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106
1 Indo-European Phonology Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European Linguistics 2017 Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik

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Page 1: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

1

Indo-European Phonology

Pavia International Summer Schoolfor Indo-European Linguistics 2017

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2

Syllabus

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General overview1 Stop series2 Centum and Satem

a Dorsal stopsb Affricates and sibilants ruki and ldquothornrdquo

3 Laryngealsa General assumptions about IE laryngealsb Preservation of ldquolaryngealrdquo consonantsc Vocalizationd Compensatory lengtheninge Early loss

3

Syllabus

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4 Vocalisma The question of ab Vowel lengthquantityc Qualitative ablaut

5 Syllable structure

4

The IE sound system

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PreliminariesNotationj (or y) w instead of i uʱ (not ʰ) for bdquovoiced aspirationldquoSometimes h χ ʁ for h₁ h₂ h₃

IE vowelsCommon vowel system reflected in earliest languages

i u ī ūe o ē ō

a ā

5

The IE sound system

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

+ some vowels correspondences with zero eg i = a = a = Oslash = Oslash = a (between obstruents)Oslash = a = o = u = i = ə (with lr)Oslash = a = ae = u = i = ə (with mn)

Distributional peculiaritiesa (and ā) rather rare and mostly confined to beginning or end of rootLong vowels with restricted occurrence

6

The IE sound system

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE consonant system (neo-traditional)

labial dental ldquopalatalrdquo ldquovelarrdquo ldquolabiovelarrdquo rdquolaryngealrdquo

stops voiceless = tenues p t k k kʷ

voiced = mediae (b) d g g gʷ

voiced aspirated = asperae bʱ dʱ gɦ gʱ gʷʱ

fricatives s h₁ h₂ h₃

glides j w

liquids l r

nasals m n

7

1 Stop series A Reconstruction models of PIE stops

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Main reflexes of stop series in IE branches exemplified by dentals

Balto-Slavic d = voiced with lengtheningacute effect (Winterrsquos Law)

Continuation in IE branches

T Anat Toch Ind Iran Greek Italic Celtic Germ B-Sl Alb

t tmiddot t ttʰ tθ t t ttʰ θ t t

dʱ d ttsltdʱ dʱd d (θ) tʰ feth d deth d d

d d tsltd d d (θ) d d d t (tʰts) d d

8

A Reconstruction models of PIE stops

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Models of the PIE stop system exemplified by dentals

(T = ldquoneo-traditionalmainstreamrdquo H = Hopper 19731977 G = Gamkrelidze 1973 N = Normier 1977 V = Vennemann 1984 K = Andreev 1957 Kortlandt 1978a 1985 Haider 1983 Kuumlmmel 20092012 Weiss 2009) Kortlandtrsquos ldquopreglottalized lenisrdquo = ldquovoicelessglottalized implosiveldquo (cf Maddieson 1984 111ff)

T H G NV K Haider +

t t tʰ~t tʰ t t

dʱ dʱd dʱ~d d dʰ~d dgtdʱ

d trsquot trsquo trsquo d [ˀɗ] ɗgtd

9

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) bdquoFinal lenitionldquoStop series distinctions neutralized word-finally to bdquomediaeldquo (at least when followed by a vowel)T gt D Dʱ gt D _ (cf Goddard 2007 123f)Cf 3s verbal ending -t-i gt Latin -t vs -d gt Latin -d2) Voicing assimilationClusters of obstruents must agree in laryngeal features (ie voicing aspiration etc) Normally assimilation is regressive voiced stops are devoiced before voiceless stops and s (but not before laryngeals) voiceless stops and s are voiced before voiced stopsD gt T _Ts cf χawg- rArr χwek-s-T gt D s gt z _D cf pi-pd- gt pibd- si-sd- gt sizd-

10

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Directly attested in IE languages but synchronically productive rArr innovations possible

However dk not assimilated to tk cf developments in decade numeralswi-dkmt- gt PII winćat- PCelt wikant- wīkdeg lsquo20rsquotri-dkmt- gt PII trinćat- PCelt trikant- trīkdeg lsquo30rsquopenkʷe-dkmt- gt penkʷēkdeg gt PII panḱāćat- lsquo50rsquoPerfect de-dk- gt dēk- gt PII dāć- (also in other clusters cf Schumacher 2005)

Loss of syllable-final d with laryngeal-similar effects is sometimes called ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo cf Kortlandt 1983 (cf also possible Vedic va ar lsquowaterrsquo lt wa Hr = Luw wār lt woacuteHr lt woacutedr Lubotsky 2013b)

Original exception with mediae Cf -naacute- for -taacute- in II verbal adjectives to avoid unharmonic clusters

11

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Bartholomaersquos LawBehind a (stem-final) aspirate assimilation is progressive voiceless stops and sbecome voiced and aspirated (for media after aspirata no evidence is available)T gt Dʱ s gt zʱ D_Clearly a productive rule in Proto-Indo-Iranian Sanskrit and Old Avestan (with relics in later Iranian) but elsewhere normally lost analogically (or never applied)4) Dental assibilationDental stops were assibilated preceding (heterosyllabic) dental stopst gt ts _t d gt dz _d d gt dz _dʱSometimes also assumed for the position before velars

12

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Siebsrsquo LawAspirates after initial s gt (allophonically) voiceless aspiratesa) skʰejd- gt gr skʰid-spʰejg- gt gr spʰigg-spʰerH- gt OIA sphar- gr spʰur- (but lt tsperH- after Lubotsky)spʰraχg- gt OIA sphūrj- gr spʰarag-However No assured s-less cognatesAmbiguous due to laryngealskʰaχ- gt Gr skʰa- ~ gʰaχ- lsquoto yawnrsquo gt Gr kʰa-spʰeh- gt OIA sphā-b) Certain variation without proof of aspiration sterbʰ- ~ dʰerbʰ- bʰeng- ~ speng-rArr Voicing alternation assured aspiration unclear Cf now Sturm 2016

13

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

6) Distribution in formative types

rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D

roots particles suffixes endings

tenues + + + +

asperae + + (+) (+)

mediae + (+) ‒ ‒

14

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)

When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip

System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)

p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d

15

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)

Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl

Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d

Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g

16

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Distribution of implosives

Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w

Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo

Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)

17

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible implications for IE rules

bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule

Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)

Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration

Cf Miller 1977

rArr Shift only post-PIE

18

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system

bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)

rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages

Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo

Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ

Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)

19

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA

Main facts and general problems

Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)

ldquoMixedrdquo languages

20

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE

kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck

k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx

kq

kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ

kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg

kgɟ

g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ

kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ

kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ

g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ

gʱɢʱ

kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ

21

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)

ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo

k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-

22

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo

OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo

Distributional peculiarities

No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally

No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]

23

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages

Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti

Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-

rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian

Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-

24

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute

NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel

General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages

25

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo

B Explanations

A) Three original series

Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic

rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 2: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

2

Syllabus

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General overview1 Stop series2 Centum and Satem

a Dorsal stopsb Affricates and sibilants ruki and ldquothornrdquo

3 Laryngealsa General assumptions about IE laryngealsb Preservation of ldquolaryngealrdquo consonantsc Vocalizationd Compensatory lengtheninge Early loss

3

Syllabus

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4 Vocalisma The question of ab Vowel lengthquantityc Qualitative ablaut

5 Syllable structure

4

The IE sound system

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PreliminariesNotationj (or y) w instead of i uʱ (not ʰ) for bdquovoiced aspirationldquoSometimes h χ ʁ for h₁ h₂ h₃

IE vowelsCommon vowel system reflected in earliest languages

i u ī ūe o ē ō

a ā

5

The IE sound system

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

+ some vowels correspondences with zero eg i = a = a = Oslash = Oslash = a (between obstruents)Oslash = a = o = u = i = ə (with lr)Oslash = a = ae = u = i = ə (with mn)

Distributional peculiaritiesa (and ā) rather rare and mostly confined to beginning or end of rootLong vowels with restricted occurrence

6

The IE sound system

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE consonant system (neo-traditional)

labial dental ldquopalatalrdquo ldquovelarrdquo ldquolabiovelarrdquo rdquolaryngealrdquo

stops voiceless = tenues p t k k kʷ

voiced = mediae (b) d g g gʷ

voiced aspirated = asperae bʱ dʱ gɦ gʱ gʷʱ

fricatives s h₁ h₂ h₃

glides j w

liquids l r

nasals m n

7

1 Stop series A Reconstruction models of PIE stops

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Main reflexes of stop series in IE branches exemplified by dentals

Balto-Slavic d = voiced with lengtheningacute effect (Winterrsquos Law)

Continuation in IE branches

T Anat Toch Ind Iran Greek Italic Celtic Germ B-Sl Alb

t tmiddot t ttʰ tθ t t ttʰ θ t t

dʱ d ttsltdʱ dʱd d (θ) tʰ feth d deth d d

d d tsltd d d (θ) d d d t (tʰts) d d

8

A Reconstruction models of PIE stops

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Models of the PIE stop system exemplified by dentals

(T = ldquoneo-traditionalmainstreamrdquo H = Hopper 19731977 G = Gamkrelidze 1973 N = Normier 1977 V = Vennemann 1984 K = Andreev 1957 Kortlandt 1978a 1985 Haider 1983 Kuumlmmel 20092012 Weiss 2009) Kortlandtrsquos ldquopreglottalized lenisrdquo = ldquovoicelessglottalized implosiveldquo (cf Maddieson 1984 111ff)

T H G NV K Haider +

t t tʰ~t tʰ t t

dʱ dʱd dʱ~d d dʰ~d dgtdʱ

d trsquot trsquo trsquo d [ˀɗ] ɗgtd

9

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) bdquoFinal lenitionldquoStop series distinctions neutralized word-finally to bdquomediaeldquo (at least when followed by a vowel)T gt D Dʱ gt D _ (cf Goddard 2007 123f)Cf 3s verbal ending -t-i gt Latin -t vs -d gt Latin -d2) Voicing assimilationClusters of obstruents must agree in laryngeal features (ie voicing aspiration etc) Normally assimilation is regressive voiced stops are devoiced before voiceless stops and s (but not before laryngeals) voiceless stops and s are voiced before voiced stopsD gt T _Ts cf χawg- rArr χwek-s-T gt D s gt z _D cf pi-pd- gt pibd- si-sd- gt sizd-

10

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Directly attested in IE languages but synchronically productive rArr innovations possible

However dk not assimilated to tk cf developments in decade numeralswi-dkmt- gt PII winćat- PCelt wikant- wīkdeg lsquo20rsquotri-dkmt- gt PII trinćat- PCelt trikant- trīkdeg lsquo30rsquopenkʷe-dkmt- gt penkʷēkdeg gt PII panḱāćat- lsquo50rsquoPerfect de-dk- gt dēk- gt PII dāć- (also in other clusters cf Schumacher 2005)

Loss of syllable-final d with laryngeal-similar effects is sometimes called ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo cf Kortlandt 1983 (cf also possible Vedic va ar lsquowaterrsquo lt wa Hr = Luw wār lt woacuteHr lt woacutedr Lubotsky 2013b)

Original exception with mediae Cf -naacute- for -taacute- in II verbal adjectives to avoid unharmonic clusters

11

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Bartholomaersquos LawBehind a (stem-final) aspirate assimilation is progressive voiceless stops and sbecome voiced and aspirated (for media after aspirata no evidence is available)T gt Dʱ s gt zʱ D_Clearly a productive rule in Proto-Indo-Iranian Sanskrit and Old Avestan (with relics in later Iranian) but elsewhere normally lost analogically (or never applied)4) Dental assibilationDental stops were assibilated preceding (heterosyllabic) dental stopst gt ts _t d gt dz _d d gt dz _dʱSometimes also assumed for the position before velars

12

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Siebsrsquo LawAspirates after initial s gt (allophonically) voiceless aspiratesa) skʰejd- gt gr skʰid-spʰejg- gt gr spʰigg-spʰerH- gt OIA sphar- gr spʰur- (but lt tsperH- after Lubotsky)spʰraχg- gt OIA sphūrj- gr spʰarag-However No assured s-less cognatesAmbiguous due to laryngealskʰaχ- gt Gr skʰa- ~ gʰaχ- lsquoto yawnrsquo gt Gr kʰa-spʰeh- gt OIA sphā-b) Certain variation without proof of aspiration sterbʰ- ~ dʰerbʰ- bʰeng- ~ speng-rArr Voicing alternation assured aspiration unclear Cf now Sturm 2016

13

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

6) Distribution in formative types

rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D

roots particles suffixes endings

tenues + + + +

asperae + + (+) (+)

mediae + (+) ‒ ‒

14

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)

When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip

System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)

p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d

15

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)

Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl

Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d

Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g

16

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Distribution of implosives

Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w

Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo

Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)

17

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible implications for IE rules

bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule

Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)

Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration

Cf Miller 1977

rArr Shift only post-PIE

18

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system

bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)

rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages

Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo

Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ

Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)

19

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA

Main facts and general problems

Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)

ldquoMixedrdquo languages

20

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE

kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck

k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx

kq

kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ

kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg

kgɟ

g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ

kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ

kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ

g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ

gʱɢʱ

kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ

21

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)

ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo

k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-

22

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo

OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo

Distributional peculiarities

No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally

No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]

23

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages

Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti

Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-

rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian

Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-

24

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute

NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel

General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages

25

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo

B Explanations

A) Three original series

Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic

rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 3: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

3

Syllabus

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4 Vocalisma The question of ab Vowel lengthquantityc Qualitative ablaut

5 Syllable structure

4

The IE sound system

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PreliminariesNotationj (or y) w instead of i uʱ (not ʰ) for bdquovoiced aspirationldquoSometimes h χ ʁ for h₁ h₂ h₃

IE vowelsCommon vowel system reflected in earliest languages

i u ī ūe o ē ō

a ā

5

The IE sound system

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

+ some vowels correspondences with zero eg i = a = a = Oslash = Oslash = a (between obstruents)Oslash = a = o = u = i = ə (with lr)Oslash = a = ae = u = i = ə (with mn)

Distributional peculiaritiesa (and ā) rather rare and mostly confined to beginning or end of rootLong vowels with restricted occurrence

6

The IE sound system

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE consonant system (neo-traditional)

labial dental ldquopalatalrdquo ldquovelarrdquo ldquolabiovelarrdquo rdquolaryngealrdquo

stops voiceless = tenues p t k k kʷ

voiced = mediae (b) d g g gʷ

voiced aspirated = asperae bʱ dʱ gɦ gʱ gʷʱ

fricatives s h₁ h₂ h₃

glides j w

liquids l r

nasals m n

7

1 Stop series A Reconstruction models of PIE stops

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Main reflexes of stop series in IE branches exemplified by dentals

Balto-Slavic d = voiced with lengtheningacute effect (Winterrsquos Law)

Continuation in IE branches

T Anat Toch Ind Iran Greek Italic Celtic Germ B-Sl Alb

t tmiddot t ttʰ tθ t t ttʰ θ t t

dʱ d ttsltdʱ dʱd d (θ) tʰ feth d deth d d

d d tsltd d d (θ) d d d t (tʰts) d d

8

A Reconstruction models of PIE stops

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Models of the PIE stop system exemplified by dentals

(T = ldquoneo-traditionalmainstreamrdquo H = Hopper 19731977 G = Gamkrelidze 1973 N = Normier 1977 V = Vennemann 1984 K = Andreev 1957 Kortlandt 1978a 1985 Haider 1983 Kuumlmmel 20092012 Weiss 2009) Kortlandtrsquos ldquopreglottalized lenisrdquo = ldquovoicelessglottalized implosiveldquo (cf Maddieson 1984 111ff)

T H G NV K Haider +

t t tʰ~t tʰ t t

dʱ dʱd dʱ~d d dʰ~d dgtdʱ

d trsquot trsquo trsquo d [ˀɗ] ɗgtd

9

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) bdquoFinal lenitionldquoStop series distinctions neutralized word-finally to bdquomediaeldquo (at least when followed by a vowel)T gt D Dʱ gt D _ (cf Goddard 2007 123f)Cf 3s verbal ending -t-i gt Latin -t vs -d gt Latin -d2) Voicing assimilationClusters of obstruents must agree in laryngeal features (ie voicing aspiration etc) Normally assimilation is regressive voiced stops are devoiced before voiceless stops and s (but not before laryngeals) voiceless stops and s are voiced before voiced stopsD gt T _Ts cf χawg- rArr χwek-s-T gt D s gt z _D cf pi-pd- gt pibd- si-sd- gt sizd-

10

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Directly attested in IE languages but synchronically productive rArr innovations possible

However dk not assimilated to tk cf developments in decade numeralswi-dkmt- gt PII winćat- PCelt wikant- wīkdeg lsquo20rsquotri-dkmt- gt PII trinćat- PCelt trikant- trīkdeg lsquo30rsquopenkʷe-dkmt- gt penkʷēkdeg gt PII panḱāćat- lsquo50rsquoPerfect de-dk- gt dēk- gt PII dāć- (also in other clusters cf Schumacher 2005)

Loss of syllable-final d with laryngeal-similar effects is sometimes called ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo cf Kortlandt 1983 (cf also possible Vedic va ar lsquowaterrsquo lt wa Hr = Luw wār lt woacuteHr lt woacutedr Lubotsky 2013b)

Original exception with mediae Cf -naacute- for -taacute- in II verbal adjectives to avoid unharmonic clusters

11

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Bartholomaersquos LawBehind a (stem-final) aspirate assimilation is progressive voiceless stops and sbecome voiced and aspirated (for media after aspirata no evidence is available)T gt Dʱ s gt zʱ D_Clearly a productive rule in Proto-Indo-Iranian Sanskrit and Old Avestan (with relics in later Iranian) but elsewhere normally lost analogically (or never applied)4) Dental assibilationDental stops were assibilated preceding (heterosyllabic) dental stopst gt ts _t d gt dz _d d gt dz _dʱSometimes also assumed for the position before velars

12

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Siebsrsquo LawAspirates after initial s gt (allophonically) voiceless aspiratesa) skʰejd- gt gr skʰid-spʰejg- gt gr spʰigg-spʰerH- gt OIA sphar- gr spʰur- (but lt tsperH- after Lubotsky)spʰraχg- gt OIA sphūrj- gr spʰarag-However No assured s-less cognatesAmbiguous due to laryngealskʰaχ- gt Gr skʰa- ~ gʰaχ- lsquoto yawnrsquo gt Gr kʰa-spʰeh- gt OIA sphā-b) Certain variation without proof of aspiration sterbʰ- ~ dʰerbʰ- bʰeng- ~ speng-rArr Voicing alternation assured aspiration unclear Cf now Sturm 2016

13

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

6) Distribution in formative types

rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D

roots particles suffixes endings

tenues + + + +

asperae + + (+) (+)

mediae + (+) ‒ ‒

14

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)

When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip

System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)

p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d

15

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)

Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl

Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d

Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g

16

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Distribution of implosives

Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w

Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo

Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)

17

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible implications for IE rules

bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule

Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)

Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration

Cf Miller 1977

rArr Shift only post-PIE

18

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system

bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)

rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages

Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo

Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ

Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)

19

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA

Main facts and general problems

Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)

ldquoMixedrdquo languages

20

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE

kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck

k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx

kq

kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ

kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg

kgɟ

g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ

kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ

kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ

g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ

gʱɢʱ

kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ

21

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)

ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo

k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-

22

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo

OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo

Distributional peculiarities

No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally

No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]

23

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages

Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti

Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-

rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian

Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-

24

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute

NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel

General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages

25

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo

B Explanations

A) Three original series

Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic

rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 4: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

4

The IE sound system

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PreliminariesNotationj (or y) w instead of i uʱ (not ʰ) for bdquovoiced aspirationldquoSometimes h χ ʁ for h₁ h₂ h₃

IE vowelsCommon vowel system reflected in earliest languages

i u ī ūe o ē ō

a ā

5

The IE sound system

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

+ some vowels correspondences with zero eg i = a = a = Oslash = Oslash = a (between obstruents)Oslash = a = o = u = i = ə (with lr)Oslash = a = ae = u = i = ə (with mn)

Distributional peculiaritiesa (and ā) rather rare and mostly confined to beginning or end of rootLong vowels with restricted occurrence

6

The IE sound system

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE consonant system (neo-traditional)

labial dental ldquopalatalrdquo ldquovelarrdquo ldquolabiovelarrdquo rdquolaryngealrdquo

stops voiceless = tenues p t k k kʷ

voiced = mediae (b) d g g gʷ

voiced aspirated = asperae bʱ dʱ gɦ gʱ gʷʱ

fricatives s h₁ h₂ h₃

glides j w

liquids l r

nasals m n

7

1 Stop series A Reconstruction models of PIE stops

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Main reflexes of stop series in IE branches exemplified by dentals

Balto-Slavic d = voiced with lengtheningacute effect (Winterrsquos Law)

Continuation in IE branches

T Anat Toch Ind Iran Greek Italic Celtic Germ B-Sl Alb

t tmiddot t ttʰ tθ t t ttʰ θ t t

dʱ d ttsltdʱ dʱd d (θ) tʰ feth d deth d d

d d tsltd d d (θ) d d d t (tʰts) d d

8

A Reconstruction models of PIE stops

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Models of the PIE stop system exemplified by dentals

(T = ldquoneo-traditionalmainstreamrdquo H = Hopper 19731977 G = Gamkrelidze 1973 N = Normier 1977 V = Vennemann 1984 K = Andreev 1957 Kortlandt 1978a 1985 Haider 1983 Kuumlmmel 20092012 Weiss 2009) Kortlandtrsquos ldquopreglottalized lenisrdquo = ldquovoicelessglottalized implosiveldquo (cf Maddieson 1984 111ff)

T H G NV K Haider +

t t tʰ~t tʰ t t

dʱ dʱd dʱ~d d dʰ~d dgtdʱ

d trsquot trsquo trsquo d [ˀɗ] ɗgtd

9

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) bdquoFinal lenitionldquoStop series distinctions neutralized word-finally to bdquomediaeldquo (at least when followed by a vowel)T gt D Dʱ gt D _ (cf Goddard 2007 123f)Cf 3s verbal ending -t-i gt Latin -t vs -d gt Latin -d2) Voicing assimilationClusters of obstruents must agree in laryngeal features (ie voicing aspiration etc) Normally assimilation is regressive voiced stops are devoiced before voiceless stops and s (but not before laryngeals) voiceless stops and s are voiced before voiced stopsD gt T _Ts cf χawg- rArr χwek-s-T gt D s gt z _D cf pi-pd- gt pibd- si-sd- gt sizd-

10

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Directly attested in IE languages but synchronically productive rArr innovations possible

However dk not assimilated to tk cf developments in decade numeralswi-dkmt- gt PII winćat- PCelt wikant- wīkdeg lsquo20rsquotri-dkmt- gt PII trinćat- PCelt trikant- trīkdeg lsquo30rsquopenkʷe-dkmt- gt penkʷēkdeg gt PII panḱāćat- lsquo50rsquoPerfect de-dk- gt dēk- gt PII dāć- (also in other clusters cf Schumacher 2005)

Loss of syllable-final d with laryngeal-similar effects is sometimes called ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo cf Kortlandt 1983 (cf also possible Vedic va ar lsquowaterrsquo lt wa Hr = Luw wār lt woacuteHr lt woacutedr Lubotsky 2013b)

Original exception with mediae Cf -naacute- for -taacute- in II verbal adjectives to avoid unharmonic clusters

11

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Bartholomaersquos LawBehind a (stem-final) aspirate assimilation is progressive voiceless stops and sbecome voiced and aspirated (for media after aspirata no evidence is available)T gt Dʱ s gt zʱ D_Clearly a productive rule in Proto-Indo-Iranian Sanskrit and Old Avestan (with relics in later Iranian) but elsewhere normally lost analogically (or never applied)4) Dental assibilationDental stops were assibilated preceding (heterosyllabic) dental stopst gt ts _t d gt dz _d d gt dz _dʱSometimes also assumed for the position before velars

12

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Siebsrsquo LawAspirates after initial s gt (allophonically) voiceless aspiratesa) skʰejd- gt gr skʰid-spʰejg- gt gr spʰigg-spʰerH- gt OIA sphar- gr spʰur- (but lt tsperH- after Lubotsky)spʰraχg- gt OIA sphūrj- gr spʰarag-However No assured s-less cognatesAmbiguous due to laryngealskʰaχ- gt Gr skʰa- ~ gʰaχ- lsquoto yawnrsquo gt Gr kʰa-spʰeh- gt OIA sphā-b) Certain variation without proof of aspiration sterbʰ- ~ dʰerbʰ- bʰeng- ~ speng-rArr Voicing alternation assured aspiration unclear Cf now Sturm 2016

13

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

6) Distribution in formative types

rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D

roots particles suffixes endings

tenues + + + +

asperae + + (+) (+)

mediae + (+) ‒ ‒

14

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)

When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip

System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)

p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d

15

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)

Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl

Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d

Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g

16

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Distribution of implosives

Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w

Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo

Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)

17

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible implications for IE rules

bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule

Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)

Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration

Cf Miller 1977

rArr Shift only post-PIE

18

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system

bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)

rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages

Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo

Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ

Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)

19

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA

Main facts and general problems

Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)

ldquoMixedrdquo languages

20

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE

kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck

k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx

kq

kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ

kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg

kgɟ

g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ

kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ

kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ

g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ

gʱɢʱ

kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ

21

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)

ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo

k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-

22

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo

OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo

Distributional peculiarities

No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally

No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]

23

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages

Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti

Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-

rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian

Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-

24

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute

NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel

General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages

25

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo

B Explanations

A) Three original series

Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic

rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 5: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

5

The IE sound system

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

+ some vowels correspondences with zero eg i = a = a = Oslash = Oslash = a (between obstruents)Oslash = a = o = u = i = ə (with lr)Oslash = a = ae = u = i = ə (with mn)

Distributional peculiaritiesa (and ā) rather rare and mostly confined to beginning or end of rootLong vowels with restricted occurrence

6

The IE sound system

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE consonant system (neo-traditional)

labial dental ldquopalatalrdquo ldquovelarrdquo ldquolabiovelarrdquo rdquolaryngealrdquo

stops voiceless = tenues p t k k kʷ

voiced = mediae (b) d g g gʷ

voiced aspirated = asperae bʱ dʱ gɦ gʱ gʷʱ

fricatives s h₁ h₂ h₃

glides j w

liquids l r

nasals m n

7

1 Stop series A Reconstruction models of PIE stops

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Main reflexes of stop series in IE branches exemplified by dentals

Balto-Slavic d = voiced with lengtheningacute effect (Winterrsquos Law)

Continuation in IE branches

T Anat Toch Ind Iran Greek Italic Celtic Germ B-Sl Alb

t tmiddot t ttʰ tθ t t ttʰ θ t t

dʱ d ttsltdʱ dʱd d (θ) tʰ feth d deth d d

d d tsltd d d (θ) d d d t (tʰts) d d

8

A Reconstruction models of PIE stops

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Models of the PIE stop system exemplified by dentals

(T = ldquoneo-traditionalmainstreamrdquo H = Hopper 19731977 G = Gamkrelidze 1973 N = Normier 1977 V = Vennemann 1984 K = Andreev 1957 Kortlandt 1978a 1985 Haider 1983 Kuumlmmel 20092012 Weiss 2009) Kortlandtrsquos ldquopreglottalized lenisrdquo = ldquovoicelessglottalized implosiveldquo (cf Maddieson 1984 111ff)

T H G NV K Haider +

t t tʰ~t tʰ t t

dʱ dʱd dʱ~d d dʰ~d dgtdʱ

d trsquot trsquo trsquo d [ˀɗ] ɗgtd

9

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) bdquoFinal lenitionldquoStop series distinctions neutralized word-finally to bdquomediaeldquo (at least when followed by a vowel)T gt D Dʱ gt D _ (cf Goddard 2007 123f)Cf 3s verbal ending -t-i gt Latin -t vs -d gt Latin -d2) Voicing assimilationClusters of obstruents must agree in laryngeal features (ie voicing aspiration etc) Normally assimilation is regressive voiced stops are devoiced before voiceless stops and s (but not before laryngeals) voiceless stops and s are voiced before voiced stopsD gt T _Ts cf χawg- rArr χwek-s-T gt D s gt z _D cf pi-pd- gt pibd- si-sd- gt sizd-

10

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Directly attested in IE languages but synchronically productive rArr innovations possible

However dk not assimilated to tk cf developments in decade numeralswi-dkmt- gt PII winćat- PCelt wikant- wīkdeg lsquo20rsquotri-dkmt- gt PII trinćat- PCelt trikant- trīkdeg lsquo30rsquopenkʷe-dkmt- gt penkʷēkdeg gt PII panḱāćat- lsquo50rsquoPerfect de-dk- gt dēk- gt PII dāć- (also in other clusters cf Schumacher 2005)

Loss of syllable-final d with laryngeal-similar effects is sometimes called ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo cf Kortlandt 1983 (cf also possible Vedic va ar lsquowaterrsquo lt wa Hr = Luw wār lt woacuteHr lt woacutedr Lubotsky 2013b)

Original exception with mediae Cf -naacute- for -taacute- in II verbal adjectives to avoid unharmonic clusters

11

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Bartholomaersquos LawBehind a (stem-final) aspirate assimilation is progressive voiceless stops and sbecome voiced and aspirated (for media after aspirata no evidence is available)T gt Dʱ s gt zʱ D_Clearly a productive rule in Proto-Indo-Iranian Sanskrit and Old Avestan (with relics in later Iranian) but elsewhere normally lost analogically (or never applied)4) Dental assibilationDental stops were assibilated preceding (heterosyllabic) dental stopst gt ts _t d gt dz _d d gt dz _dʱSometimes also assumed for the position before velars

12

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Siebsrsquo LawAspirates after initial s gt (allophonically) voiceless aspiratesa) skʰejd- gt gr skʰid-spʰejg- gt gr spʰigg-spʰerH- gt OIA sphar- gr spʰur- (but lt tsperH- after Lubotsky)spʰraχg- gt OIA sphūrj- gr spʰarag-However No assured s-less cognatesAmbiguous due to laryngealskʰaχ- gt Gr skʰa- ~ gʰaχ- lsquoto yawnrsquo gt Gr kʰa-spʰeh- gt OIA sphā-b) Certain variation without proof of aspiration sterbʰ- ~ dʰerbʰ- bʰeng- ~ speng-rArr Voicing alternation assured aspiration unclear Cf now Sturm 2016

13

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

6) Distribution in formative types

rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D

roots particles suffixes endings

tenues + + + +

asperae + + (+) (+)

mediae + (+) ‒ ‒

14

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)

When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip

System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)

p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d

15

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)

Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl

Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d

Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g

16

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Distribution of implosives

Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w

Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo

Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)

17

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible implications for IE rules

bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule

Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)

Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration

Cf Miller 1977

rArr Shift only post-PIE

18

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system

bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)

rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages

Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo

Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ

Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)

19

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA

Main facts and general problems

Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)

ldquoMixedrdquo languages

20

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE

kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck

k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx

kq

kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ

kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg

kgɟ

g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ

kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ

kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ

g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ

gʱɢʱ

kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ

21

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)

ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo

k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-

22

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo

OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo

Distributional peculiarities

No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally

No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]

23

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages

Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti

Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-

rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian

Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-

24

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute

NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel

General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages

25

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo

B Explanations

A) Three original series

Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic

rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 6: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

6

The IE sound system

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE consonant system (neo-traditional)

labial dental ldquopalatalrdquo ldquovelarrdquo ldquolabiovelarrdquo rdquolaryngealrdquo

stops voiceless = tenues p t k k kʷ

voiced = mediae (b) d g g gʷ

voiced aspirated = asperae bʱ dʱ gɦ gʱ gʷʱ

fricatives s h₁ h₂ h₃

glides j w

liquids l r

nasals m n

7

1 Stop series A Reconstruction models of PIE stops

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Main reflexes of stop series in IE branches exemplified by dentals

Balto-Slavic d = voiced with lengtheningacute effect (Winterrsquos Law)

Continuation in IE branches

T Anat Toch Ind Iran Greek Italic Celtic Germ B-Sl Alb

t tmiddot t ttʰ tθ t t ttʰ θ t t

dʱ d ttsltdʱ dʱd d (θ) tʰ feth d deth d d

d d tsltd d d (θ) d d d t (tʰts) d d

8

A Reconstruction models of PIE stops

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Models of the PIE stop system exemplified by dentals

(T = ldquoneo-traditionalmainstreamrdquo H = Hopper 19731977 G = Gamkrelidze 1973 N = Normier 1977 V = Vennemann 1984 K = Andreev 1957 Kortlandt 1978a 1985 Haider 1983 Kuumlmmel 20092012 Weiss 2009) Kortlandtrsquos ldquopreglottalized lenisrdquo = ldquovoicelessglottalized implosiveldquo (cf Maddieson 1984 111ff)

T H G NV K Haider +

t t tʰ~t tʰ t t

dʱ dʱd dʱ~d d dʰ~d dgtdʱ

d trsquot trsquo trsquo d [ˀɗ] ɗgtd

9

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) bdquoFinal lenitionldquoStop series distinctions neutralized word-finally to bdquomediaeldquo (at least when followed by a vowel)T gt D Dʱ gt D _ (cf Goddard 2007 123f)Cf 3s verbal ending -t-i gt Latin -t vs -d gt Latin -d2) Voicing assimilationClusters of obstruents must agree in laryngeal features (ie voicing aspiration etc) Normally assimilation is regressive voiced stops are devoiced before voiceless stops and s (but not before laryngeals) voiceless stops and s are voiced before voiced stopsD gt T _Ts cf χawg- rArr χwek-s-T gt D s gt z _D cf pi-pd- gt pibd- si-sd- gt sizd-

10

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Directly attested in IE languages but synchronically productive rArr innovations possible

However dk not assimilated to tk cf developments in decade numeralswi-dkmt- gt PII winćat- PCelt wikant- wīkdeg lsquo20rsquotri-dkmt- gt PII trinćat- PCelt trikant- trīkdeg lsquo30rsquopenkʷe-dkmt- gt penkʷēkdeg gt PII panḱāćat- lsquo50rsquoPerfect de-dk- gt dēk- gt PII dāć- (also in other clusters cf Schumacher 2005)

Loss of syllable-final d with laryngeal-similar effects is sometimes called ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo cf Kortlandt 1983 (cf also possible Vedic va ar lsquowaterrsquo lt wa Hr = Luw wār lt woacuteHr lt woacutedr Lubotsky 2013b)

Original exception with mediae Cf -naacute- for -taacute- in II verbal adjectives to avoid unharmonic clusters

11

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Bartholomaersquos LawBehind a (stem-final) aspirate assimilation is progressive voiceless stops and sbecome voiced and aspirated (for media after aspirata no evidence is available)T gt Dʱ s gt zʱ D_Clearly a productive rule in Proto-Indo-Iranian Sanskrit and Old Avestan (with relics in later Iranian) but elsewhere normally lost analogically (or never applied)4) Dental assibilationDental stops were assibilated preceding (heterosyllabic) dental stopst gt ts _t d gt dz _d d gt dz _dʱSometimes also assumed for the position before velars

12

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Siebsrsquo LawAspirates after initial s gt (allophonically) voiceless aspiratesa) skʰejd- gt gr skʰid-spʰejg- gt gr spʰigg-spʰerH- gt OIA sphar- gr spʰur- (but lt tsperH- after Lubotsky)spʰraχg- gt OIA sphūrj- gr spʰarag-However No assured s-less cognatesAmbiguous due to laryngealskʰaχ- gt Gr skʰa- ~ gʰaχ- lsquoto yawnrsquo gt Gr kʰa-spʰeh- gt OIA sphā-b) Certain variation without proof of aspiration sterbʰ- ~ dʰerbʰ- bʰeng- ~ speng-rArr Voicing alternation assured aspiration unclear Cf now Sturm 2016

13

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

6) Distribution in formative types

rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D

roots particles suffixes endings

tenues + + + +

asperae + + (+) (+)

mediae + (+) ‒ ‒

14

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)

When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip

System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)

p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d

15

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)

Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl

Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d

Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g

16

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Distribution of implosives

Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w

Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo

Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)

17

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible implications for IE rules

bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule

Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)

Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration

Cf Miller 1977

rArr Shift only post-PIE

18

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system

bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)

rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages

Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo

Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ

Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)

19

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA

Main facts and general problems

Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)

ldquoMixedrdquo languages

20

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE

kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck

k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx

kq

kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ

kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg

kgɟ

g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ

kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ

kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ

g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ

gʱɢʱ

kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ

21

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)

ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo

k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-

22

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo

OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo

Distributional peculiarities

No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally

No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]

23

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages

Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti

Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-

rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian

Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-

24

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute

NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel

General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages

25

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo

B Explanations

A) Three original series

Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic

rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 7: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

7

1 Stop series A Reconstruction models of PIE stops

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Main reflexes of stop series in IE branches exemplified by dentals

Balto-Slavic d = voiced with lengtheningacute effect (Winterrsquos Law)

Continuation in IE branches

T Anat Toch Ind Iran Greek Italic Celtic Germ B-Sl Alb

t tmiddot t ttʰ tθ t t ttʰ θ t t

dʱ d ttsltdʱ dʱd d (θ) tʰ feth d deth d d

d d tsltd d d (θ) d d d t (tʰts) d d

8

A Reconstruction models of PIE stops

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Models of the PIE stop system exemplified by dentals

(T = ldquoneo-traditionalmainstreamrdquo H = Hopper 19731977 G = Gamkrelidze 1973 N = Normier 1977 V = Vennemann 1984 K = Andreev 1957 Kortlandt 1978a 1985 Haider 1983 Kuumlmmel 20092012 Weiss 2009) Kortlandtrsquos ldquopreglottalized lenisrdquo = ldquovoicelessglottalized implosiveldquo (cf Maddieson 1984 111ff)

T H G NV K Haider +

t t tʰ~t tʰ t t

dʱ dʱd dʱ~d d dʰ~d dgtdʱ

d trsquot trsquo trsquo d [ˀɗ] ɗgtd

9

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) bdquoFinal lenitionldquoStop series distinctions neutralized word-finally to bdquomediaeldquo (at least when followed by a vowel)T gt D Dʱ gt D _ (cf Goddard 2007 123f)Cf 3s verbal ending -t-i gt Latin -t vs -d gt Latin -d2) Voicing assimilationClusters of obstruents must agree in laryngeal features (ie voicing aspiration etc) Normally assimilation is regressive voiced stops are devoiced before voiceless stops and s (but not before laryngeals) voiceless stops and s are voiced before voiced stopsD gt T _Ts cf χawg- rArr χwek-s-T gt D s gt z _D cf pi-pd- gt pibd- si-sd- gt sizd-

10

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Directly attested in IE languages but synchronically productive rArr innovations possible

However dk not assimilated to tk cf developments in decade numeralswi-dkmt- gt PII winćat- PCelt wikant- wīkdeg lsquo20rsquotri-dkmt- gt PII trinćat- PCelt trikant- trīkdeg lsquo30rsquopenkʷe-dkmt- gt penkʷēkdeg gt PII panḱāćat- lsquo50rsquoPerfect de-dk- gt dēk- gt PII dāć- (also in other clusters cf Schumacher 2005)

Loss of syllable-final d with laryngeal-similar effects is sometimes called ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo cf Kortlandt 1983 (cf also possible Vedic va ar lsquowaterrsquo lt wa Hr = Luw wār lt woacuteHr lt woacutedr Lubotsky 2013b)

Original exception with mediae Cf -naacute- for -taacute- in II verbal adjectives to avoid unharmonic clusters

11

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Bartholomaersquos LawBehind a (stem-final) aspirate assimilation is progressive voiceless stops and sbecome voiced and aspirated (for media after aspirata no evidence is available)T gt Dʱ s gt zʱ D_Clearly a productive rule in Proto-Indo-Iranian Sanskrit and Old Avestan (with relics in later Iranian) but elsewhere normally lost analogically (or never applied)4) Dental assibilationDental stops were assibilated preceding (heterosyllabic) dental stopst gt ts _t d gt dz _d d gt dz _dʱSometimes also assumed for the position before velars

12

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Siebsrsquo LawAspirates after initial s gt (allophonically) voiceless aspiratesa) skʰejd- gt gr skʰid-spʰejg- gt gr spʰigg-spʰerH- gt OIA sphar- gr spʰur- (but lt tsperH- after Lubotsky)spʰraχg- gt OIA sphūrj- gr spʰarag-However No assured s-less cognatesAmbiguous due to laryngealskʰaχ- gt Gr skʰa- ~ gʰaχ- lsquoto yawnrsquo gt Gr kʰa-spʰeh- gt OIA sphā-b) Certain variation without proof of aspiration sterbʰ- ~ dʰerbʰ- bʰeng- ~ speng-rArr Voicing alternation assured aspiration unclear Cf now Sturm 2016

13

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

6) Distribution in formative types

rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D

roots particles suffixes endings

tenues + + + +

asperae + + (+) (+)

mediae + (+) ‒ ‒

14

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)

When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip

System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)

p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d

15

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)

Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl

Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d

Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g

16

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Distribution of implosives

Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w

Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo

Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)

17

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible implications for IE rules

bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule

Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)

Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration

Cf Miller 1977

rArr Shift only post-PIE

18

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system

bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)

rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages

Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo

Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ

Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)

19

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA

Main facts and general problems

Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)

ldquoMixedrdquo languages

20

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE

kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck

k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx

kq

kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ

kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg

kgɟ

g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ

kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ

kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ

g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ

gʱɢʱ

kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ

21

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)

ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo

k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-

22

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo

OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo

Distributional peculiarities

No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally

No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]

23

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages

Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti

Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-

rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian

Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-

24

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute

NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel

General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages

25

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo

B Explanations

A) Three original series

Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic

rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 8: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

8

A Reconstruction models of PIE stops

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Models of the PIE stop system exemplified by dentals

(T = ldquoneo-traditionalmainstreamrdquo H = Hopper 19731977 G = Gamkrelidze 1973 N = Normier 1977 V = Vennemann 1984 K = Andreev 1957 Kortlandt 1978a 1985 Haider 1983 Kuumlmmel 20092012 Weiss 2009) Kortlandtrsquos ldquopreglottalized lenisrdquo = ldquovoicelessglottalized implosiveldquo (cf Maddieson 1984 111ff)

T H G NV K Haider +

t t tʰ~t tʰ t t

dʱ dʱd dʱ~d d dʰ~d dgtdʱ

d trsquot trsquo trsquo d [ˀɗ] ɗgtd

9

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) bdquoFinal lenitionldquoStop series distinctions neutralized word-finally to bdquomediaeldquo (at least when followed by a vowel)T gt D Dʱ gt D _ (cf Goddard 2007 123f)Cf 3s verbal ending -t-i gt Latin -t vs -d gt Latin -d2) Voicing assimilationClusters of obstruents must agree in laryngeal features (ie voicing aspiration etc) Normally assimilation is regressive voiced stops are devoiced before voiceless stops and s (but not before laryngeals) voiceless stops and s are voiced before voiced stopsD gt T _Ts cf χawg- rArr χwek-s-T gt D s gt z _D cf pi-pd- gt pibd- si-sd- gt sizd-

10

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Directly attested in IE languages but synchronically productive rArr innovations possible

However dk not assimilated to tk cf developments in decade numeralswi-dkmt- gt PII winćat- PCelt wikant- wīkdeg lsquo20rsquotri-dkmt- gt PII trinćat- PCelt trikant- trīkdeg lsquo30rsquopenkʷe-dkmt- gt penkʷēkdeg gt PII panḱāćat- lsquo50rsquoPerfect de-dk- gt dēk- gt PII dāć- (also in other clusters cf Schumacher 2005)

Loss of syllable-final d with laryngeal-similar effects is sometimes called ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo cf Kortlandt 1983 (cf also possible Vedic va ar lsquowaterrsquo lt wa Hr = Luw wār lt woacuteHr lt woacutedr Lubotsky 2013b)

Original exception with mediae Cf -naacute- for -taacute- in II verbal adjectives to avoid unharmonic clusters

11

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Bartholomaersquos LawBehind a (stem-final) aspirate assimilation is progressive voiceless stops and sbecome voiced and aspirated (for media after aspirata no evidence is available)T gt Dʱ s gt zʱ D_Clearly a productive rule in Proto-Indo-Iranian Sanskrit and Old Avestan (with relics in later Iranian) but elsewhere normally lost analogically (or never applied)4) Dental assibilationDental stops were assibilated preceding (heterosyllabic) dental stopst gt ts _t d gt dz _d d gt dz _dʱSometimes also assumed for the position before velars

12

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Siebsrsquo LawAspirates after initial s gt (allophonically) voiceless aspiratesa) skʰejd- gt gr skʰid-spʰejg- gt gr spʰigg-spʰerH- gt OIA sphar- gr spʰur- (but lt tsperH- after Lubotsky)spʰraχg- gt OIA sphūrj- gr spʰarag-However No assured s-less cognatesAmbiguous due to laryngealskʰaχ- gt Gr skʰa- ~ gʰaχ- lsquoto yawnrsquo gt Gr kʰa-spʰeh- gt OIA sphā-b) Certain variation without proof of aspiration sterbʰ- ~ dʰerbʰ- bʰeng- ~ speng-rArr Voicing alternation assured aspiration unclear Cf now Sturm 2016

13

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

6) Distribution in formative types

rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D

roots particles suffixes endings

tenues + + + +

asperae + + (+) (+)

mediae + (+) ‒ ‒

14

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)

When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip

System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)

p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d

15

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)

Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl

Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d

Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g

16

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Distribution of implosives

Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w

Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo

Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)

17

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible implications for IE rules

bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule

Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)

Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration

Cf Miller 1977

rArr Shift only post-PIE

18

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system

bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)

rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages

Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo

Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ

Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)

19

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA

Main facts and general problems

Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)

ldquoMixedrdquo languages

20

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE

kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck

k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx

kq

kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ

kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg

kgɟ

g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ

kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ

kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ

g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ

gʱɢʱ

kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ

21

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)

ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo

k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-

22

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo

OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo

Distributional peculiarities

No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally

No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]

23

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages

Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti

Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-

rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian

Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-

24

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute

NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel

General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages

25

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo

B Explanations

A) Three original series

Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic

rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 9: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

9

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) bdquoFinal lenitionldquoStop series distinctions neutralized word-finally to bdquomediaeldquo (at least when followed by a vowel)T gt D Dʱ gt D _ (cf Goddard 2007 123f)Cf 3s verbal ending -t-i gt Latin -t vs -d gt Latin -d2) Voicing assimilationClusters of obstruents must agree in laryngeal features (ie voicing aspiration etc) Normally assimilation is regressive voiced stops are devoiced before voiceless stops and s (but not before laryngeals) voiceless stops and s are voiced before voiced stopsD gt T _Ts cf χawg- rArr χwek-s-T gt D s gt z _D cf pi-pd- gt pibd- si-sd- gt sizd-

10

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Directly attested in IE languages but synchronically productive rArr innovations possible

However dk not assimilated to tk cf developments in decade numeralswi-dkmt- gt PII winćat- PCelt wikant- wīkdeg lsquo20rsquotri-dkmt- gt PII trinćat- PCelt trikant- trīkdeg lsquo30rsquopenkʷe-dkmt- gt penkʷēkdeg gt PII panḱāćat- lsquo50rsquoPerfect de-dk- gt dēk- gt PII dāć- (also in other clusters cf Schumacher 2005)

Loss of syllable-final d with laryngeal-similar effects is sometimes called ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo cf Kortlandt 1983 (cf also possible Vedic va ar lsquowaterrsquo lt wa Hr = Luw wār lt woacuteHr lt woacutedr Lubotsky 2013b)

Original exception with mediae Cf -naacute- for -taacute- in II verbal adjectives to avoid unharmonic clusters

11

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Bartholomaersquos LawBehind a (stem-final) aspirate assimilation is progressive voiceless stops and sbecome voiced and aspirated (for media after aspirata no evidence is available)T gt Dʱ s gt zʱ D_Clearly a productive rule in Proto-Indo-Iranian Sanskrit and Old Avestan (with relics in later Iranian) but elsewhere normally lost analogically (or never applied)4) Dental assibilationDental stops were assibilated preceding (heterosyllabic) dental stopst gt ts _t d gt dz _d d gt dz _dʱSometimes also assumed for the position before velars

12

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Siebsrsquo LawAspirates after initial s gt (allophonically) voiceless aspiratesa) skʰejd- gt gr skʰid-spʰejg- gt gr spʰigg-spʰerH- gt OIA sphar- gr spʰur- (but lt tsperH- after Lubotsky)spʰraχg- gt OIA sphūrj- gr spʰarag-However No assured s-less cognatesAmbiguous due to laryngealskʰaχ- gt Gr skʰa- ~ gʰaχ- lsquoto yawnrsquo gt Gr kʰa-spʰeh- gt OIA sphā-b) Certain variation without proof of aspiration sterbʰ- ~ dʰerbʰ- bʰeng- ~ speng-rArr Voicing alternation assured aspiration unclear Cf now Sturm 2016

13

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

6) Distribution in formative types

rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D

roots particles suffixes endings

tenues + + + +

asperae + + (+) (+)

mediae + (+) ‒ ‒

14

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)

When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip

System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)

p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d

15

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)

Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl

Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d

Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g

16

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Distribution of implosives

Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w

Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo

Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)

17

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible implications for IE rules

bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule

Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)

Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration

Cf Miller 1977

rArr Shift only post-PIE

18

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system

bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)

rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages

Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo

Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ

Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)

19

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA

Main facts and general problems

Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)

ldquoMixedrdquo languages

20

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE

kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck

k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx

kq

kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ

kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg

kgɟ

g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ

kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ

kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ

g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ

gʱɢʱ

kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ

21

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)

ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo

k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-

22

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo

OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo

Distributional peculiarities

No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally

No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]

23

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages

Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti

Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-

rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian

Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-

24

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute

NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel

General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages

25

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo

B Explanations

A) Three original series

Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic

rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 10: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

10

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Directly attested in IE languages but synchronically productive rArr innovations possible

However dk not assimilated to tk cf developments in decade numeralswi-dkmt- gt PII winćat- PCelt wikant- wīkdeg lsquo20rsquotri-dkmt- gt PII trinćat- PCelt trikant- trīkdeg lsquo30rsquopenkʷe-dkmt- gt penkʷēkdeg gt PII panḱāćat- lsquo50rsquoPerfect de-dk- gt dēk- gt PII dāć- (also in other clusters cf Schumacher 2005)

Loss of syllable-final d with laryngeal-similar effects is sometimes called ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo cf Kortlandt 1983 (cf also possible Vedic va ar lsquowaterrsquo lt wa Hr = Luw wār lt woacuteHr lt woacutedr Lubotsky 2013b)

Original exception with mediae Cf -naacute- for -taacute- in II verbal adjectives to avoid unharmonic clusters

11

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Bartholomaersquos LawBehind a (stem-final) aspirate assimilation is progressive voiceless stops and sbecome voiced and aspirated (for media after aspirata no evidence is available)T gt Dʱ s gt zʱ D_Clearly a productive rule in Proto-Indo-Iranian Sanskrit and Old Avestan (with relics in later Iranian) but elsewhere normally lost analogically (or never applied)4) Dental assibilationDental stops were assibilated preceding (heterosyllabic) dental stopst gt ts _t d gt dz _d d gt dz _dʱSometimes also assumed for the position before velars

12

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Siebsrsquo LawAspirates after initial s gt (allophonically) voiceless aspiratesa) skʰejd- gt gr skʰid-spʰejg- gt gr spʰigg-spʰerH- gt OIA sphar- gr spʰur- (but lt tsperH- after Lubotsky)spʰraχg- gt OIA sphūrj- gr spʰarag-However No assured s-less cognatesAmbiguous due to laryngealskʰaχ- gt Gr skʰa- ~ gʰaχ- lsquoto yawnrsquo gt Gr kʰa-spʰeh- gt OIA sphā-b) Certain variation without proof of aspiration sterbʰ- ~ dʰerbʰ- bʰeng- ~ speng-rArr Voicing alternation assured aspiration unclear Cf now Sturm 2016

13

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

6) Distribution in formative types

rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D

roots particles suffixes endings

tenues + + + +

asperae + + (+) (+)

mediae + (+) ‒ ‒

14

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)

When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip

System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)

p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d

15

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)

Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl

Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d

Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g

16

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Distribution of implosives

Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w

Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo

Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)

17

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible implications for IE rules

bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule

Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)

Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration

Cf Miller 1977

rArr Shift only post-PIE

18

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system

bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)

rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages

Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo

Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ

Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)

19

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA

Main facts and general problems

Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)

ldquoMixedrdquo languages

20

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE

kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck

k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx

kq

kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ

kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg

kgɟ

g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ

kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ

kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ

g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ

gʱɢʱ

kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ

21

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)

ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo

k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-

22

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo

OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo

Distributional peculiarities

No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally

No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]

23

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages

Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti

Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-

rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian

Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-

24

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute

NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel

General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages

25

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo

B Explanations

A) Three original series

Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic

rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 11: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

11

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Bartholomaersquos LawBehind a (stem-final) aspirate assimilation is progressive voiceless stops and sbecome voiced and aspirated (for media after aspirata no evidence is available)T gt Dʱ s gt zʱ D_Clearly a productive rule in Proto-Indo-Iranian Sanskrit and Old Avestan (with relics in later Iranian) but elsewhere normally lost analogically (or never applied)4) Dental assibilationDental stops were assibilated preceding (heterosyllabic) dental stopst gt ts _t d gt dz _d d gt dz _dʱSometimes also assumed for the position before velars

12

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Siebsrsquo LawAspirates after initial s gt (allophonically) voiceless aspiratesa) skʰejd- gt gr skʰid-spʰejg- gt gr spʰigg-spʰerH- gt OIA sphar- gr spʰur- (but lt tsperH- after Lubotsky)spʰraχg- gt OIA sphūrj- gr spʰarag-However No assured s-less cognatesAmbiguous due to laryngealskʰaχ- gt Gr skʰa- ~ gʰaχ- lsquoto yawnrsquo gt Gr kʰa-spʰeh- gt OIA sphā-b) Certain variation without proof of aspiration sterbʰ- ~ dʰerbʰ- bʰeng- ~ speng-rArr Voicing alternation assured aspiration unclear Cf now Sturm 2016

13

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

6) Distribution in formative types

rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D

roots particles suffixes endings

tenues + + + +

asperae + + (+) (+)

mediae + (+) ‒ ‒

14

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)

When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip

System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)

p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d

15

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)

Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl

Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d

Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g

16

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Distribution of implosives

Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w

Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo

Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)

17

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible implications for IE rules

bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule

Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)

Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration

Cf Miller 1977

rArr Shift only post-PIE

18

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system

bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)

rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages

Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo

Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ

Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)

19

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA

Main facts and general problems

Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)

ldquoMixedrdquo languages

20

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE

kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck

k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx

kq

kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ

kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg

kgɟ

g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ

kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ

kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ

g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ

gʱɢʱ

kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ

21

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)

ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo

k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-

22

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo

OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo

Distributional peculiarities

No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally

No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]

23

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages

Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti

Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-

rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian

Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-

24

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute

NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel

General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages

25

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo

B Explanations

A) Three original series

Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic

rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 12: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

12

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Siebsrsquo LawAspirates after initial s gt (allophonically) voiceless aspiratesa) skʰejd- gt gr skʰid-spʰejg- gt gr spʰigg-spʰerH- gt OIA sphar- gr spʰur- (but lt tsperH- after Lubotsky)spʰraχg- gt OIA sphūrj- gr spʰarag-However No assured s-less cognatesAmbiguous due to laryngealskʰaχ- gt Gr skʰa- ~ gʰaχ- lsquoto yawnrsquo gt Gr kʰa-spʰeh- gt OIA sphā-b) Certain variation without proof of aspiration sterbʰ- ~ dʰerbʰ- bʰeng- ~ speng-rArr Voicing alternation assured aspiration unclear Cf now Sturm 2016

13

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

6) Distribution in formative types

rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D

roots particles suffixes endings

tenues + + + +

asperae + + (+) (+)

mediae + (+) ‒ ‒

14

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)

When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip

System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)

p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d

15

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)

Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl

Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d

Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g

16

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Distribution of implosives

Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w

Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo

Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)

17

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible implications for IE rules

bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule

Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)

Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration

Cf Miller 1977

rArr Shift only post-PIE

18

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system

bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)

rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages

Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo

Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ

Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)

19

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA

Main facts and general problems

Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)

ldquoMixedrdquo languages

20

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE

kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck

k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx

kq

kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ

kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg

kgɟ

g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ

kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ

kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ

g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ

gʱɢʱ

kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ

21

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)

ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo

k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-

22

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo

OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo

Distributional peculiarities

No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally

No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]

23

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages

Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti

Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-

rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian

Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-

24

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute

NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel

General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages

25

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo

B Explanations

A) Three original series

Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic

rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 13: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

13

B Data from within the system alternations of consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

6) Distribution in formative types

rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D

roots particles suffixes endings

tenues + + + +

asperae + + (+) (+)

mediae + (+) ‒ ‒

14

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)

When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip

System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)

p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d

15

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)

Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl

Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d

Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g

16

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Distribution of implosives

Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w

Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo

Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)

17

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible implications for IE rules

bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule

Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)

Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration

Cf Miller 1977

rArr Shift only post-PIE

18

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system

bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)

rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages

Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo

Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ

Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)

19

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA

Main facts and general problems

Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)

ldquoMixedrdquo languages

20

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE

kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck

k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx

kq

kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ

kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg

kgɟ

g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ

kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ

kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ

g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ

gʱɢʱ

kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ

21

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)

ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo

k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-

22

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo

OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo

Distributional peculiarities

No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally

No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]

23

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages

Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti

Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-

rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian

Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-

24

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute

NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel

General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages

25

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo

B Explanations

A) Three original series

Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic

rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 14: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

14

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)

When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip

System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)

p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d

15

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)

Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl

Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d

Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g

16

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Distribution of implosives

Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w

Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo

Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)

17

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible implications for IE rules

bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule

Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)

Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration

Cf Miller 1977

rArr Shift only post-PIE

18

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system

bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)

rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages

Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo

Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ

Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)

19

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA

Main facts and general problems

Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)

ldquoMixedrdquo languages

20

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE

kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck

k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx

kq

kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ

kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg

kgɟ

g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ

kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ

kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ

g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ

gʱɢʱ

kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ

21

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)

ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo

k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-

22

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo

OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo

Distributional peculiarities

No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally

No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]

23

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages

Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti

Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-

rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian

Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-

24

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute

NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel

General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages

25

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo

B Explanations

A) Three original series

Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic

rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 15: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

15

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)

Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl

Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d

Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g

16

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Distribution of implosives

Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w

Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo

Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)

17

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible implications for IE rules

bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule

Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)

Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration

Cf Miller 1977

rArr Shift only post-PIE

18

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system

bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)

rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages

Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo

Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ

Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)

19

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA

Main facts and general problems

Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)

ldquoMixedrdquo languages

20

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE

kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck

k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx

kq

kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ

kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg

kgɟ

g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ

kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ

kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ

g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ

gʱɢʱ

kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ

21

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)

ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo

k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-

22

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo

OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo

Distributional peculiarities

No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally

No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]

23

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages

Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti

Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-

rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian

Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-

24

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute

NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel

General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages

25

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo

B Explanations

A) Three original series

Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic

rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 16: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

16

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Distribution of implosives

Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w

Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo

Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)

17

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible implications for IE rules

bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule

Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)

Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration

Cf Miller 1977

rArr Shift only post-PIE

18

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system

bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)

rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages

Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo

Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ

Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)

19

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA

Main facts and general problems

Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)

ldquoMixedrdquo languages

20

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE

kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck

k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx

kq

kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ

kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg

kgɟ

g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ

kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ

kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ

g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ

gʱɢʱ

kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ

21

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)

ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo

k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-

22

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo

OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo

Distributional peculiarities

No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally

No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]

23

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages

Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti

Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-

rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian

Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-

24

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute

NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel

General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages

25

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo

B Explanations

A) Three original series

Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic

rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 17: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

17

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible implications for IE rules

bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule

Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)

Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration

Cf Miller 1977

rArr Shift only post-PIE

18

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system

bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)

rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages

Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo

Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ

Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)

19

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA

Main facts and general problems

Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)

ldquoMixedrdquo languages

20

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE

kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck

k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx

kq

kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ

kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg

kgɟ

g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ

kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ

kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ

g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ

gʱɢʱ

kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ

21

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)

ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo

k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-

22

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo

OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo

Distributional peculiarities

No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally

No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]

23

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages

Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti

Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-

rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian

Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-

24

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute

NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel

General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages

25

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo

B Explanations

A) Three original series

Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic

rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 18: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

18

C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system

bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)

rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages

Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo

Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ

Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)

19

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA

Main facts and general problems

Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)

ldquoMixedrdquo languages

20

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE

kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck

k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx

kq

kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ

kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg

kgɟ

g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ

kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ

kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ

g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ

gʱɢʱ

kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ

21

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)

ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo

k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-

22

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo

OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo

Distributional peculiarities

No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally

No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]

23

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages

Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti

Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-

rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian

Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-

24

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute

NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel

General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages

25

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo

B Explanations

A) Three original series

Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic

rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 19: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

19

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA

Main facts and general problems

Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)

ldquoMixedrdquo languages

20

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE

kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck

k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx

kq

kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ

kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg

kgɟ

g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ

kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ

kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ

g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ

gʱɢʱ

kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ

21

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)

ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo

k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-

22

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo

OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo

Distributional peculiarities

No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally

No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]

23

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages

Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti

Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-

rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian

Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-

24

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute

NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel

General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages

25

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo

B Explanations

A) Three original series

Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic

rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 20: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

20

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE

kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck

k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx

kq

kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ

kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg

kgɟ

g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ

kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ

kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ

g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ

gʱɢʱ

kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ

21

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)

ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo

k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-

22

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo

OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo

Distributional peculiarities

No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally

No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]

23

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages

Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti

Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-

rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian

Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-

24

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute

NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel

General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages

25

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo

B Explanations

A) Three original series

Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic

rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 21: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

21

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)

ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo

k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-

22

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo

OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo

Distributional peculiarities

No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally

No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]

23

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages

Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti

Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-

rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian

Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-

24

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute

NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel

General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages

25

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo

B Explanations

A) Three original series

Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic

rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 22: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

22

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo

OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo

Distributional peculiarities

No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally

No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]

23

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages

Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti

Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-

rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian

Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-

24

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute

NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel

General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages

25

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo

B Explanations

A) Three original series

Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic

rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 23: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

23

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages

Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti

Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-

rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian

Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-

24

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute

NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel

General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages

25

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo

B Explanations

A) Three original series

Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic

rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 24: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

24

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute

NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel

General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages

25

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo

B Explanations

A) Three original series

Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic

rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 25: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

25

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo

B Explanations

A) Three original series

Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)

Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic

rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 26: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

26

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Velars labiovelars uvulars

Kuumlmmel 2007

Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved

B) Only two original series

Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations

1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization

Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b

Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 27: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

27

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)

Neutralization after a) s

Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian

Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s

sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo

But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-

adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 28: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

28

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization

In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk

skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 29: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

29

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u

rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than

phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]

Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves

Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk

Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 30: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

30

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-

But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 31: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

31

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with

analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages

b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 32: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

32

2 Centum and Satem

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)

3) Front velars + back velars

Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010

Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization

Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 33: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

33

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Traditional reconstruction of PII

Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ

Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ

Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ

Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 34: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

34

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo

Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 35: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

35

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo

Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo

rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ

Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ

Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 36: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

36

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds

ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž

rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)

vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)

Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to

new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 37: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

37

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Thorn

Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts

Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis

a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk

Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-

Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-

Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)

Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 38: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

38

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ

Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-

c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ

Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton

Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 39: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

39

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Problematic

d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk

Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)

Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)

Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo

No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)

Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops

Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 40: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

40

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)

Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš

PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 41: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

41

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo

PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo

PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)

PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi

With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome

PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 42: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

42

B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ

PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo

New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 43: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

43

3 Laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)

PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃

Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence

Unspecific developments of all laryngeals

Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels

Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)

Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic

bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 44: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

44

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Specific developments of different laryngals

PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)

Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek

Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian

Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃

Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o

Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 45: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

45

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives

Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents

Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃

Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ

h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 46: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

46

A General assumptions about IE laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

The phonetics of the laryngeals

Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing

Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ

Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 47: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

47

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Anatolian

h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s

h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 48: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

48

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)

HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-

But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop

Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution

2) Armenian

Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 49: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

49

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo

h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo

h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo

Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)

Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 50: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

50

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables

3) Albanian

h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian

h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo

h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 51: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

51

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything

4) (Indo-)Iranian

Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-

Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)

1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-

Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 52: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

52

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-

NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi

MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir

MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 53: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

53

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1b NP x- older h-

MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-

2 Only h- partly not before NP

MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-

MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-

3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate

Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 54: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

54

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-

3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian

Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-

NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost

4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-

OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute

OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-

For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 55: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

55

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)

Contact scenario

PIran s- h- x-

Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-

Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)

Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 56: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

56

B Preservation of laryngeal consonants

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later

h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo

H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted

Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius

h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 57: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

57

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]

Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration

No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 58: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

58

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Aspiration

Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals

a) Assured cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)

Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 59: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

59

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-

Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-

by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-

b) Controversial cases

Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)

Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 60: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

60

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea

Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te

Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 61: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

61

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown

d) Greek

Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters

Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 62: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

62

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-

Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic

e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words

Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)

Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 63: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

63

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Other effects

Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian

Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016

Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂

CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-

CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]

likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 64: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

64

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)

c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]

Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc

-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo

Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 65: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

65

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]

rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h

Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 66: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

66

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence

Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr

= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive

As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 67: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

67

C Consonantal effects of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās

However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010

rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 68: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

68

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel

1) Internal position

Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization

But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)

‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 69: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

69

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis

with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt

Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-

Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 70: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

70

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

2) Final position

Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)

CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo

CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)

No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure

H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)

CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC

C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 71: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

71

D Vocalization problems

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Initial postion

Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-

rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-

rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-

Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a

THT- +-V- +-R-

Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-

Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-

Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()

Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 72: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

72

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV

Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo

However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian

A) Only short reflexes in some languages

Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m

Secondary merger of īū with iu

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 73: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

73

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

B) i u before sonorants

Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-

Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-

However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 74: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

74

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-

C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian

Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-

vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 75: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

75

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]

D) Avestan

hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-

juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 76: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

76

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)

Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible

vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-

Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 77: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

77

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r

Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša

but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs

u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 78: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

78

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |

rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic

Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 79: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

79

E Compensatory lengthening (or not)

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length

Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants

Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]

rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification

Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C

Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR

Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 80: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

80

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo

Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo

Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE

2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo

Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir

Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 81: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

81

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-

Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic

3) Loss in composition reduplication etc

Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-

Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 82: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

82

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo

Cf Nussbaum 1997

Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC

Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-

Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-

Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-

Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 83: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

83

F Early loss of laryngeals

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Phonetic motivation

Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o

Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below

Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-

Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 84: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

84

4 PIE vocalism

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

A The question of a

Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)

gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]

bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-

Lubotskyrsquos Law

Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 85: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

85

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)

Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification

VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)

De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-

from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 86: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

86

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011

Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE

Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss

But then a is not explained

Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 87: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

87

A The question of a

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger

Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure

Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 88: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

88

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above

2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō

Mainly found in

Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull

bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)

bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)

Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo

1) Monosyllabic lengthening

Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 89: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

89

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m

mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-

But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)

Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b

2) Lengthening before final sonorant

BeekesKortlandt

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten

But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 90: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

90

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law

VRs gt VRR gt VR

Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s

Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015

Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews

Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)

Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 91: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

91

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

4) Stangrsquos Law

Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002

Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 92: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

92

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling

Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation

Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical

Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 93: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

93

B Vowel length

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

5) Simplification of clusters

de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects

Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type

Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 94: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

94

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e

Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions

Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic

Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea

Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 95: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

95

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o

Consequences

poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)

Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-

Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 96: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

96

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-

Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC

Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables

Or rather retention of length vs shortening

Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables

So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 97: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

97

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)

Indo-Iranian development

ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved

ə gt atilde gt a

aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening

Palatalization

Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā

Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 98: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

98

C Qualitative ablaut

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o

ElsewhereWestern developments

ā gt ō in general

ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo

ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved

Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 99: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

99

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015

VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)

Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)

Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE

But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences

No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)

Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC

Fewer restrictions on clustersbull

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 100: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

100

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Baltic

ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas

Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc

TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic

Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь

OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 101: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

101

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l

Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x

rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV

Iranian

Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)

Many complex and unusual clusters

Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-

Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-

Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 102: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

102

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo

Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo

No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ

Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 103: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉

VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉

VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉

VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 104: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē

VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 105: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā

VTC VTC

cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian

Page 106: Pavia International Summer School for Indo-European ...indoeuropean.wdfiles.com/local--files/abstract...2 Syllabus Martin Joachim Kümmel, Seminar für Indogermanistik General overview

106

5 Syllable structure

Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik

Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters

rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas

But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification

What about Anatolian