dio (2007)
http://www.questia.com/PM.qst%3Fa%3Do%26d%3D5002516117http://www.questia.com/PM.qst%3Fa%3Do%26d%3D5002516117http://www.questia.com/PM.qst%3Fa%3Do%26d%3D5002516117http://www.questia.com/PM.qst%3Fa%3Do%26d%3D5002516117 -
8/6/2019 Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11
8/21
Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11 TAN, Avemar T. 8 | P a g e
of 9/11 the United States seemed to have given more attention to Southeast Asia than in the
preceding 25 years and in particular, to its military relationship with its oldest Asian ally, the
Philippines.24
Shortly after the Attacks, Philippine President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo pledged her
support for the United States saying that the Philippines is prepared to go every step of the
way, committing specific and concrete assistance to the United States which included allowing
US and Coalition Forces transiting the area to use Philippine air space, sea lanes and military
facilities including both Clark Airfield and Subic Naval Base.25
In addition, President Arroyo
expressed the countrys readiness and willingness to deploy support and medical personnel and
combat forcesif requested by the United Nations.26 These moves were seen by some as a way
by which the Philippines maximized its renewed alliance with the United States to combat
existing and persistent threats of terrorism and Islamic extremist insurgency particularly in
Southern Mindanao where peace has yet to be achieved.27
Evidences of the Reinvigoration of Philippine-American Military Relations:
Not long after the first attacks against the Taliban in Afghanistan who were allegedly
harboring Osama Bin Laden and the al Qaeda group whom the Americans pinpointed as the
mastermind behind the grim 9/11 Attacks, the Philippines gained the reputation of being the
second front in the Global War on Terror. The acquisition of this label was brought about by
definitive proof linking the Abu Sayyaf Group and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front who have
24The Stanley Foundation. (2004) US Security Relations with Southeast Asia: A Dual Challenge. Policy Bulletin.
March 11-12, 2004, Washington D. C. Accessed through:
www.stanleyfoundation.org/publications/pdb/SEAa04pb.pdfAccessed on: 4 September 2010.25
Lander, Mark (2002) Philippines Offers US its Troops and Bases in The New York Times. October 2, 2001, p. 5
Niksch, Larry (2007) Abu-Sayyaf: Target of Philippine-US Anti Terrorism Cooperation. CRS Report for Congress.
January 24, 2008. Congressional Research Service, p. 1
Thayer, Carlyle A. (2005) Internal Conflict and Terrorism in Southeast Asia: Regional Responses and US
Leadership. A paper presented to the panel on Internal Conflict an Terrorism in Southeast Asia: Assessing the
Effectiveness of Regional Responses and US Leadership. 46th
International Studies Association Annual Convention,
Hilton, Hawaiian Village, Honolulu, Hawaii, USA, March 1-5, 2005. Accessed through:
www.allacademic.com/meta/p71023_index.htmlAccessed on: 4 September 2010.
Op. cit., Dio (2007); Banlaoi, (2002)26
Op. cit., Thayer (2005)27
Op. cit., Banlaoi (2002)
http://www.stanleyfoundation.org/publications/pdb/SEAa04pb.pdfhttp://www.stanleyfoundation.org/publications/pdb/SEAa04pb.pdfhttp://www.allacademic.com/meta/p71023_index.htmlhttp://www.allacademic.com/meta/p71023_index.htmlhttp://www.allacademic.com/meta/p71023_index.htmlhttp://www.stanleyfoundation.org/publications/pdb/SEAa04pb.pdf -
8/6/2019 Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11
9/21
Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11 TAN, Avemar T. 9 | P a g e
been operating in Southern Mindanao to the Jemaah Islamiyah and the al Qaeda, both of whom
were included in the list of international terrorist organizations. Subsequently, the Abu Sayyaf
was also included in this list and became the subject of Philippine-US Anti-Terrorism
Cooperation.28
The Philippine governments decision to involve itself in the American-led war on
terrorism was seen as a deliberate and calculated move to generate support and financial aid from
the United States to help contain the Islamic extremist insurgency in Southern Mindanao that has
dragged on for decades.29
Indeed, acknowledging the Philippines support for the Global War on Terror and in
recognition of the potential threat of Islamic extremism in Southern Mindanao and nearby states
with a considerable large Muslim population specifically Indonesia and Malaysia, George W.
Bush committed to working with the US Congress to increase Foreign Military Financing (FMF)
to the Philippines from $1.9 Million in 2001 to $19 Million for the fiscal year 2002 and to
sustain such an increase until 2003.30 In addition, George W. Bush promised an additional $10
Million in defense goods and/or services to assist the Armed Forces of the Philippines and
another $10 Million to support counterterrorism and law enforcement assistance.31
According to Philippine National Security Adviser Roilo Golez, actual assistance in 2002
increased to $20 Million and to $78.65 Million in 2003.32
These figures made the Philippines the
largest US military aid recipient in Asia for the said period.33
Aside from this, the US
government provided $2.4 Million in 2003 for International Military Education and Training and
$93.2 Million worth of excess military equipment.34
28Op. cit., Niksch (2007)
29Op. cit., Banlaoi (2002)
30 Singh, Daljit (2002) The Post September 11 Geostrategic Landscape and Southeast Asian Response to the
Threat of Terrorism. September 2002. Accessed through: http://www.iseas.edu.sg/pub.html Accessed on 4
September 2010. Op. cit., Dino (2007); Felix (2005); Lum and Niksch (2009);31
Op. cit., Dino (2007); Felix (2005); Lum and Niksch (2009); Singh (2002); Banlaoi (2002)32
Op. cit., Dino (2007); Felix (2005); Lum and Niksch (2009); Singh (2002); Banlaoi (2002)33
Op. cit., Dino (2007); Felix (2005); Lum and Niksch (2009); Singh (2002); Banlaoi (2002)34
Golez, Rolio (2005) RP-US Collaboration Against Terrorism, in Philippine Historical Association Historical
Bulletin Volume 35 (2001-2003). Quezon City: New Day Publishers.
Op. cit., Dino (2007); Felix (2005); Lum and Niksch (2009); Singh (2002); Banlaoi (2002)
http://www.iseas.edu.sg/pub.htmlhttp://www.iseas.edu.sg/pub.htmlhttp://www.iseas.edu.sg/pub.html -
8/6/2019 Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11
10/21
Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11 TAN, Avemar T. 10 | P a g e
Aside from financial assistance for the Philippine military, the United States government
also extended direct support missions against domestic terrorist groups. For instance, the
Balikatan exercises conducted between January 15 to July 31, 2002 which involved anywhere
between 1,650 to 2,665 US military personnel were conducted, for the first time, in hostile areas
in Southern Mindanao such as Basilan and Zamboanga, and was targeted against a specific
group, the Abu Sayyaf.35
These were noteworthy modifications on the original Balikatan Series
that began in as early as 1981.36
Another significant change in the Balikatan Exercises held in
2002 was the inclusion, in its terms of reference, a provision which allowed US forces to
engage in combat if done so in self-defense.37
Herbert Docenas Focus on the Global South Report entitled Unconventional Warfare
documents a number of other changes in the Philippine-US military cooperative exercises post
9/11 such as the involvement of Special Operations Forces, and the launching of a Joint Special
Operations Task Force for the Philippines which is distinct from the regular joint combined
training exercises held in the country and evolved from the Balikatan Exercises conducted in
2002. 38 The JSOTF-P, unlike previous exercises, operated in areas where there are actual
hostilities and explicitly targets the Abu Sayyaf and elements of Jemaah Islamiyah and has been
packaged in the overall context of the Global War on Terror.39
In addition to the Balikatan, a number of other Joint Military Exercises also underwent
changes after 9/11. For instance, HANDA, an annual war game designed to enhance RP and US
bilateral planning was shifted its focus on the defense of the Philippines against an external
attack.40
35Docena, Herbert (2007)a Unconventional Warfare: Are US Special Forces engaged in an offensive war in the
Philippines? Focus on the Philippines: Special Report No. 1, January 2007 Quezon City: Focus on the Global South.
Op. cit., Niksch (2007)36
Op. cit., Dino (2007)37
Op. cit., Dino (2007); Golez (2005), Docena (2007)a38
Fargo, Thomas B. (2003) Statement of Admiral Thomas B. Fargo, Commander US Pacific Command before the
House Armed Services Committee on US Pacific Command Posture regarding Operation Enduring Freedom-
Philippines, March 12, 2003. Accessed from:http://www.globalsecurity.orgAccessed on: 4 September 2010.
Op. cit., Docena (2007)a39
Op. cit., Docena (2007)a40
Op. cit., Dino (2007)
http://www.globalsecurity.org/http://www.globalsecurity.org/http://www.globalsecurity.org/http://www.globalsecurity.org/ -
8/6/2019 Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11
11/21
Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11 TAN, Avemar T. 11 | P a g e
Aside from conceptualizing and putting into motion a number of other joint military
exercises, the Philippines, in November 2002, acceded to the Mutual Logistics Support
Agreement (MLSA) which allowed the United States to use the Philippines as a supply base for
military operations throughout the region.41
In October 2003, recognizing the Philippines dedication and commitment to the Global
War on Terror, George W. Bush designated the country as a Major Non-NATO Ally (MNNA).
This meant that the Philippines would become eligible for:
priority delivery of excess defense articles, stockpiling of US defense articles, purchase of depleted uranium anti-tank rounds, participation in cooperative
research and development programs and participation in the Defense Export
Loan Guarantee program that backs up private loans for commercial defenseexports.42
For the Philippines, becoming a Major Non-NATO Ally meant the following
concessions: $30-Million dollar grant for equipment and training of the Armed Forces of the
Philippines for counter terrorism, a $25-Million dollar grant for training a combat engineering
unit and for military assistance in the war on terror and another $30-Million dollar grant for
development assistance in conflict areas in Mindanao.43
According to Lt. Col. Dino Dio, the
designation of the Philippines as MNNA represents the best chance for the Philippines to
accelerate its military capability development.44
The Philippines clearly acquired a number of concessions in its reinvigorated military
relationship with the US following 9/11 since Gloria Arroyos pledge of support for the GWOT
boosted the Philippine-US bilateral relations and security cooperation and led to the grant of
about $100 Million in military and economic aid as well as $1 billion worth of trade benefits.45
Thus, the Global War on Terror provided the driver to elevate RP-US defense relationship to a
new level comparable to that of the early years of the Cold War.46
41Op. cit., Lum and Niksch (2009)
42Op. cit., Dio (2002)
43Ibid., Dio (2002)
44Ibid., Dio (2002)
45Op cit., Singh (2002)
46Op. cit., Dio (2002)
-
8/6/2019 Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11
12/21
Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11 TAN, Avemar T. 12 | P a g e
The desire for enhanced military relations from the perspective of both the United States
and the Philippines, however, predate the 9/11 Attacks. Even prior to the US Presidential
elections of the year 2000, for instance, Condoleeza Rice had made statements reflecting the
Republican Partys penchant to employ military power in pursuit of national interests.47
From
the Philippine perspective on the other hand, the external threats and domestic insurgencies
previously noted exposed the need for US military support.
The Angelo dela Cruz Hostage Incident, A Bump to a New Direction:
The renaissance of the Philippine-US Military Alliance, however, ran into difficult
ground when, in July 2004 a Filipino overseas worker by the name of Angelo dela Cruz was
kidnapped in Iraq and held hostage in exchange for the withdrawal of the Philippine
humanitarian and peacekeeping contingent station in the said country. This was a classic
example of how Philippine security policy, by way of committing support for the Global War on
Terror threatened to compromise Philippine Foreign Policy prioritizing the safety of its OFWs.
This case also clearly illustrated how international affairs could potentially affect domestic
moves and decisions. What happened to Angelo dela Cruz likewise highlighted the potential
detrimental effects of Philippine involvement in the Global War on Terror, specifically that it
increased the risk for Filipino workers stationed in predominantly Islamic states especially since,
at this time, the GWOT had been increasingly although erroneously packaged as a war against
Islam. Weighing the consequences of her options, President Arroyo chose to give in to the
hostage takers demand and withdrew the Philippine contingent in exchange for the safe return of
Angelo dela Cruz.48
The incident had the effect of dousing the rekindled Philippine-American
relationship with cold water and the Philippines decision was negatively received by the
Coalition.49
47Rice, Condoleeza (2000) Promoting the National Interest in Foreign Affairs 79, No. 1 (January/February 2000).
Birkel, Franz-Josef, Warren Karle and David Welch (2003) The Effects of the Bush Doctrine on Commitments and
Alliances in South-East Asia in The Australian Defence Force Journal, No. 161 July/August 2003.48
De Castro, Renato Cruz (2009) Domestic Woes and Overseas Tactics in the Philippines. Accessed through:
http://wwwglobalasia.org/V4N3_Fall_2009/Renato_Cruz_De_Castro.htmlAccessed on 4 September 2010.49
Ibid. de Castro (2009)
http://wwwglobalasia.org/V4N3_Fall_2009/Renato_Cruz_De_Castro.htmlhttp://wwwglobalasia.org/V4N3_Fall_2009/Renato_Cruz_De_Castro.htmlhttp://wwwglobalasia.org/V4N3_Fall_2009/Renato_Cruz_De_Castro.html -
8/6/2019 Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11
13/21
Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11 TAN, Avemar T. 13 | P a g e
Anticipating another reversal in US attitude towards the Philippines, the Arroyo
government proceeded to increase its engagement with China and to wean itself from tendencies
to depend on the United States.50
Although Philippine relations with China has been marred by the territorial dispute
involving certain features on the South China Sea and the past conflicts of the bi-polar world
order of the Cold War, the Philippine policy of strategic engagement with China which followed
the official resumption of diplomatic ties in 1975, considerably improved bilateral relations and
in economic terms, China has even become the countrys 3rd
largest trading partner.51
In
September 2004, shortly after the Angelo dela Cruz incident that took place in July and the
negative opinion which it brought about, President Arroyo visited China and concluded a
Memorandum of Understanding on Defense Cooperation.52 Between 2004 and 2005 there were a
number of high-level exchange visits between the two countries and a number of large contracts
were awarded to Chinese contractors including, for instance, the contract on the rehabilitation of
the North Rail and the provision of a Philippine National Broadband Network.53
Even prior to his reelection in November 2004 however, George W. Bush extended a
conciliatory hand to the Philippine government and reaffirmed its military relations with the
Philippines by deepening its ties with the latter further through its support for the Philippine
Defense Reform.54
In addition to this, in November 2004, President Bush likewise expressed his
continued confidence in the Arroyo Administration by nominating and supporting the
Philippines for the post of Chairman of the Anti-Terrorism Task Force in the Asia Pacific
Economic Conference (APEC).55
50Morada, Noel M. (2009) The Rise of China and Regional Responses: A Philippine Perspective in The Rise of
China: Responses from Southeast Asia and Japan. Ed. Jun Tsunekawa. NIDS Joint Research Series No. 4 Tokyo: The
National Institute for Defense Studies.51
Ibid., Morada (2009),
Baker, Carl (2004) China-Philippines Relations: Cautious Cooperation. Special Assessment: Asias Bilateral
Relations. Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies, October 2004. Accessed through:www.apcss.org/.../China-
PhilippinesRelationsBaker.pdfAccessed on: 4 September 2010.52
Op. cit., Morada (2009)53
Ibid., Morada (2009)54
Op. cit., Lum and Niksch (2009)55
Op. cit., Lum and Niksch (2009); Thayer (2005)
http://www.apcss.org/.../China-PhilippinesRelationsBaker.pdfhttp://www.apcss.org/.../China-PhilippinesRelationsBaker.pdfhttp://www.apcss.org/.../China-PhilippinesRelationsBaker.pdfhttp://www.apcss.org/.../China-PhilippinesRelationsBaker.pdfhttp://www.apcss.org/.../China-PhilippinesRelationsBaker.pdfhttp://www.apcss.org/.../China-PhilippinesRelationsBaker.pdfhttp://www.apcss.org/.../China-PhilippinesRelationsBaker.pdfhttp://www.apcss.org/.../China-PhilippinesRelationsBaker.pdf -
8/6/2019 Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11
14/21
Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11 TAN, Avemar T. 14 | P a g e
Nonetheless, despite these developments in Philippine-US Military relations, the
Philippines chose to also engage in security relations with China and in May 2005, the Philippine
government signed agreements relating to annual defense and security dialogues, training of
Filipino soldiers by Chinese troops, Chinese technical assistance for the AFP and the provision
of $ 6-million dollars worth of non-lethal military equipment.56
Analysis: Implications for Philippine Foreign and Security Policy towards an Emergent China
While the Philippine Armed Forces is clearly in an abysmal state and warrants both
financial and technical support not to mention training in modern techniques of defense and
warfare, the reinvigoration of Philippine-US military relations framed in the context of the
Global War on Terror carries with it, the potential of dragging the country into compromising
situations worse than the Angelo dela Cruz incident. Continued US engagement in Southern
Mindanao has for instance internationalized an otherwise domestic conflict and opens the doors
for furthering anger and extremism among a misunderstood Muslim population which might
drive them further into the arms of radicalism and anti-Americanism. In addition, this
internalization of the issue has the potential of expanding the number of players and the
Philippines may find itself embroiled in conflict with groups and non-state actors who are in
reality the enemies of the United States and not the Philippines per se. Also, considering the
Philippines foreign policy of labor deployment, of which a vast number of those working
overseas do so in predominantly Muslim countries, and others, as news reports show have made
it well into restricted conflict areas such as Afghanistan and Iraq, the danger that Philippine
involvement in the drawn-out Global War on Terror poses on these contract workers remain
high.
On the other hand, since the evidence shows that the American penchant for expanding
its military posture in world (Asia Pacific included) was actually established prior to 9/11 and
was partly in response to the emergence of China as a regional power, the Chinese perception of
the threat posed by the United States on Chinese ability to expand in the region may likewise
compromise Philippine standing considering that the Philippines maintains both economic and
56Op. cit., Morada (2009)
-
8/6/2019 Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11
15/21
Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11 TAN, Avemar T. 15 | P a g e
military relations with both. It is a fact that though China and the United States have become
somewhat interdependent economically with China being the US largest creditor and the latter
as the largest market of Chinese goods, there remains unresolved issues between the two states.
A clear example of this is their relations with Taiwan.
In its Defense White Paper published in the year 2000, China clearly viewed American
reengagement in the Asia Pacific as an attempt to constrict Chinese activities in the region and
expressed alarm at the US strengthening [of] its military presence and bilateral alliances in the
region.57
Hillary Clintons statement last July 2010 during the ASEAN Regional Forum in
Hanoi where she reiterated that it is in the United States interest and in the interest of all
counties who rely on the trade route through South China Sea that freedom and safety of
navigation and over flight in the South China Sea is maintained has likewise been taken by China
as a threat. 58
Such a threat perception may further lead to Chinese feelings of insecurity thus leading to
a classic case of the security dilemma in which China would expand and improve its military
capability to counter the perceived external threat posed by the United States. Indeed, the recent
Chinese action and their subsequent announcement of their successful attempt of planting the
Chinese Flag in an unspecified portion of the South China Sea in August of this year and the
recent visit of North Korean leader Kim Jong Il to China during the same month are Chinese
attempts to flex its muscle.59
This is especially after considering that differences over US
57Banlaoi, Rommel C. (2003) The Philippines in China-US Relations: A Strategic Assessment. A paper presented to
the Institute of Asia Pacific Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, August 10-16, 2003.58
Thayer, Carlyle A. (2002) Background Brief: China, the United States and the Balance of Power in Asia Accessed
through:http://www.viet-studies.info/kinhte/Thayer-China-US-Balance-of-Power-in-Asia.pdfAccessed on: 4
September 2010
___. (2010) Beijing hits out at US comments on South China Sea. Inquirer Global Nation Website. Accessed
through:http://globalnation.inquirer.net/news/breakingnews/view/20100726-283224/Beijing-hits-out-at-US-
comments-on-South-China-SeaAccessed on: 4 September 201059
Reuters (2010) ChinaPlants Flag in South Sea Amid Disputes. Reuters Website. Accessed though:
http://af.reuters.com/article/worldNews/idAFTRE67P11320100826Accessed on: 4 September 2010;
The Associated Press (2010) China, North Korea Confirm Kim Jong Il Visit. CBS News Website. Accessed through:
http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2010/08/30/world/main6819364.shtmlAccessed on 4 September 2010
http://www.viet-studies.info/kinhte/Thayer-China-US-Balance-of-Power-in-Asia.pdfhttp://www.viet-studies.info/kinhte/Thayer-China-US-Balance-of-Power-in-Asia.pdfhttp://www.viet-studies.info/kinhte/Thayer-China-US-Balance-of-Power-in-Asia.pdfhttp://globalnation.inquirer.net/news/breakingnews/view/20100726-283224/Beijing-hits-out-at-US-comments-on-South-China-Seahttp://globalnation.inquirer.net/news/breakingnews/view/20100726-283224/Beijing-hits-out-at-US-comments-on-South-China-Seahttp://globalnation.inquirer.net/news/breakingnews/view/20100726-283224/Beijing-hits-out-at-US-comments-on-South-China-Seahttp://globalnation.inquirer.net/news/breakingnews/view/20100726-283224/Beijing-hits-out-at-US-comments-on-South-China-Seahttp://af.reuters.com/article/worldNews/idAFTRE67P11320100826http://af.reuters.com/article/worldNews/idAFTRE67P11320100826http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2010/08/30/world/main6819364.shtmlhttp://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2010/08/30/world/main6819364.shtmlhttp://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2010/08/30/world/main6819364.shtmlhttp://af.reuters.com/article/worldNews/idAFTRE67P11320100826http://globalnation.inquirer.net/news/breakingnews/view/20100726-283224/Beijing-hits-out-at-US-comments-on-South-China-Seahttp://globalnation.inquirer.net/news/breakingnews/view/20100726-283224/Beijing-hits-out-at-US-comments-on-South-China-Seahttp://www.viet-studies.info/kinhte/Thayer-China-US-Balance-of-Power-in-Asia.pdf -
8/6/2019 Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11
16/21
Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11 TAN, Avemar T. 16 | P a g e
arms sales to Taiwan and the activities of US military ships in Chinas Exclusive Economic Zone
have seen a rupture in militarytomilitary relations between the two states.60
Indeed, America has viewed heightened Chinese engagement and perceived
expansionism in Southeast Asia as a threat to its freedom of navigation and US security
predominance and some analysts view China as a potential strategic adversary in the Asia
Pacific Region.61 Consequently, Americas decision to improve its ties with its allies in the Asia
Pacific has been interpreted as an attempt to counterbalance China.62
Conclusion and Recommendation:
This paper thus concludes that indeed, there is evidence showing that there has been a
reinvigoration of military relations between the Philippines and the United States which included
increased financial assistance for improving military capability; the expanded, refocused and
more frequent joint military exercises held in the Philippines; the inclusion of conflict areas as
venues for joint military exercises and the provision of various military equipment, helicopters
and fighter planes for Philippine use. This research further concludes that in the context of a
sensitive balance in the Chinese-American relations of whom both are valuable allies for the
Philippines, the marked improvement in the military alliance between the Philippines and theUnited States may easily be misconstrued by China as an attempt to curtail its expansion thus
creating a security dilemma that may effectively destroy the existing sensitive balance.
In such an environment where the Philippines may so easily be caught up in an ensuing
conflict between two giants, it is therefore in the best interest of the country if not all states, to
continuously engage China positively in various aspects in as much as the country also engages
the United States so as to prevent further insecurities on the part of China and so as to help
60Nasaw, Daniel and David Batty (2010) China retaliates over US arms sales to Taiwan Accessed through:
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jan/30/china-sanctions-taiwan-arms-salesAccessed on 4 September 2010
Op. cit., Thayer, Carlyle A.http://www.viet-studies.info/kinhte/Thayer-China-US-Balance-of-Power-in-Asia.pdf61
De Castro, Renato Cruz (2010) Empowering a New Era in the United States-Philippines Security Alliance in
Backgrounder, No. 2431, 28 June 2010. Massachusetts: The Heritage Foundation.
Allison, Graham T. and Robert Blackwill (2000) America's National Interests A Report from the Commission on
America's National Interests, p. 24.62
Op. cit., Peachy (2003)
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jan/30/china-sanctions-taiwan-arms-saleshttp://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jan/30/china-sanctions-taiwan-arms-saleshttp://www.viet-studies.info/kinhte/Thayer-China-US-Balance-of-Power-in-Asia.pdfhttp://www.viet-studies.info/kinhte/Thayer-China-US-Balance-of-Power-in-Asia.pdfhttp://www.viet-studies.info/kinhte/Thayer-China-US-Balance-of-Power-in-Asia.pdfhttp://www.viet-studies.info/kinhte/Thayer-China-US-Balance-of-Power-in-Asia.pdfhttp://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jan/30/china-sanctions-taiwan-arms-sales -
8/6/2019 Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11
17/21
Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11 TAN, Avemar T. 17 | P a g e
develop it into a responsible, benign regional power with a stake on maintaining regional peace
and security. It is in the Philippines interest to maintain cordial through not so dependent
relations with both states. However, the country must likewise be ready to swiftly maneuver
should the situation, in the far-off future, take a turn for the worse.
Since states do not exist in a vacuum and the current highly globalized world has
highlighted states interdependence and essentially the obsolescence of a foreign policy that is
truly independent of external considerations and influence, the Philippines decisions, foreign
and security policy moves must likewise be made cautiously and with due consideration of the
international environment. The Philippines decision to expand its alliances, although potentially
problematic in the future should the situation take a sharp turn for the worse, is likewise a bold
an strategic move which, if played well, may provide greater benefits for the country. Indeed in
an environment where nothing is certain and nothing is permanent, knowing the right moves and
the appropriate time to make them is the only way by which maximum benefits may be derived
from foreign and security policy decisions. It must however be kept in mind that such games are
best left to leaders or foreign policy developers who have vision, direction and a complete
understanding of the relations between various state and non-state actors in the international
community, something which the current Philippine administration has yet prove it possesses.
-
8/6/2019 Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11
18/21
Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11 TAN, Avemar T. 18 | P a g e
BIBLIOGRAPHY:
1. ___. (2010)Beijing hits out at US comments on South China Sea.Inquirer GlobalNation Website. Accessed through:
http://globalnation.inquirer.net/news/breakingnews/view/20100726-283224/Beijing-hits-
out-at-US-comments-on-South-China-SeaAccessed on: 4 September 2010
2. ___. (1999) The Visiting Forces Agreement: The Senate Decision. Pasay: The Senateof the Philippines.
3. Abuza, Zachary Tentacles of Terror: Al Qaedas Southeast Asian Network inContemporary Southeast Asia, Vol. 24, 2002. Accessed through:
www.questia.com/PM.qst%3Fa%3Do%26d%3D5002516117Accessed on: 25 July 2009
4. Allison, Graham T. and Robert Blackwill (2000) America's National InterestsAReport from the Commission on America's National Interests.
5. Baker, Carl (2004) China-Philippines Relations: Cautious Cooperation.SpecialAssessment: Asias Bilateral Relations. Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies,
October 2004. Accessed through:www.apcss.org/.../China-
PhilippinesRelationsBaker.pdfAccessed on: 4 September 2010.
6. Banlaoi, Rommel C. (2002) The Role of Philippine-American Relations in the globalcampaign against terrorism: Implications for regional security in Contemporary
Southeast Asia, August 2002.
7. Banlaoi, Rommel C. (2003) The Philippines in China-US Relations: A StrategicAssessment. A paper presented to the Institute of Asia Pacific Studies, Chinese
Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, August 10-16, 2003.
8. Birkel, Franz-Josef, Warren Karle and David Welch (2003) The Effects of the BushDoctrine on Commitments and Alliances in South-East Asia in The Australian Defence
Force Journal, No. 161 July/August 2003.
9. De Castro, Renato Cruz (2003) Special Relations and Alliance Politics in Philippine-USSecurity Relations, 1990-2002 in Asian Perspective, Vol. 27 No. 1
10.De Castro, Renato Cruz (2009) Domestic Woes and Overseas Tactics in thePhilippines. Accessed through:
http://globalnation.inquirer.net/news/breakingnews/view/20100726-283224/Beijing-hits-out-at-US-comments-on-South-China-Seahttp://globalnation.inquirer.net/news/breakingnews/view/20100726-283224/Beijing-hits-out-at-US-comments-on-South-China-Seahttp://globalnation.inquirer.net/news/breakingnews/view/20100726-283224/Beijing-hits-out-at-US-comments-on-South-China-Seahttp://www.questia.com/PM.qst%3Fa%3Do%26d%3D5002516117http://www.questia.com/PM.qst%3Fa%3Do%26d%3D5002516117http://www.apcss.org/.../China-PhilippinesRelationsBaker.pdfhttp://www.apcss.org/.../China-PhilippinesRelationsBaker.pdfhttp://www.apcss.org/.../China-PhilippinesRelationsBaker.pdfhttp://www.apcss.org/.../China-PhilippinesRelationsBaker.pdfhttp://www.apcss.org/.../China-PhilippinesRelationsBaker.pdfhttp://www.apcss.org/.../China-PhilippinesRelationsBaker.pdfhttp://www.apcss.org/.../China-PhilippinesRelationsBaker.pdfhttp://www.apcss.org/.../China-PhilippinesRelationsBaker.pdfhttp://www.questia.com/PM.qst%3Fa%3Do%26d%3D5002516117http://globalnation.inquirer.net/news/breakingnews/view/20100726-283224/Beijing-hits-out-at-US-comments-on-South-China-Seahttp://globalnation.inquirer.net/news/breakingnews/view/20100726-283224/Beijing-hits-out-at-US-comments-on-South-China-Sea -
8/6/2019 Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11
19/21
Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11 TAN, Avemar T. 19 | P a g e
http://wwwglobalasia.org/V4N3_Fall_2009/Renato_Cruz_De_Castro.htmlAccessed on 4
September 2010.
11.De Castro, Renato Cruz (2010) Empowering a New Era in the United States-PhilippinesSecurity Alliance in Backgrounder, No. 2431, 28 June 2010. Massachusetts: The
Heritage Foundation.
12.Dio, Dino C. (2007) The Philippines as a Major Non-NATO Ally and the War onTerror.A Research submitted to the Faculty of the Air Command And Staff College,
Air University. Alabama: Maxwell Air Force.
13.Docena, Herbert (2007)a Unconventional Warfare: Are US Special Forces engaged inan offensive war in the Philippines?Focus on the Philippines: Special Report No. 1,
January 2007 Quezon City: Focus on the Global South.
14.Docena, Herbert (2007)b At the Door of all the East: the Philippines in United StatesMilitary Strategy.Focus on the Philippines: Special Report No. 2, November 2007.
Quezon City: Focus on the Global South.
15.Estrada, Joseph Ejercito (1998) Shaping Philippine-American Relations for the FutureRelations in Changing Tides: Rethinking Philippine-American Relations in the New
Global Environment. Proceedings of the 2nd Seminar in the Carlos P. Romulo
Foundation for Peace and Development, Foreign Policy Series held last December 3-4,
1998, Makati City.
16.Fargo, Thomas B. (2003) Statement of Admiral Thomas B. Fargo, Commander USPacific Command before the House Armed Services Committee on US Pacific Command
Posture regarding Operation Enduring Freedom-Philippines, March 12, 2003. Accessed
from:http://www.globalsecurity.orgAccessed on: 4 September 2010.
17.Felix, Victor A. (2005) Philippine-US Relations: Challenges and Opportunities After9/11 A research paper presented to the US Army War College. Pennsylvania: US Army
War College, Carlisle Barracks.
18.Golez, Rolio (2005) RP-US Collaboration Against Terrorism, in PhilippineHistorical Association Historical Bulletin Volume 35 (2001-2003). Quezon City: New
Day Publishers.
19.Jackson, Robert L. and Philip Towle (2006) Temptations of Power: The United Statesin Global Politics after 9/11. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
http://wwwglobalasia.org/V4N3_Fall_2009/Renato_Cruz_De_Castro.htmlhttp://wwwglobalasia.org/V4N3_Fall_2009/Renato_Cruz_De_Castro.htmlhttp://www.globalsecurity.org/http://www.globalsecurity.org/http://www.globalsecurity.org/http://www.globalsecurity.org/http://wwwglobalasia.org/V4N3_Fall_2009/Renato_Cruz_De_Castro.html -
8/6/2019 Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11
20/21
Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11 TAN, Avemar T. 20 | P a g e
20.Lander, Mark (2002) Philippines Offers US its Troops and Bases in The New YorkTimes. October 2, 2001.
21.Lum, Thomas and Larry A. Niksch (2009) The Republic of the Philippines: Backgroundand US Relations. Congressional Research Service Report for Congress. 15 January
2009.
22.Mercado, Orlando S. (1998) The New Context of Philippine-American Relations inChanging Tides: Rethinking Philippine-American Relations in the New Global
Environment. Proceedings of the 2nd
Seminar in the Carlos P. Romulo Foundation for
Peace and Development, Foreign Policy Series held last December 3-4, 1998, Makati
City.
23.Morada, Noel M. (2009) The Rise of China and Regional Responses: A PhilippinePerspective in The Rise of China: Responses from Southeast Asia and Japan. Jun
Tsunekawa, ed. NIDS Joint Research Series No. 4 Tokyo: The National Institute for
Defense Studies.
24.Nasaw, Daniel and David Batty (2010) China retaliates over US arms sales to Taiwan Accessed through:http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jan/30/china-sanctions-taiwan-
arms-salesAccessed on 4 September 2010
25.Niksch, Larry (2007) Abu-Sayyaf: Target of Philippine-US Anti TerrorismCooperation. Congressional Research Service Report for Congress. January 24,
2008. Congressional Research Service.
26.Peachy, Shane (2003) Are the USAs National Interests in the Asia Pacific RegionSufficient to Keep America Engaged in the Region as the 21
stCentury Progresses? In
The Australian Defence Force Journal, No. 161, July/August 2003.
27.Radics, George Baylon (2004) Terrorism in Southeast Asia: Balikatan Exercises in thePhilippines and the US War against Terrorism in Southeast Asian Journal, Vol. 4 No.
2 May 2004
28.Ressa, Maria A. (2003) Seeds of Terror: An Eyewitness Account of Al QaedasNewest Center of Operations in Southeast Asia. New York: Free Press.
29.Reuters (2010) China Plants Flag in South Sea Amid Disputes.Reuters Website.Accessed though:http://af.reuters.com/article/worldNews/idAFTRE67P11320100826
Accessed on: 4 September 2010
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jan/30/china-sanctions-taiwan-arms-saleshttp://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jan/30/china-sanctions-taiwan-arms-saleshttp://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jan/30/china-sanctions-taiwan-arms-saleshttp://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jan/30/china-sanctions-taiwan-arms-saleshttp://af.reuters.com/article/worldNews/idAFTRE67P11320100826http://af.reuters.com/article/worldNews/idAFTRE67P11320100826http://af.reuters.com/article/worldNews/idAFTRE67P11320100826http://af.reuters.com/article/worldNews/idAFTRE67P11320100826http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jan/30/china-sanctions-taiwan-arms-saleshttp://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jan/30/china-sanctions-taiwan-arms-sales -
8/6/2019 Philippine-US Military Relations Post 9/11
21/21
30.Rice, Condoleeza (2000) Promoting the National Interest in Foreign Affairs 79, No. 1(January/February 2000).
31.Severino, Rodolfo C. (2007) Southeast Asia in Search of an ASEAN Community:Insights from the former ASEAN Secretary-General. Singapore: Institute of Southeast
Asian Studies.
32.Singh, Daljit (2002) The Post September 11 Geostrategic Landscape and Southeast Asian Response to the Threat of Terrorism. Website of the Institute for Southeast
Asian Studies September 2002. Accessed through: http://www.iseas.edu.sg/pub.html
Accessed on 4 September 2010.
33.Thayer, Carlyle A. (2002) Background Brief: China, the United States and the Balanceof Power in Asia Accessed through:http://www.viet-studies.info/kinhte/Thayer-China-
US-Balance-of-Power-in-Asia.pdfAccessed on: 4 September 2010
34.Thayer, Carlyle A. (2005) Internal Conflict and Terrorism in Southeast Asia: RegionalResponses and US Leadership. A paper presented to the panel on Internal Conflict an
Terrorism in Southeast Asia: Assessing the Effectiveness of Regional Responses and US
Leadership. 46th International Studies Association Annual Convention, Hilton, Hawaiian
Village, Honolulu, Hawaii, USA, March 1-5, 2005. Accessed through:
www.allacademic.com/meta/p71023_index.htmlAccessed on: 4 September 2010.
35.The Associated Press (2010) China, North Korea Confirm Kim Jong Il Visit.CBSNews Website. Accessed through:
http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2010/08/30/world/main6819364.shtmlAccessed on 4
September 2010
36.The Stanley Foundation. (2004) US Security Relations with Southeast Asia: A DualChallenge.Policy Bulletin. March 11-12, 2004, Washington D. C. Accessed through:
www.stanleyfoundation.org/publications/pdb/SEAa04pb.pdf Accessed on: 4 September
2010.
http://www.iseas.edu.sg/pub.htmlhttp://www.iseas.edu.sg/pub.htmlhttp://www.viet-studies.info/kinhte/Thayer-China-US-Balance-of-Power-in-Asia.pdfhttp://www.viet-studies.info/kinhte/Thayer-China-US-Balance-of-Power-in-Asia.pdfhttp://www.viet-studies.info/kinhte/Thayer-China-US-Balance-of-Power-in-Asia.pdfhttp://www.viet-studies.info/kinhte/Thayer-China-US-Balance-of-Power-in-Asia.pdfhttp://www.allacademic.com/meta/p71023_index.htmlhttp://www.allacademic.com/meta/p71023_index.htmlhttp://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2010/08/30/world/main6819364.shtmlhttp://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2010/08/30/world/main6819364.shtmlhttp://www.stanleyfoundation.org/publications/pdb/SEAa04pb.pdfhttp://www.stanleyfoundation.org/publications/pdb/SEAa04pb.pdfhttp://www.stanleyfoundation.org/publications/pdb/SEAa04pb.pdfhttp://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2010/08/30/world/main6819364.shtmlhttp://www.allacademic.com/meta/p71023_index.htmlhttp://www.viet-studies.info/kinhte/Thayer-China-US-Balance-of-Power-in-Asia.pdfhttp://www.viet-studies.info/kinhte/Thayer-China-US-Balance-of-Power-in-Asia.pdfhttp://www.iseas.edu.sg/pub.html