pergamon altar

The western side of the Pergamon Altaras reconstructed in the PergamonMuseum in Berlin.

Pergamon AltarFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopediaThe Pergamon Altar is a monumentalconstruction built during the reign ofKing Eumenes II in the rst half of the2nd century BC on one of the terraces ofthe acropolis of the ancient city ofPergamon in Asia Minor.The structure is 35.64 metres wide and33.4 metres deep; the front stairwayalone is almost 20 metres wide. The baseis decorated with a frieze in high reliefshowing the battle between the Giantsand the Olympian gods known as theGigantomachy. There is a second, smallerand less well-preserved high relief friezeon the inner court walls which surroundthe actual re altar on the upper level ofthe structure at the top of the stairs. In a set of consecutive scenes, it depictsevents from the life of Telephus, legendary founder of the city of Pergamon andson of the hero Heracles and Auge, one of Tegean king Aleus's daughters.In 1878, the German engineer Carl Humann began ocial excavations on theacropolis of Pergamon, an eort that lasted until 1886. The excavation wasundertaken in order to rescue the altar friezes and expose the foundation of theedice. Later, other ancient structures on the acropolis were brought to light.Upon negotiating with the Turkish government (a participant in the excavation), itwas agreed that all frieze fragments found at the time would become the propertyof the Berlin museums.In Berlin, Italian restorers reassembled the panels comprising the frieze from thethousands of fragments that had been recovered. In order to display the resultand create a context for it, a new museum was erected in 1901 on Berlin'sMuseum Island. Because this rst Pergamon Museum proved to be bothinadequate and structurally unsound, it was demolished in 1909 and replacedwith a much larger museum, which opened in 1930. This new museum is stillopen to the public on the island. Despite the fact that the new museum was hometo a variety of collections beyond the friezes (for example, a famousreconstruction of the Ishtar Gate of ancient Babylon), the city's inhabitantsdecided to name it the Pergamon Museum for the friezes and reconstruction ofthe west front of the altar. The Pergamon Altar is today the most famous item inthe Berlin Collection of Classical Antiquities, which is on display in the PergamonMuseum and in the Altes Museum, both of which are on Berlin's Museum Island.

Coordinates: 390752N 271102E

Pergamon Altar - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Perga...

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Karl Humann's 1881 plan ofthe Pergamon acropolis

Contents1 The altar in antiquity

1.1 Historical background1.2 The endowment, dating andfunction of the altar1.3 The altar until the close of antiquity

2 From discovery to presentation in Berlin2.1 From antiquity to 19th centuryexcavations2.2 The Pergamon Altar in Berlin

3 Altar construction and design3.1 The Gigantomachy frieze

3.1.1 East frieze3.1.2 South frieze3.1.3 West frieze (left side, at thenorth risalit)3.1.4 West frieze (right side, at thesouth risalit)3.1.5 North frieze

3.2 The Telephus frieze3.3 The collection of statues

4 Relationship to other works of art5 The artists6 Reception7 Notes8 For further information

The altar in antiquityHistorical backgroundThe Pergamene kingdom founded by Philetaerus at the beginning of the 3rd


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Larger-than-lifesculptured headpresumably ofAttalos I, fromearly in the reignof Eumenes II.

century BC was initially part of the Hellenistic Seleucidempire. Attalus I, successor and nephew of Eumenes I, wasthe rst to achieve full independence for the territory andproclaimed himself king after his victory over the CelticGalatians in 228 BC. This victory over the Galatians, a threatto the Pergamene kingdom, secured his power, which he thenattempted to consolidate. With conquests in Asia Minor at theexpense of the weakened Seleucids he could briey increasethe size of his kingdom. A Seleucid counteroensive underAntiochos III reached the gates of Pergamon but could not putan end to Pergamene independence. Since the Seleucids werebecoming stronger in the east, Attalos turned his attentionwestward to Greece and was able to occupy almost all ofEuboea. His son, Eumenes II, further limited the inuence ofthe Galatians and ruled alongside his brother Attalos II, whosucceeded him. In 188 BC, Eumenes II was able to create theTreaty of Apamea as an ally of Rome, thus reducing theinuence of the Seleucids in Asia Minor. The Attalids were thus an emergingpower with the desire to demonstrate their importance to the outside worldthrough the construction of imposing buildings.The endowment, dating and function of the altarAs is the case with most young dynasties, the Attalids sought to anchor theirlegitimacy with endowments and monumental construction projects. The imposingaltar accordingly had also a political dimension.Up until the second half of the 20th century it had been assumed by somescholars that the altar was endowed in 184 BC by Eumenes II after a victory overthe Celtic Tolistoagian tribe and their leader Ortiagon.[1] In the meantime, laterdatings relating the altar to archaeological ndings and historical events areunder discussion. It is not imperative to connect the altar endowment withspecic military events such as the Roman victories over Antiochos III in 184 BCin alliance with Eumenes II, or Eumenes II's own victory over the Galatians in 166BC. Investigation of the altar's construction and friezes has led to the conclusionthat it was not conceived as a monument to a particular victory. The design ofPergamene victory monuments is known from the literature and monument relics.The most famous are Roman copies of bronze statues of the "Great Gaul",representations of defeated Celts after the victory of Attalos I over theTolistoagians, or reliefs showing booty weapons from the halls of the PergameneAthena sanctuary, which was dedicated by Eumenes II to the goddess whobrought victory after the triumph over the Seleucids and their allies in 184 BC.The so-called Gigantomachy frieze on the outside walls of the Pergamon altaravoids to a great extent any direct references to contemporary military


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campaigns except for the "Star of Macedonia" on the round shield of one of thegiants on the eastern frieze, or a Celtic oblong shield in the hand of a god on thenorthern frieze. The struggle of the Olympian gods, supported by Heracles, theastrological deities governing the days and hours and originating in the ancientrace of the Titans, personications of the forces of war and fate, sea creatures,and Dionysus with his followers, appears much rather to be a cosmological eventof general ethical relevance. It can perhaps be interpreted in the sense ofstoicism, and was certainly not designed without political considerations, as wasthe case with all artistic image metaphors depicting the struggle between thegood and just principle the Olympian gods and their helpers and evil thechaotic forces of nature in the form of the earthbound giants. The scantyremnants of the dedicatory inscription also seem to indicate that the altar wasconsecrated to the gods because of "favors" they had bestowed. The divineaddressees could be especially Zeus, father of the gods, and his daughter Athena,since they appear in prominent locations of the Gigantomachy frieze. Animportant dating criterion is also the incorporation of the altar from theperspective of city planning. As the most important marble edice of theHellenistic residence and indeed erected in a prominent position, it was assuredlynot begun only at the conclusion of numerous initiatives to upgrade the acropolisof Pergamon under Eumenes II.That events from the last years of Eumenes II's reign, the increasing uncouplingfrom the Romans, and the victory over the Celts in 166 BC at Sardis are reectedin the two friezes of the Pergamon Altar is merely speculation that does notprovide a sucient foundation for a late dating of the altar.[2] The inner Telephusfrieze relates the legendary life of Heracles son Telephus and is meant to conveythe superiority of Pergamon compared with the Romans. Thus the founder ofRome, Romulus, was traditionally nursed only by a she-wolf, whereas Telephus, towhom the Attalids trace their ancestry, is shown in the frieze being suckled by ashe-lion.[2] It is estimated that the frieze was constructed between 170 BC and atleast the death of Eumenes II (159 BC).One of the last suggestions for dating the construction of the altar comes fromBernard Andreae.[3] According to his ndings, the altar was erected between 166and 156 BC as a general victory monument commemorating the triumphs of thePergamenes, and especially of Eumenes II, over the Macedonians, the Galatiansand the Seleucids, and was designed by Phyromachos, the seventh and last of thegreatest Greek sculptors, who included Myron, Phidias, Polykleitos, Scopas,Praxiteles and Lysippos. In the foundation of the altar a pottery shard was foundwhich could be dated to 172/171 BC; the building must accordingly have beenerected later. Since large amounts of money had to be spent on warfare until 166BC, it is likely that construction of the altar could only start from this date.Contrary to popular belief, the Pergamon Altar is not a temple, but probably thealtar of a temple, although altars were generally located outdoors in front of their


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Model of the 2nd century BCPergamon acropolis in thePergamon Museum in Berlin,which includes the Romanadditions. The altar is on aterrace near the center with itsstairway facing left (west)

temples. It is supposed that the Athena temple located on the acropolis terraceabove it may have been its cultic point of reference, and the altar possibly servedsolely as a place of sacrice. This theory is supported by several statue bases andconsecrating inscriptions found in the vicinity of the altar and whose donorsnamed Athena. Another possibility is that both Zeus and Athena were jointlyhonored. It could also be that the altar had an independent function. In contrastto a temple, which always had an altar, an altar did not necessarily have to have atemple. Altars could, for example, be quite small and placed in houses or, lesscommonly, have gigantic dimensions as in the case of the Pergamon Altar.[4] Thefew remnants of inscriptions do not supply enough information to determine towhich god the altar was dedicated.So far, none of these theories is generallyaccepted. This situation led a long-timedirector of excavations in Pergamon toconclude that:

No research is undisputed concerning thismost famous artistic masterpiece ofPergamon, neither the builder nor thedate nor the occasion nor the purpose ofthe construction. --Wolfgang Radt[5]

Just as uncertain is the nature of the sacricesmade there. Judging from the remains of theactual, relatively small re altar inside thehuge altar edice, it can at least be concludedthat its shape resembled a horseshoe. It wasapparently an altar with two projecting sidewings and one or several steps in front. Possibly the thighs of sacricial animalswere burned here. But it is just as possible that the altar served only forlibations the oering of sacrices in the form of incense, wine and fruits.[6] It islikely that only priests, members of the royal household and illustrious foreignguests were allowed access to the re altar.Already Attalos I began to remodel the acropolis of Pergamon. In the course oftime the original structures were augmented by a Dionysus temple, a theaternamed after Dionysus, a heroon, an upper agora for the city, and the great altarknown today as the Pergamon Altar. There were also several palaces, and alibrary in the Athena sanctuary.The altar until the close of antiquityProbably in the 2nd century, the Roman Lucius Ampelius recorded in his libermemorialis ("Notebook"), in Chapter VIII (Miracula Mundi), "At Pergamum there


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Laocon and His Sons in theVatican Museums

is a great marble altar, 40 feet (12 m) high, with colossal sculptures. It also showsa Gigantomachy".[7]

Besides a comment by Pausanias,[8] who compares sacricial practice in Olympiawith that in Pergamon, this is the only written reference to the altar in all ofantiquity. This is all the more surprising because the writers of antiquityotherwise wrote a great deal about such works of art and Ampelius, after all,considered the altar to be one of the wonders of the world. The absence of writtensources from antiquity about the altar has given rise to a number ofinterpretations. One possibility is that the Romans did not regard this Hellenisticaltar as important since it did not date from the classic epoch of Greek, especiallyAttic, art. Only this art and later evocation of the associated values wereconsidered signicant and worth mentioning. This view was held particularly byGerman researchers starting in the 18th century, especially after the work ofJohann Joachim Winckelmann became known.[9] The only graphic representationsof the altar are on coins of the Roman Empire, which show the altar in a stylizedform.

Ever since a reassessment of the perception andinterpretation of antiquities dating from other than"classical" periods took place in the course of the20th century, it is undisputed that the great altarof Pergamon is one of the most signicant works, ifnot the apex, of Hellenistic art. The uninformed,low opinion of the altar seems strange today. TheLaocon and His Sons in the Vatican Museums,one of only a very few sculptures which are todayregarded as especially ne examples of the art ofantiquity, and which was already in antiquitydeclared to be a "masterpiece surpassing all otherworks of painting and sculpture",[10] may be basedon an original that also came from a Pergameneworkshop and was created at about the same time

as the altar.[11] It is noteworthy that the opponent of the goddess Athena on theside of the Giants, Alcyoneus, strongly resembles Laokoon in posture andportrayal. When the frieze fragment was found, a cry was to be heard, "Now wehave a Laokoon too!"[12]

From discovery to presentation in BerlinFrom antiquity to 19th century excavationsThe altar lost its function at the latest in Late Antiquity, when Christianity


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Christian Wilberg:Ausgrabungen an derbyzantinischen Mauer; Pencildrawing with whitehighlighting; 29.8 x 46.7 cm,1879; Caption (translated):"Byzantine Wall. 5-6 meterswide. Here is where the rstfragments of the reliefs werefound. Pergamon 79"

replaced and suppressed polytheistic religions. In the 7th century the acropolis ofPergamon was strongly fortied as a defense against the Arabs. In the process thePergamon Altar, among other structures, was partially destroyed in order to reusethe building material. The city was nevertheless defeated in 716 by the Arabs,who temporarily occupied it before abandoning it as unimportant. It was onlyresettled in the 12th century. In the 13th century Pergamon fell to the Turks.[13]Between 1431 and 1444 the Italian humanist Cyriacus of Ancona visitedPergamon and described it in his commentarii (diary). In 1625 William Petty,chaplain to Thomas Howard, 21st Earl of Arundel, a collector and art patron,traveled through Turkey, visited Pergamon, and brought back to England tworelief panels from the altar. These pieces were forgotten after the Earl's collectionwas dispersed and were only rediscovered in the 1960s.[14] For this reason thesetwo panels are lacking in the Berlin reconstruction. Other travelers known tohave visited Pergamon during the late 18th and early 19th centuries were, forexample, the French diplomat and classical scholar Comte de Choiseul-Gouer,the English architect Charles Robert Cockerell and two Germans, thearchaeologist Otto Magnus von Stackelberg and the classical scholar OttoFriedrich von Richter. Choiseul-Gouer was the rst to propose excavations inPergamon; the other three travelers made drawings of the city's acropolis.

The German engineer Carl Humann came toPergamon for the rst time in 1864/65. He wascharged with geographic investigations andrepeatedly visited the city in the following years.He urged the preservation of the antiquities on theacropolis and attempted to nd partners to assistin an excavation; as a private person he was notequal to such a major task, lacking the nancialand logistic resources. It was important to beginexcavation work as soon as possible because thelocal inhabitants of Bergama (the modern name ofthe ancient city of Pergamon) were using the altarand other above-ground ruins as a quarry, werelooting the remnants of antique constructions inorder to erect new buildings, and were burningsome of the marble for lime. In 1871 the Berlinclassicist Ernst Curtius and several other Germanscholars came to Pergamon at Humman'sinvitation. He arranged to ship some of the nds toBerlin, including two fragments of the altar frieze.

He described the reliefs as (translated) "a battle with men, horses and wildanimals".[15] These pieces were put on display but were at rst largely ignored.Alexander Conze, who was appointed director of the sculpture collection of


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Berlin's royal museums in 1877, was the rst person to connect the fragmentswith the Ampelius text and realize their signicance. The timing was good,because the German government was anxious to match the other great powersalso on a cultural level after the German Empire was established in 1871:

It is very important for the museums collections, which are so far verydecient in Greek originals [] to now gain possession of a Greek workof art of a scope which, more or less, is of a rank close to or equal to thesculptures from Attica and Asia Minor in the British Museum.[16]

Conze immediately contacted Humann, who at the time was in Turkey working fora road construction company. Things then moved quickly. The Germangovernment arranged for a license to dig in Turkey and in September 1878excavations began, headed by Humann and Conze. By 1886, large parts of theacropolis had been investigated and in the following years also scienticallyappraised and published. Based on an agreement[17] between the OttomanEmpire and the German government, starting in 1879 the relief panels from thePergamon Altar along with some other fragments came to Berlin and into thepossession of the Collection of Antiquities. The German side was well aware thatby doing this a work of art was being removed from its original location and wasnot completely happy about this situation.

We are not insensitive to what it means to remove the remnants of agreat monument from their original location and bring them to a placewhere we can never again provide the lighting and environment inwhich they were created and in which they once conveyed their fulleect. But we did rescue them from a destruction that was becomingever more complete. There was not yet an Osman Hamdi Bey around,who soon became a close friend of Humann, and at the time we couldnot imagine what has become possible in the meantime with his help,that the ruins still at the site could be protected from the stone robbersof the modern city ...[18]

The Pergamon Altar in BerlinThe pieces could not initially be presented in an appropriate exhibition contextand were placed in the overlled Altes Museum, where especially the Telephusfrieze could not be well displayed (the individual slabs were simply leant againstthe wall facing the altar). For this reason a new purpose-built museum waserected. The rst "Pergamon Museum" was built between 1897 and 1899 by FritzWol and opened in 1901 with the unveiling of a bust of Carl Humann by AdolfBrtt. This building was used until 1908 but was regarded as being only aninterim solution and was accordingly called the "temporary building". Originallyfour archaeological museums were planned, one of them for the Pergamon Altar.But the rst museum had to be demolished because of problems with the


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First rough sketch by CarlHumann relating toreconstruction of thePergamon Altar, c. 1879

Reconstruction of thePergamon Altar in atemporary building, westernface, before 1908

foundation. Also, it had originally been intendedonly for nds which could not be presented in theother three archaeological museums and thus fromthe beginning it was too small for the altar. Afterthe museum was demolished, the Telephus friezewas set into the walls of the colonnade on theeastern side of the Neues Museum, but withwindows allowing a view of the art objects.The new building, designed by Alfred Messel, tookuntil 1930 to construct, due to delays caused byWorld War I, the German Revolution of 19181919and the hyperination of 1922/1923. This newPergamon Museum presented the altar basically asit is seen today. There was a partial reconstructionin the central gallery of the museum with thefrieze fragments installed on the surroundingwalls. The Telephus frieze is, as in the originalconstruction, reached via the ight of stairs, butonly an abbreviated version is on display. It is notknown why the complete altar was notreconstructed when the new museum was builtand the frieze installed. When conceiving theexhibit, Theodor Wiegand, the museum's directorat that time, followed the ideas of Wilhelm vonBode, who had in mind a great "German Museum"in the style of the British Museum. But there wasobviously no overall concept, and given the reigning idea of a major architecturemuseum presenting examples of all Ancient Near Eastern and Mediterraneancultures, the display of the altar had to be condensed. Up until the end of WorldWar II, only the eastern part of the museum with the three large architecturegalleries was called the "Pergamon Museum".[19]In 1939 the museum closed because of World War II. Two years later the reliefswere taken down and stored elsewhere. At the end of the war, the pieces of thealtar which had been placed in an air-raid shelter near the Berlin zoo fell into thehands of the Red Army and were taken to the Soviet Union as war trophies. Theywere stored in the depot of the Hermitage Museum in Leningrad until 1958. In1959 a large part of the collection was returned to East Germany (GDR),including the altar fragments. Under the leadership of the museum's thendirector, Carl Blmel, only the altar was presented as it had been before the war.The other antiquities were newly arranged, not least because the Altes Museumhad been destroyed. In October of that year the museum reopened. In 1982 a newentrance area was created which permitted a visit to the museum to begin withthe Pergamon Altar. Previously, the entrance had been in the west wing of the


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Reconstructed ground plan ofthe entire Pergamon Altar

Ground plan of the altar asmodied for presentation inthe Pergamon Museum

building, so that visitors had to pass through theVorderasiatisches Museum Berlin (Middle EastMuseum) to get to the Pergamon Altar. In 1990, 9heads from the Telephus frieze, which had beenevacuated to the western part of Berlin because ofthe war, returned to the Pergamon Museum. Allthese war-related events had negativeconsequences for the remaining altar and friezefragments. It also turned out that earlierrestorations had created problems. The clampsand fasteners which connected the individualfragments and also served to anchor the frieze andsculpture to the wall were made of iron, which hadstarted to rust. As this rust spread it threatened tocrack open the marble from the inside. Restorationbecame urgent after 1990. From 1994 to 1996 theTelephus frieze, parts of which had not beenaccessible in the 1980s, was worked on.[20]Afterward the Gigantomachy was restored underthe leadership of Silvano Bertolin. First thewestern frieze, then the northern and southernportions, and nally the eastern frieze wererestored, an eort which cost over three millioneuro.[21] On June 10, 2004 the completely restoredfrieze was presented for public viewing. ThePergamon altar can now be viewed in a formreecting current scientic insights.In 1998 and again in 2001 the Turkish Minister ofCulture, Istemihan Talay, demanded the return of

the altar and other artifacts. However, this demand did not have an ocialcharacter and would not have been enforceable under today's standards.[22] Ingeneral, the Staatliche Museen Berlin (Berlin state museums) as well as othermuseums in Europe and the USA rule out, with few exceptions, the possiblereturn of antique objects of art.[23] Today, most of the altar foundation as well asseveral wall remnants are at the original location. Also in Turkey are severalsmaller portions of the frieze which were found later.

Altar construction and designEarlier versions of the altar were leveled in Pergamon, and to enhance the utilityof the acropolis several terraces were laid out. The path connecting the lower partof the town with the acropolis led directly past the self-contained and nowextended sacred altar area, which could be accessed from the east. Thus visitors


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Reconstructed entrancewayto the Pergamene Athenatemple, originally on theterrace above the altar andnow in the Berlin PergamonMuseum

Foundation of the PergamonAltar after excavation, c.1880

in antiquity rst saw the frieze on the eastern faceof the altar, on which the chief Greek gods wereportrayed. First, at the right (northern) side of theeastern frieze, Hera, Heracles, Zeus, Athena andAres were shown engaged in battle. In thebackground to the right there was not only thewall of another terrace, presumably containingmany statues; the visitor also viewed the simpleDoric Athena temple which had been erected 150years earlier on the terrace above. The westernside of the altar with the stairway was in alignmentwith the Athena temple, despite the elevationdierence. It was probably the case that the altararose in direct relationship to the redesigning ofthe acropolis and was to be regarded as a primary,new construction and votive oering to thegods.[24] In its freely accessible arrangement thealtar was conceived so that visitors could walkaround it. This inevitably led to further intendedlines of sight.[25]The shape of thealtar was almost a

square. In this respect it followed Ionic models,which specied a wall enclosing the actualsacricial altar on three sides. On the open sidethe altar could be accessed via a stairway. Forcultic reasons such altars were usually orientedtoward the east so that those bringing sacricesentered the altar from the west. The Pergamenealtar follows this tradition, but to a trulymonumental extent. The huge, almost square basewas 35.64 meters wide and 33.4 meters long[26]and included ve steps surrounding the entirestructure. The stairway on the western side is almost 20 meters wide andintersects with the lower level, which itself is almost six meters high. The core ofthe foundation is composed of intersecting tu walls arranged like a grating,which increased earthquake stability. This foundation is still preserved and can beexamined on site in Pergamon. The upper visible structure consisted of apedestal, a frieze of slabs 2.3 meters in height with high relief scenes, and a thick,projecting cornice. Grey-veined marble from the island of Marmara was used,which was typical for Pergamon.[27] In addition to the Proconnesian marble of thelarge frieze, the Telephus frieze and the foundation, darker marble withrecognizable fossil inclusions was also used for the base; it came from Lesbos-


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The altar foundation inPergamon, 2005

Museum model of thepresumed form of the altar inantiquity

Moria.The frieze is 113meters long,[28]which makes it thelongest survivingfrieze of GreekAntiquity after theParthenon frieze.On the western sideit is interrupted bythe ca. 20 meterwide stairway,

which cuts into the foundation on that side andleads to a superstructure with columns. On bothsides of this stairway there are projections constructed and decorated in amanner similar to the rest of the encircling frieze. The three-wing superstructureis relatively narrow compared with the base. The pillars surrounding thesuperstructure have platforms with proles and Ionic capitals. There are manystatues on the roof: a quadriga of horses, lion grins, centaurs and deities, aswell as uncompleted gargoyles. The upper hall gives a spacious impression thanksto the widely spaced columns. An additional columned hall was also planned forthe inner courtyard where the re altar itself was located, but not implemented. Afrieze was installed there at eye level depicting the life of the mythical founder ofthe city, Telephus.[29] Although no remains of paint have been found, it can beassumed that the entire structure was brightly painted in antiquity.[30]

The Gigantomachy friezeThe Gigantomachy frieze depicts the struggle of the gods against the children ofthe primordial goddess Gaia, who were snake-footed giants. After the new godsunder the leadership of Zeus and with the help of Gaia had overcome the old godsled by Cronus, Zeus then opposed several of Gaia's children, contrary to hispromise. Gaia accordingly incited several of her children and could only bevictorious with the help of mortals. For this reason, Heracles and Dionysus, bothof whom had been born of mortal mothers, took part in the battle.The gods are depicted in the frieze in accordance with their divine nature andmythical attributes. For example, gods who lived o their strength and dynamics,such as Zeus, the father of the gods, are shown in an appropriately powerful way.Others, who lived o their skillfulness, are shown dierently, like Artemis withbow and arrow. The frieze sides are described below, always proceeding from leftto right.East frieze


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Hecate ghts against Klytios(left); Artemis against Otos(right)

Athena and Nike ghtAlkyoneus (left), Gaia rises upfrom the ground (right)

As mentioned above, visitors rst saw the eastern side as they entered the altararea. Here was where almost all of the important Olympian gods were assembled.On the left the presentation begins with the three-faceted goddess Hecate. Sheghts in her three incarnations with a torch, a sword and a lance against the giantKlytios. Next to her is Artemis, the goddess of the hunt; in keeping with herfunction she ghts with a bow and arrow against a Giant who is perhaps Otos.Her hunting dog kills another Giant with a bite to the neck. Artemis mother Letoghts at her side using a torch against an animal-like Giant; at her other side herson and Artemis twin, Apollo, ghts. Like his sister, he is armed with bow andarrow and has just shot Ephialtes, who lies at his feet.

The next reliefpanel has barelysurvived. It issupposed that itshowedDemeter.[31] She isfollowed by Hera,entering the battlein a quadriga. Herfour winged horsesare identied as thepersonications ofthe four winds,Notos, Boreas,

Zephyros and Euros. Between Hera and his father Zeus, Heracles is ghting,identied only by a frieze fragment showing a paw of his lion pelt. Zeus isphysically especially present and agile. He ghts by hurling lightning bolts,sending rain and massed clouds not only against two young Giants but alsoagainst their leader, Porphyrion. The next pair of ghters also shows an especiallyimportant battle scene. Athena, the city goddess of Pergamon, breaks the GiantAlkyoneus contact to the earth, from which the mother of the Giants, Gaia,emerges. According to legend, Alkyoneus was immortal only as long as hetouched the ground, where the power of his mother could ow through him. Theeastern frieze concludes with Ares, the god of war, who goes into battle with achariot and pair of horses. His horses rear up in front of a winged Giant.South friezeThe depiction of the ghting begins here with the great mother goddess of AsiaMinor, Rhea/Cybele. With bow and arrow she rides into battle on a lion. On theleft can be seen the eagle of Zeus holding a bundle of lightning bolts in his claws.Next to Rhea, three of the immortals ght with a mighty, bull-necked Giant. Therst, a goddess, has not been identied; she is followed by Hephaistos, who raisesa two-headed hammer aloft. He is followed by another unidentied, kneeling god


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Rhea/Cybele riding on a lion,Andrasteia (?)

Left to right: Nereus, Doris, agiant, Oceanus

who thrusts a spear into the body.Next come the gods of the heaven. Eos, goddess ofthe dawn, rides sidesaddle into battle. She pullsback her horse and is armed with a torch whichshe thrusts forward. She is followed by Helios, whorises up from the ocean with his quadriga andenters the battle armed with a torch. His target isa Giant standing in his way. He has rolled overanother Giant. Theia follows, amidst her children.She is the mother of the day and night stars. Nextto her mother and with her back to the viewer, themoon goddess Selene rides on her mule over aGiant.In the last third of the south frieze an unidentied young god, possibly Aither, isghting. He is holding in a stranglehold a Giant with snake legs, human body, andthe paws and head of a lion. The next god is obviously elderly. It is supposed thathe is Uranos. On his left is his daughter Themis, goddess of justice. At the end (orbeginning, depending how the frieze is viewed) is the Titan Phoibe with a torchand her daughter Asteria with a sword. Both are accompanied by a dog.West frieze (left side, at the north risalit)

The ocean gods are gathered together on the northrisalit of the altar. On the western wall (risalitfront) Triton and his mother Amphitrite ghtseveral Giants. Triton's upper torso is human; thefront half of his lower torso is a horse, the backhalf a dolphin. On the inside wall (stairway) are tobe found the couple Nereus and Doris as well asOceanus, and a fragment supposed to be Tethys,all of whom are engaged in ghting Giants.West frieze (right side, at the south risalit)Several gods of nature and mythological beings

are gathered on the south risalit. On the risalit front, Dionysus, accompanied bytwo young satyrs joins the struggle. At his side is his mother Semele, leading alion into battle. Fragments of three nymphs are shown on the stairway side. Here,too, is the only artist's signature found, THEORRETOS, on the cornice.North friezeAphrodite starts o the line-up of the gods on this side, and since one has to


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The three Moirai club GiantsAgrios and Thoas to death

imagine the frieze as continuous, she is to be found next to her lover Ares, whoconcludes the east frieze. The goddess of love pulls a lance out of a dead giant.Next to her, her mother, the Titan Dione, is ghting, as well as her small son,Eros. The next two gures are uncertain. They are most likely the twins Castorand Pollux. Castor is being grabbed from behind by a Giant who bites him in thearm, whereupon his brother hastens to his assistance.The next three pairs of ghters are associated withAres, the god of war. It is uncertain who theydepict. First, a god is about to hurl a tree trunk; inthe middle a winged goddess thrusts her swordinto an opponent, and third, a god ghts a Giant inarmor. The next god was long considered to beNyx; in the meantime it is assumed that it is one ofthe Erinyes, goddesses of revenge. She is holding avessel wrapped in snakes, ready to hurl it. Next,two other personications are ghting. The threeMoirai (goddesses of fate) kill the Giants Agriosand Thoas (or Thoon) with bronze clubs.The next group of ghters shows a "lion goddess" said to be Ceto. This group doesnot immediately follow the Moirai; there is a gap which probably held anotherpair of ghters. They may have been Ceto's children, the Graeae. Ceto was themother of several monsters, including a whale (Greek: Ketos) who rises at herfeet. The north frieze closes with the god of the sea Poseidon, who rises up out ofthe ocean with a team of seahorses. The next scene in the sequence is the northrisalit with the ocean gods.The Telephus friezeThe frieze narrates in chronological order the life of Telephus, one of the heroesof Greek mythology; the legend is also known from written records, for examplein the tragedies of Aischylos, Sophocles and Euripedes from the 5th century BC.Since there was only a limited amount of space available in the upper, internalcourtyard where the actual re altar was located, the Telephus frieze wassculpted on slabs that was shallower than in the case of the Gigantomachy. Itsdimensions were also more modest and its arrangement was on a smaller scale.The height was 1.58 meters. The frieze was originally painted, but no signicanttraces of color remain. There were several technical innovations for the time: thegures are staggered in depth; architectural elements are used to indicateactivities taking placed indoors, and the landscapes are lush and scenic.[32] Thesenew ways of depicting spatial arrangements set the tone for Late Hellenistic andRoman times.After restoration in the mid-1990s it was discovered that the formerly assumed


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View of the reconstructedportico between the stairway(left) and the inside courtwith the re altar and theTelephus frieze (right)

King Teuthras nds Augestranded on the shore, panel10

chronological sequence was in some casesincorrect. The installation was accordinglyrearranged, but the original numbering of the 51relief panels in the Pergamon Museum wasretained. For example, the resorting led to movingwhat had formerly been regarded as the rst panelto a location following panel 31. Not all panelssurvived, so there are a few gaps in thepresentation of the story. (Of the original 74panels, only about 47 whole or partial panelssurvived. Panels 37 and 43 are not on display aspart of the frieze for lack of space.) The followinglist reects the sequence after reassembly in1995.[33]Panels 2,3 - 2: Atthe court of KingAleus; 3: Heraclescatches sight ofAleus daughterAuge in the templePanels 4,5,6 4:

The infant Telephus is abandoned in thewilderness; 5 and 6: carpenters construct a boat inwhich Auge is to be cast adrift.Panel 10 King Teuthras nds Auge stranded onthe shorePanel 11 Auge establishes an Athena cultPanel 12 Heracles identies his son TelephusPanels 7, 8 Nymphs bathe the infant TelephusPanel 9 Telephus childhoodPanels 13, 32, 33 and 14 Telephus voyages byship to Mysia in Asia MinorPanels 16 and 17 Telephus receives weapons from AugePanel 18 Telephus goes to war against IdasPanel 20 Teuthras gives Auge to Telephus in marriage


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Telephus receives weaponsfrom Auge, panels 16 and 17

The Argives welcomeTelephus, panels 36 and 38

Telephus threatens to killOrestes, panel 42

Panel 21: Mother and son recognize each other onthe wedding nightPanels 22-24 Nireus kills the Amazon Hiera,Telephus wifePanel 51 The ghting is interrupted for Hiera'ssolemn funeralPanel 25 Two Scythian warriors fall in battlePanel 28 The battle at the Kaikos springsPanels 30, 31 Achilles wounds Telephus with thehelp of DionysusPanel 1 Telephus consults an oracle about thehealing of his woundPanels 34 and 35 Telephus lands in Argos to meetAchilles, who is able to heal his woundPanels 36 and 38 The Argives welcome TelephusPanels 39 and 40 Telephus asks Agamemnon toheal himPanel 42 Telephus threatens to kill Orestes,whom he took hostage to force Agamemnon to healhimPanel 43 Telephus is healedPanels 44-46 The founding of cults in PergamonPanels 49 and 50 An altar is erectedPanel 47, 48 Women hasten to the hero Telephus,who lies on a klineThe collection of statuesOn the roof of the altar there were various small statues of gods, teams of horses,centaurs, and lion grins. The nds have not yet been unambiguously describedby archaeologists as to their function and placement. On the north wall of thealtar sanctuary a 64 meter long pedestal was also found, richly adorned withstatues. How extensively the altar area was furnished with bronze and marblestatues is still unknown. But it is certain that the embellishments must have been


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Three unidentied guresfrom the altar area, now inthe Pergamon Museum

extraordinarily rich and have represented a majorexpenditure for the donors. The upper oor abovethe Gigantomachy housing the Telephus frieze alsohad an encircling portico. There were possiblyadditional statues between the columns. Thistheory is supported by 30-odd sculptures of womenamong the nds; they may have personied thecities of the Pergamene kingdom. It is assumedthat there were no statues or other decorations onthe actual re altar, but a canopy was possiblyinstalled there in Roman times.[34]

Relationship to other works ofartAt many places in the Gigantomachy frieze, other Greek works of art can berecognized as having served as models. For example, Apollo with his idealizedstance and good looks recalls a classical statue by the sculptor Leochares,produced about 150 years before the frieze and famous already in antiquity; aRoman copy has survived and is now in the Vatican Museum (The BelvedereApollo). The important group which includes Zeus and Athena moving in oppositedirections recalls the scene showing the struggle between Athena and Poseidonon the western pediment of the Parthenon. Such allusions are not accidental sincePergamon considered itself to be something like a reborn Athens.[35]The frieze on its part also inuenced later works of classical antiquity. The mostfamous example is the Laokoon Group mentioned above, which was created abouttwenty years after the Pergamon relief, as Bernard Andreae could show. Theartists who produced the statue group were in the direct tradition of the creatorof the relief, or may indeed even have participated in crafting the frieze.[36]

The artistsLong discussed but so far unresolved is the question of how many artistsparticipated in producing the Gigantomachy. Just as disputed is the extent towhich the character of individual artists can be identied in this work of art.There is agreement that at least the basic design of the frieze was the work of asingle artist. In view of its consistency down to the level of details, the plan musthave been worked out to its smallest elements; nothing had been left tochance.[37] Already in the arrangement of the ghting groups it can be noted thateach group is unique and, for example, that the hairstyle and the footwear of thegoddesses always dier. Each of the pairs of ghters is individually arranged.Thus, the gures in themselves reveal their distinctive character rather than this


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The Pergamon Altar(http://smarthistory.khanacademy.org/the-pergamon-altar1.html),Smarthistory[40]

External video

being the result of the artists personal styles.Although scholars have certainly ascertained dierences that can be attributed toindividual artists, given the coherence of the whole frieze it is remarkable thatthese dierences are almost irrelevant when the work is viewed in its entirety.[37]According to this interpretation, artists from all over Greece deferred to the plansof a single artist with overall authority. This is substantiated, for example, by theinscriptions of artists from Athens and Rhodes. The sculptors were permitted tosign their sections of the frieze on the lower molding, but only a few suchinscriptions have been found. Thus no conclusions can be drawn about thenumber of participating artists. Only one inscription on the south risalit survivedin a manner which permitted attribution. Since there is no lower molding at thatlocation, the name, Theorretos (), was chiseled into the marble nearthe portrayed god. When analyzing the various inscriptions it could be determinedon the basis of the typeface that there was an older and a younger sculptorgeneration at work, which makes the coherence of the entire frieze all the moreremarkable.[37] Considering the 2.7 meter distance between the existingsignature and the associated inscription ( "made it"), it issuspected that there was possibly another sculptor's signature in this space. Ifthat is the case, an extrapolation suggests at least 40 participating sculptors.[38]The front side of this risalit was signed by two sculptors, but their names did notsurvive.[39]

ReceptionThe German Empire, which subsidized theexcavation not least for reasons of prestige,quickly began to monopolize the altar andother archaeological relics. The "JubileeExhibition of the Berlin Academy of Arts" inMay and June 1886 devoted a 13,000 squaremeter site to archaeological acquisitions fromrecent excavations in Olympia and Pergamon.But since the Greek government had notgiven permission to export art treasures, nonds from Greece could be shown there.Instead, a "Temple of Pergamon" wasconstructed. With a true-to-scale model of thewestern side of the altar base containingselected copies of the frieze including theZeus and Athena group from the easternfrieze an entrance area for a building was erected which resembled the Zeustemple in Olympia. Part of the exhibit was a model of the city of Pergamon in the2nd century AD reecting the state of knowledge at that time.[41]


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Possibly the most striking example of the reception of this work of art is the Berlinmuseum which has on view a reconstruction of the altar. The design of thePergamon Museum was inspired by the gigantic form of the altar.[42] For viewingthe altar, indeed for studying this work of art in itself, the reconstruction in thePergamon Museum came to be important. The partial reconstruction of the edicedoes not however reect what was the main side in antiquity, the eastern wall, butrather the opposite, western side with the stairway. Opinions about thisreconstruction, including the installation of the rest of the frieze on the wallssurrounding the central exhibition room, were not entirely favorable. Criticsspoke of a frieze "turned inside out like a sleeve" and of "theatrics".[43]In Nazi Germany this type of architecture later served as a model worthy ofemulation. Wilhelm Kreis chose for his Soldiers Hall at the Army High Commandheadquarters in Berlin (1937/38) and for a never realized warriors monument atthe foot of Mount Olympus in Greece a building shape which was very similar tothe Pergamon Altar. But for the Soldiers Hall the frieze was limited to the frontface of the risalit. The friezes by the sculptor Arno Breker were, however, neverexecuted. Referencing this architectural form was not least in tune with theideological concepts of the Nazis; an altar prompted ideas of being ready tosacrice and heroic death. For the Nazis, the Pergamon Altar and Kreis' twotestimonies of Nazi architecture were all "cultic buildings". The Nazis alsoattempted to appropriate the message behind the altar frieze, namely the victoryof good over evil.[44]Peter Weiss begins his novel, The Aesthetics of Resistance, with a description ofthe Gigantomachy frieze. By way of retrospection Weiss contemplation is alsoextended to include the altar's origin, history, discovery, and reconstruction in themuseum.[45]Some of the media and population criticized the use of the Pergamon Altar as abackdrop for the application submitted by the city of Berlin to host the Olympicsummer games in 2000. The Senate of Berlin had invited the members of the IOCexecutive committee to a banquet taking place in front of the altar. That called tomind Berlin's application to host the games in 1936. Also at that time the NaziMinister of the Interior Wilhelm Frick had invited the members of the IOC to abanquet laid out in front of the altar.

NotesThis article is based on a translation of the equivalent article "Pergamonaltar" inthe German Wikipedia.

^ Bernard Andreae: Datierung und Bedeutung des Telephosfrieses imZusammenhang mit den brigen Stiftungen der Ataliden von Pergamon, in:

1.


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Wolf-Dieter Heilmeyer (ed.): Der Pergamonaltar. Die neue Prsentation nachRestaurierung des Telephosfrieses, Wasmuth, Tbingen 1997, p. 67.^ a b Bernard Andreae: Datierung und Bedeutung des Telephosfrieses imZusammenhang mit den brigen Stiftungen der Ataliden von Pergamon, in:Wolf-Dieter Heilmeyer (ed.): Der Pergamonaltar. Die neue Prsentation nachRestaurierung des Telephosfrieses, Wasmuth, Tbingen 1997, p. 68.

2.

^ Skulptur des Hellenismus, Hirmer, Mnchen 2001, p. 132147, ISBN3-7774-9200-0.

3.

^ Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. Preuischer Kulturbesitz. Antikensammlung (ed.): DieAntikensammlung im Pergamonmuseum und in Charlottenburg. AlsoAntikensammlung Berlin, von Zabern, Mainz 1992, ISBN 3-8053-1187-7. p. 25.

4.

^ Wolfgang Radt: Pergamon. Geschichte und Bauten einer antiken Metropole,Primus, Darmstadt 1999, p. 169.

5.

^ On the use of the altar and possible ways of sacricing see Max Kunze: DerPergamonaltar. Seine Geschichte, Entdeckung und Rekonstruktion. von Zabern,Mainz 1995, ISBN 3-8053-1468-X, p. 19.

6.

^ 8,14 (ed. E. Woelin 1873): Pergamo ara marmorea magna, alta pedes quadragintacum maximis sculpturis; continet autem gigantomachiam.

7.

^ Pausanias 5,13,8.8.^ Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. Preuischer Kulturbesitz. Antikensammlung (ed.): DieAntikensammlung im Pergamonmuseum und in Charlottenburg. AuchAntikensammlung Berlin, von Zabern, Mainz 1992, ISBN 3-8053-1187-7, p. 23.

9.

^ Pliny the Elder, naturalis historia 36, 37: opus omnibus et picturae et statuariaeartis praeferendum.

10.

^ Bernard Andreae: Laokoon oder die Grndung Roms, von Zabern, Mainz 1988(Kulturgeschichte der Antiken Welt, vol. 39.

11.

^ Quoted as in Max Kunze, Volker Kstner: Antikensammlung II. Der Altar vonPergamon. Hellenistische und rmische Architektur. Henschelverlag, 2. Auage,Berlin 1990, ISBN 3-362-00436-9. p. 33.

12.

^ On Pergamon in Byzantine times see Wolfgang Radt and Albrecht Berger in DerNeue Pauly, vol. 9 (2000), cols. 551 and 561.

13.

^ One of the two fragments, a back view of a Giant, was found in 1962 on the wall ofa building in Worksop, (Nottinghamshire) England. The second panel, showing a deadGiant, had been built into a Gothic ruin in Fawley Court (Buckinghamshire), see:Michael Vickers: The Thunderbolt of Zeus: Yet More Fragments of the PergamonAltar in the Arundel Collection, in American Journal of Archaeology, vol. 89, no. 3(July, 1985), pp. 516519.

14.


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^ Quoted as in Max Kunze, Volker Kstner: Antikensammlung II. Der Altar vonPergamon. Hellenistische und rmische Architektur. Henschelverlag, 2nd edition,Berlin 1990, ISBN 3-362-00436-9, p. 27.

15.

^ The Prussian Minister of Culture in a letter to the Prussian king, Wilhelm I, quotedas in Max Kunze, Volker Kstner: Antikensammlung II. Der Altar von Pergamon.Hellenistische und rmische Architektur. Henschelverlag, 2nd edition, Berlin 1990,ISBN 3-362-00436-9, p. 28 (translated).

16.

^ Initially, the Ottoman government wanted to share the nds (2/3 to Germany 1/3 toTurkey), but in negotiations which took place 1878/79, which were even inuenced byBismarck, an agreement was concluded which allocated all nds to the GermanEmpire for a payment of 20,000 goldmarks. It helped that the Ottoman Empire was atthat time weak on the domestic front and grateful for Bismarck's mediating role atthe Congress of Berlin. See Kunze, Kstner: Antikensammlung II, p. 30; Schaller:Pergamonaltar, col. 211.

17.

^ Alexander Conze, quoted from Max Kunze, Volker Kstner: Antikensammlung II.Der Altar von Pergamon. Hellenistische und rmische Architektur. Henschelverlag,2nd edition, Berlin 1990, ISBN 3-362-00436-9., p. 30 (translated).

18.

^ Wolf-Dieter Heilmeyer (ed.): Aufstellungsgeschichte im 20. Jahrhundert. DieAufstellungen von 1901, 1930 und 1955, Wasmuth, Tbingen 1997, ISBN3-8030-1045-4k. See there: Heilmeyer: Der Pergamonaltar. Die neue Prsentationnach Restaurierung des Telephosfrieses, p. 17.

19.

^ Detailed description in Wolf-Dieter Heilmeyer: Der Pergamonaltar. Die neuePrsentation nach Restaurierung des Telephosfrieses, Wasmuth, Tbingen 1997,ISBN 3-8030-1045-4.

20.

^ Berliner Zeitung Online, 25 January 2003 and 10 June 2004 (in German).21.^ Die Welt: Pergamon-Altar soll in neuem Glanz erstrahlen. 21 March 200322.^ die tageszeitung, 12 Dec. 2002, http://www.taz.de/pt/2002/12/12/a0186.1/text.ges,1.

23.

^ Wolfgang Radt: Pergamon. Geschichte und Bauten einer antiken Metropole,Primus, Darmstadt 1999, ISBN 3-89678-116-2, p. 170.

24.

^ On the design see Max Kunze: Der Pergamonaltar. Seine Geschichte, Entdeckungund Rekonstruktion. von Zabern, Mainz 1995, ISBN 3-8053-1468-X, p. 19.

25.

^ These measurements are according to Wolfgang Radt: Pergamon. Geschichte undBauten einer antiken Metropole, Primus, Darmstadt 1999 ISBN 3-89678-116-2, p.171. Max Kunze, Volker Kstner: Antikensammlung II. Der Altar von Pergamon.Hellenistische und rmische Architektur. Henschelverlag, 2. Auage, Berlin 1990,ISBN 3-362-00436-9., p. 47 give the dimensions as 36.44 meter wide and 34.20meters long.

26.


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^ Thomas Cramer: Multivariate Herkunftsanalyse von Marmor auf petrographischerund geochemischer Basis - Das Beispiel kleinasiatischer archaischer, hellenistischerund rmischer Marmorobjekte der Berliner Antikensammlung und ihre Zuordnung zumediterranen und anatolischen Marmorlagersttten. Dissertation FGLagerstttenforschung, Berlin, 340 pages, 2004, URN: http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:83-opus-7426 The marble of the Pergamon Altar came from theisland of Marmara.

27.

^ According to Wolfgang Radt: Pergamon. Geschichte und Bauten einer antikenMetropole, Primus, Darmstadt 1999 ISBN 3-89678-116-2, p. 173; in Max Kunze,Volker Kstner: Antikensammlung II. Der Altar von Pergamon. Hellenistische undrmische Architektur, Henschelverlag, 2. Auage, Berlin 1990, ISBN 3-362-00436-9,p. 47, the gure is 120 meters.

28.

^ On the design and dimensions see Wolfgang Radt: Pergamon. Geschichte undBauten einer antiken Metropole, Primus, Darmstadt 1999 ISBN 3-89678-116-2, p.171-174, and Max Kunze, Volker Kstner: Antikensammlung II. Der Altar vonPergamon. Hellenistische und rmische Architektur, Henschelverlag, 2. Auage,Berlin 1990, ISBN 3-362-00436-9, p. 47.

29.

^ Zeit Online, Dec. 2003, http://www.zeit.de/2003/12/A-Pergamonaltar?page=3.30.^ Max Kunze: Der grosse Marmoraltar von Pergamon, Berlin 1988, p. 24.31.^ Max Kunze: Der Pergamonaltar. Seine Geschichte, Entdeckung und Rekonstruktion.von Zabern, Mainz 1995, pp. 45-47; detailed description in: Wolf-Dieter Heilmeyer(ed.): Der Pergamonaltar. Die neue Prsentation nach Restaurierung desTelephosfrieses. Wasmuth, Tbingen 1997.

32.

^ Huberta Heres, Volker Kstner, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin PreuischerKulturbesitz, Fhrungsblatt-Nr. Ant 2E 1997.

33.

^ On the collection of statues see Max Kunze: Der Pergamonaltar. Seine Geschichte,Entdeckung und Rekonstruktion. von Zabern, Mainz 1995, ISBN 3-8053-1468-X., p.21.

34.

^ Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. Preuischer Kulturbesitz. Antikensammlung (ed.): DieAntikensammlung im Pergamonmuseum und in Charlottenburg. AuchAntikensammlung Berlin, von Zabern, Mainz 1992, ISBN 3-8053-1187-7., p. 35f.

35.

^ Bernard Andreae: Laokoon und die Grndung Roms, von Zabern, Mainz 1988.36.^ a b c Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. Preuischer Kulturbesitz. Antikensammlung(ed.): Die Antikensammlung im Pergamonmuseum und in Charlottenburg. AlsoAntikensammlung Berlin, von Zabern, Mainz 1992, ISBN 3-8053-1187-7, p. 36.

37.

^ D. Thimme in: American Journal of Archaeology 50 (1946), p. 348.38.^ Max Kunze: Theorretos, In: Knstlerlexikon der Antike, Nikol, Hamburg 2007, S.897 ISBN 978-3-937872-53-7.

39.


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^ "The Pergamon Altar" (http://smarthistory.khanacademy.org/the-pergamon-altar1.html). Smarthistory at Khan Academy. Retrieved April 5, 2013.

40.

^ Hans-Joachim Schalles: Der Pergamon-Altar zwischen Bewertung undVerwertbarkeit, Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 1991 ISBN 3-596-23935-4, col. 212-214.

41.


42.

^ Hans-Joachim Schalles: Der Pergamon-Altar zwischen Bewertung undVerwertbarkeit, Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 1991 ISBN 3-596-23935-4, col. 214.

43.


44.

^ Hans-Joachim Schalles: Der Pergamon-Altar zwischen Bewertung undVerwertbarkeit, Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 1991 ISBN 3-596-23935-4, col. 215.

45.

For further informationBoth friezes can be viewed in their entirety and in excellent quality in aninteractive Flash Viewer at http://www.secondpage.de/pergamonaltar/gigantomachie.htmlMany segments of both friezes can be viewed at http://worldvisitguide.comPollitt, J.J., Art in the Hellenstic Age (Cambridge 1986)Queyrel, Franois, L'Autel de Pergame. Images et pouvoir en Grce d'Asie.Antiqua vol. 9. Paris: ditions A. et J. Picard, 2005. See Bryn Mawr ClassicalReview 2005.08.42.Ridgway, B.S. 2000. Hellenistic Sculpture II. The Styles of ca. 200-100 BC,(Madison, Wisconsin)Stewart, A. 2000. "Pergamon Ara Marmorea Magna. On the Date,Reconstruction, and Functions of the Great Altar of Pergamon" in N. DeGrummond and B.S. Ridgway, editors, From Pergamon to Sperlonga:Sculpture and Context (Berkeley).Homann, Herbert, "Antecedents of the Great Altar at Pergamon" TheJournal of the Society of Architectural Historians 11.3 (October 1952),pp. 15.Thomas Cramer, Klaus Germann, Wolf-Dieter Heilmeyer: Marble objects fromAsia Minor in the Berlin Collection of Classical Antiquities: stonecharacteristics and provenance In: Yannis Maniatis (ed.): ASMOSIA VII.


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The Study of Marble and Other Stones in Antiquity Proceedings of the 7thInternational Conference of the Association for the Study of Marble andOther Stones in Antiquity. Bulletin de Correspondance Hellnique, Vol.Supplment 51, Athen 2009, ISSN 0007-4217, pp. 371383.

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