perception of celts after the pacification of gaul
DESCRIPTION
A paper on the perception of the Celtic peoples immediately before and after the pacification and annexation of Gaul. It was supposed to be about Augustan age literature, or else I would have broadened the time frame massively.Honestly, I uploaded this just so I could download something, so enjoy if you happen to want to trudge through it.TRANSCRIPT
The common perception that comes to mind when one is to think of the Celts is that of a
large, hairy barbarian with long hair, a beard, smothered with blue paint, and covered with
animal pelts. Much of this perception comes from contemporaneous Roman authors, who
declared the Celts to be hot-tempered warriors with a great thirst for wine. However, by time of
Caesar most of the Celtic world was already under Roman control, only Northern Gallia, Galatia,
and Britannia standing out as notable exceptions. In our modern eye, it seems that this event, the
annexation and pacification of Gaul seems to be the coup de grace to Cetlic civilization,
incorporated into the Roman Republic, but in actuality, the perception of Celtic peoples by the
Romans seems to have changed little from before to after this event. The outside perception of
who the Celts were seems to have changed little over time, even to this very day, paralleled by
the increasing loss of cultural identity, no longer being Celts and instead becoming Romans.
In order to discuss any alteration of opinion towards the Celtic peoples, it is first
important to define exactly what it is that this means. From Professor O’Donnell’s lectures we
can attribute that, “the modern concept of the Celts equates three categories of evidence: (first)
people called Keltoi by the Greeks, (second) the ancient Celtic languages, and (third) the
Hallstatt and La Tene archaeological cultures.” The Celts had many commonalities in culture,
religion, and practices, but the most defining characteristic is that of a common language. Celtic
is an Indo-European language which has a number of sub-families within it, namely Hispano-
Celtic, Gallic, Lepontic, Goidelic, and Brythonic, the latter two having sub-classifications as
well. (James 10) It was not known until the seventeenth century that the peoples of Ireland and
Britain were even related to those in modern-day France, much less those who had lived much
further off. Indeed, the Gauls at the time had considered the Britons to be crude, who in turn
considered the Goidelic peoples of Ireland to be primitive.
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In fact, the name by which we refer to these people, the Celts, is derivative from the
Greek term Keltoi, which was the Greek term for the people living in the northern
Mediterranean. Another term that they utilized was Galatai, which is derived from the Greek
gala, or “milk”. It is likely that the Mediterranean Hellenes were very taken by the fair
complexion of the comparatively northern Celts. The Romanized versions of these names are
Celtae and Galli respectively, from which we get the modern terms of Celt and Gaul.
Henceforth, Celt will refer to any and all Celtic peoples, whereas Gaul will refer to those living
in modern France and northern Italy, with terms such as Celtiberian and Galatian referring to
specific peoples and/or locations.
To further the understanding of who is being referred to, it is important to note which
areas the Celtic people inhabited, as to understand the scope of their influence and whom the
contemporaneous authors would be referring to. Herodotus stated in his Histories that, “The
Danube traverses the whole of Europe, rising among the Celts… [who] dwell beyond the Pillars
of Hercules… [and] who are the westernmost of all nations inhabiting Europe.” (Herodotus 4,49
and 2,33) The most obvious area is that of Gaul, divided up by Roman authors into Gallia
Cisaplina in Northern Italy, and then Gallia Narbonensis, Aquitania, Celtica (Lugdenensis), and
Belgica. The next most notable area would be the entirety of the British Isles, and then most all
of Spain, excepting the easternmost coast. However, this is not nearly all, for they inhabited
southern Germany and Bohemia, and stretched all the way to the Euxine Pontus and nearly to
Macedonia. In fact, in 279BC a sizable migration of Celts swept into Greece and were barely
turned away from looting the temple of Delphi, soon moving into Anatolia were they founded
the exonymically named Kingdom of Galatia. On top of this, Celtic warriors were prized as
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Mercenaries and were imported by many to be used as mercenaries, including but not limited to
the Carthaginians, Antigonids, Bithynians, and both the Seleucid and Ptolemaic Empires.
There is little in the way of surviving Latin literature in regards to the Celts just prior to
the pacification of Gallia Celtica and Belgica by Caesar, but one such surviving example is from
Cicero, who in his Pro Fonteio stated that, “All Gaul is filled with traders, is full of Roman
citizens. No Gaul does any business without the aid of a Roman citizen; not a single sesterce in
Gaul ever changes hands without being entered in the account books of Roman citizens.” (Cicero
33) Published in 72/73BC, some fifteen to twenty years before Caesar’s expedition in Gaul,
Cicero seems to make the implication that the whole region was already Romanized, and indeed
it likely was. Independently of Roman development but perhaps aided by Greek settlement and
trade, the Gauls developed large population centers and had innumerable mines, from which one
may infer a great deal of wealth. For instance, Diodorus Siculus mentions a particular
community in Britain in his Bibliotheka Historia, which, “are especially hospitable to strangers
and have adopted a civilized manner of life because of their intercourse with merchants and other
peoples… they work tin into pieces the size of knucklebones and convey it to an island” where it
is transported through Gaul to the Mediterranean world. (Diodorus 5.22.1-4)
This also led to the importation of many products, particularly luxury goods and wine, for
which the Celts highly enjoyed. Diodorus Siculus even stated that “The Gauls are exceedingly
addicted to the use of wine … and since they partake of this drink without moderation … they
fall into a stupor or a state of madness. Consequently many of the Italian traders … receive for it
an incredible price; for in exchange for a jar of wine they receive a slave. (Diodorus 5.26.2-3)
While this portrays them as reckless and drunkards, two things must be taken into consideration;
first that their native brew consists of fermented beer which was not made for its taste, and
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secondly that the Gauls were huge traders in slaves, and to them an amphora of was likely to
actually be more valuable than a paltry human slave. This was written concurrently with the
campaign in Gaul, but Dionysus of Halincarnassus in his Roman Antiquities writes slightly later,
a Greek under Augustus’ rule. However, he gives a similar perception of Celtic drunkenness in
his reasoning for why a Celtic host under Brennus was riled to enter Italy and cause great
grievances to Rome itself. The story starts that a man is banished to Gaul, and takes with him
many skins of wine. “The Gauls at that time had no knowledge of wine … [but drank instead] a
foul-smelling liquor made from barley rotted in water.” (Dionysus 13.16) He then goes on to
state that the stranger convinces them to invade Italy, just so that they may procure olives and
wine. There seems to be little change in opinion to this regard.
If one must look for other sources in order to ascertain this position, namely the Hellenic
authors of the time, selected from 146BC when Greece was officially made part of the Roman
Republic, notably an instances where Diodorus Siculus has detailed the sacking of Rome by
Celts led by Brennus. Interestingly, given the proliferation of the name Brennus or one similar is
used by Classical sources for Celtic leaders, it is likely that this is not actually a name but rather
a transliteration of a title meaning “king” or “chieftain” into Greek and Latin. Diodorus arguably
seems to place blame on the Romans for the initiation of hostilities, as that Roman envoys sent to
spy on the Celts took up arms against them, siding with their enemies. When the Celts
demanded the aggressors, the Romans initially offered money, then caved in, but later changed
their minds yet again and brought unprovoked hostilities against the Celts. This is the pretext to
the Celtic attack on Rome in 390. He also states much earlier in the work that one of the major
tribes of the Celts in Gaul, the Aedui, themselves with many client states beneath them, were,
“…standing on terms of kingship and friendship with the Romans, a relationship which has
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endured from ancient times down to our own day.” (Diodorus 5.25.1) Even in matters as grave
as the sacking of Rome, Diodorus, who was born in Sicily under Roman rule, seems to treat the
Celts with at least a modicum of respect. It should also be kept in mind that, “Since the Romans
did not subscribe to the modern ideas of race, they tended to treat individuals of different
national and ethnic origins, even people of colour, as they would anyone else of the same social
status.” (Ward 50)
However, most reference from the classical world about the Celts seems to revolve
around one conflict with them or another, and Polybius is no exception to this, making particular
note of their conflict with the Romans that arose in the midst of the Second Punic War against
Carthage. In a preface to this actual event, he explains in his Histories that the Gauls in conflicts
prior to the Second Punic war decide to cut their losses and, “[retire] quite safely from the
Roman territory,” but then goes on to explain that upon returning home they fought amongst
each other over the plunder and decimated their own forces. He continues, “This is quite a
common event among the Gauls, when they have appropriated their neighbour's property, chiefly
owing to their inordinate drinking and surfeiting.” (Polybius 19) Again is mentioned the Celts
love for drink. Soon thereafter he makes mention of their barbarity, that, “When Manius sent
legates to Gaul to treat for the return of the prisoners, they were treacherously slain”. (Polybius
19) However, he does stipulate one benefit from this conflict, that when they soon thereafter
entered conflict with Pyrrhus of Epirus, they had “become accustomed to be cut up by Gauls,
they could neither undergo nor expect any more terrible experience”. (Polybius 20)
Polybius paints a picture that the Celts should be debased, but also makes mention to
their courage and expertise in war, as well as the sheer terror they inspired in the Romans. After
the onset of the Second Punic War, the Romans had heard that a massive force of Gauls was
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preparing to make their way down into Italy. They had, “at times march[ed] to the frontier, as if
the enemy had already invaded their territory, while as a fact the Celts had not yet budged from
their own”. (Polybius 22) This had worried the Romans so much that they ceased their interests
in Spain the middle of the war, allowing Carthage to take much of it without resistance. When
the Gauls do invade, they demonstrate tactical acumen by lighting their campfires but having
only a few men remain at the camp such that the Romans believe most of them had fled, leading
them into an ambush. Later, when confronted with two armies, “King Aneroëstes expressed the
opinion, that having captured so much booty … they should not give battle again nor risk the
fortune of the whole enterprise, but return home in safety”. (Polybius 26) Again the Celts show
that they would be happy with merely booty, that they are not mindlessly wonton for the heat of
battle.
Unfortunately for the Celts, the Romans were able to entrap them, but, “were terrified by
the fine order of the Celtic host and the dreadful din, for there were innumerable horn-blowers
and trumpeters, and, as the whole army were shouting their war-cries at the same time, there was
such a tumult of sound that it seemed that not only the trumpets and the soldiers but all the
country round had got a voice and caught up the cry.” This in general frightened them, but also
the Gaesetae, whose name roughly translates into “spearmen”, gáe itself meaning “spear” or
“javelin”. It is alleged that they received this name for the great distance and accuracy with
which they were able to throw their javelins. Polybius continues, “Very terrifying too were the
appearance and the gestures of the naked warriors in front, all in the prime of life, and finely
built men, and all in the leading companies richly adorned with gold torques and armlets. The
sight of them indeed dismayed the Romans”. (Polybius 29) They went into battle naked as the
embodiment of the Greek ideal, that all they should need to protect themselves is their own skill
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with sword and shield. Polybius states that their lack of clothing was their own downfall, but the
Gaesetae were just as well armoured as the majority of the rest of the Celtic warband, so it is
more likely faulty reasoning.
It is interesting to note here some specific references to the arms of the Celts mentioned
here. The Gaesetae, as well as their Boii and Insubres employers in this battle, “though being
almost cut to pieces, they held their ground, equal to their foes in courage, and inferior only, as a
force and individually, in their arms.” (Polybius 30) It is certainly true that while most all of the
Roman army at this time the lorica hamata, a chain-mail hauberk derived from the original
Celtic invention, most of the Celts had only a wooden shield similar to that used by the Romans,
with few having more armour than that. However, it is interesting to note that Polybius explains
that, “from the way their swords are made … only the first cut takes effect; after this they at once
assume the shape of a strigil, being so much bent both length-wise and side-wise that unless the
men are given leisure to rest them on the ground and set them straight with the foot, the second
blow is quite ineffectual.” (Polybius 33) The Celts were some of the earliest ironworkers in
Europe, so one would be led to assume that they would have mastered the art of ironwork, and
by many accounts they were highly skilled in such, and Polybius may perhaps just be
exaggerating slight bends in the blade upon striking metal. However, one should also take into
consideration the work done by the archaeologist David Sim, where he has discovered that a
great deal of Roman iron was purified to a degree that is of the same quality of modern steel,
thought not to have been invented until the nineteenth century. By comparison, any other iron
blade would seem of incredibly poor quality.
There are three extant versions of the sack of Rome by Brennus in 389BC, one of which
written before the Gallic Wars, another written by Dionysus of Halicarnassus in his Roman
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Antiquities under the reign of Augustus. All three versions have different parts to the story told,
or told in different ways, but the overall perception of the Celts remain the same, and
interestingly that in none of them are they truly portrayed as primitive savages, described moreso
as one would have described another Italian people, very generalized. However, all three make
mention of the story where they attempt to scale the cliffs leading up to the citadel, and would
not have been detected if it were not for the sacred geese of Juno, causing all manner of clamor.
Livy too told of Brennus and the sack of Rome, but seems to give them the same
treatment as he does many of Rome’s enemies in Ab Urbe Condita, to make them noble and
worthy foes, for had Rome been forced into hostilities against anything less? In fact, the initial
meeting between them seems to have the stereotypical roles reversed, Livy even prefacing it with
that it was, “A peaceable enough mission, had it not contained envoys of a violent temper, more
like Gauls than Romans.” (Livy 5.36) In the Gallic response to the terms set forth by the Roman
envoys, they gave the addendum, “if territory is refused us we shall fight, whilst you are still
here, that you may report to those at home how far the Gauls surpass all other men in courage."
(Livy 5.36) This phrase, that “Gauls surpass all other men in courage”, is used time and again in
literature used to reference them. If nothing else, this is the constant on the perception of the
Celts.
There is mention made by Livy to the envoys fighting against the Gauls, but he makes no
mention of the Romans initially trying to give money in reparations to them, but instead shifts
immediately to the engaging of hostilities. The Gauls, upon hearing that they’d been spurned,
were said to have, “Burn[ed] with rage-as a nation they cannot control their passions-they seized
their standards and hurriedly set out on their march.” (Livy 5.37) Again here there is the
reference to unbridled passion of the Celts, which is also mentioned upon the actual razing of
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Rome, where, “one of the patricians … roused the passion of a Gaul, who began to stroke his
beard -which in those days was universally worn long-by smiting him on the head with his ivory
staff.” (Livy 5.41) It should be noted that very few Celts traditionally wore beards, instead
usually wearing only a mustache or no facial hair at all, so it is likely that the concept of a long
flowing beard was very foreign to the warrior. The Celts themselves by in large used a lye-based
compound, likely similar to what they would have used to make soap, in order to wash away all
unwanted body hair.
It also bears mentioning the influx of mention to Celtic religious practices following the
pacification of Gaul, for while the Romans were likely tertiarily aware of Druidism and other
Celtic religious practices, the incorporation of a large body of Celtic people who previously had
no direct contact with the Romans dramatically expanded communication of these effects. Livy
ties this religious belief into their general fervor, stating that, “they were restrained by religious
feelings, for as a nation they are by no means inattentive to the claims of religion.” (Livy 5.46)
Cicero, still regarding them as inferior, likens the practices of Druids to Augers of Hellenic and
Roman religions, explain in his De Divinatione that, “Nor is the practice of divination
disregarded even among uncivilized tribes … [One] claimed to have that knowledge of nature
which the Greeks call 'physiologia,' and he used to make predictions, sometimes by means of
augury and sometimes by means of conjecture. (Cicero, 1.41) Strabo too makes mention of their
religious practices, avowing that, “The heads of enemies [were] embalm[ed] in cedar-oil [to]
exhibit to strangers, and they would not deign to give them back even for a ransom of an equal
weight of gold. But the Romans put a stop to these customs, as well as to all those connected
with the sacrifices and divinations that are opposed to our usages.” (Strabo 4.4.5)
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Pliny the Elder makes multiple mentions to practices performed in Celtic religious rites,
in his Natural History asserting that, “The Gallic provinces too were pervaded by the magic art,
and … even down to a period within memory”. However, he states that the rites performed by
those on Britannia are far more mystical, making it seem as a land of magic, continuing that, “the
Roman people, for having put an end to those monstrous rites … to murder a man was to do an
act of the greatest devoutness, and to eat his flesh was to secure the highest blessings of health.
(Pliny 30.4) Here the implication is made that they engage in human sacrifice and eat the flesh
of man, though there is little evidence other than scant writings such as this that cannibalism ever
took place. However, human sacrifice was definitely a part of Celtic religious practice, Caesar
writing in the Commentarii de Bello Gallico that, “unless the life of a man be offered, the mind
of the immortal gods will not favor them.” It is even believed that there have been sacrifices as,
“volunteers to be messengers to the gods.” (James 97)
Strabo, being a geographer rather than a historian, actually gives a different insight into
the Celtic peoples, notably that he mentions things other than invasions that the Celts had taken
place in. For instance, he describes in his Geography how to lands of Gaul produce a large
quantity of a variance of foodstuffs, and that, “none of the country is untilled except parts where
tilling is precluded by swamps and woods. Yet these parts too are thickly peopled – more
because of the largeness of the population than because of the industry of the people; for the
women are not only prolific, but good nurses as well, while the men are fighters rather than
farmers.” (Strabo 4.1.2) Here Strabo intends to make a distinction between the Romans and
Celts, that the Romans are all famers and the Celts warriors, yet the Roman are still superior in
arms. He also continues the theme of their hot-temperedness and ready to go into conflict,
stating that, “The whole race which is now called both "Gallic" and "Galatic" is war-mad, and
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both high-spirited and quick for battle”. (Strabo 4.4.2) Yet it is interesting to note that he makes
reference to a change in the people, that there are, “many things about [the Celts] that do not fit
the facts of to-day. The following, also, is a thing peculiar to them, that they endeavour not to
grow fat or pot-bellied, and any young man who exceeds the standard measure of the girdle is
punished.” (Strabo 4.4.6) It is interesting that there is the standard of fitness required for all men
which has gone slack in recent years, perhaps due to the increased Romanization of the Celtic
peoples.
Strabo also makes note of others aggrandizing their accomplishments in Celtiberia,
conquering three hundred cities where they have only tamed villages. He emphasizes that,
“even those who assert that there are more than one thousand cities in Iberia seem to me to be led
to do so by calling the big villages cities; for, in the first place, the country is naturally not
capable … for those who live in villages are wild (and such are most of the Iberians), and even
the cities themselves cannot easily tame their inhabitants when these are outnumbered by the folk
that live in the forests for the purpose of working mischief upon their neighbours. (Strabo 3.4.13)
There is one important note to take from this, and the reason why it took so long to tame the
Iberian peninsula, that the peoples living there, just like those in Germania, where still much less
socially developed and resorted to guerilla warfare. After all, it is much harder to pacify a forest
than a house. For this exact reason the Gauls were so easily pacified, that they had already
undergone a long period of parallel development to the Greeks and Romans, augmented by trade
relations with them. They already lived in cities, traded, and had craftsmen and arts. They were
easily integrated into Roman civilization because they were already civilized.
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James, Simon. The World of the Celts. London: Thames & Hudson, 1993
Ward, Allen M., Fritz M. Heichelheim, and Cedric A. Yeo. A History of the Roman People. 4th
ed. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Education, 2003. Print.
Amor, Kristen. "Forging Into History." Minerva 7 Aug. 2011. Web. 8 Nov. 2011.
<http://www.kirstenamor.co.uk/blog/195/forging-into-history-david-sim-interview/>.
O'Donnell, Charles J. "Was the Atlantic Zone the Celtic Homelan." University of Wales.
University of Edinburgh. 2008. Web. 8 Nov. 2011.
<http://www.wales.ac.uk/Resources/Documents/Research/ODonnell.pdf>.
Caesar, Julius. Comentarii de Bello Gallico
Cicero. De Divinatione
Dionysus of Halicarnassus. Roman Antiquities
Herodotus. Histories
Livy. Ab Urbe Condita
Pliny the Elder. Natural History
Polybius. The Histories
Siculus, Diodorus. Bibliotheka Historia
Strabo. Geography
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