pavia international summer school for indo-european...
TRANSCRIPT
1
Indo-European Phonology
Pavia International Summer Schoolfor Indo-European Linguistics 2017
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2
Syllabus
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General overview1 Stop series2 Centum and Satem
a Dorsal stopsb Affricates and sibilants ruki and ldquothornrdquo
3 Laryngealsa General assumptions about IE laryngealsb Preservation of ldquolaryngealrdquo consonantsc Vocalizationd Compensatory lengtheninge Early loss
3
Syllabus
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4 Vocalisma The question of ab Vowel lengthquantityc Qualitative ablaut
5 Syllable structure
4
The IE sound system
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PreliminariesNotationj (or y) w instead of i uʱ (not ʰ) for bdquovoiced aspirationldquoSometimes h χ ʁ for h₁ h₂ h₃
IE vowelsCommon vowel system reflected in earliest languages
i u ī ūe o ē ō
a ā
5
The IE sound system
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
+ some vowels correspondences with zero eg i = a = a = Oslash = Oslash = a (between obstruents)Oslash = a = o = u = i = ə (with lr)Oslash = a = ae = u = i = ə (with mn)
Distributional peculiaritiesa (and ā) rather rare and mostly confined to beginning or end of rootLong vowels with restricted occurrence
6
The IE sound system
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE consonant system (neo-traditional)
labial dental ldquopalatalrdquo ldquovelarrdquo ldquolabiovelarrdquo rdquolaryngealrdquo
stops voiceless = tenues p t k k kʷ
voiced = mediae (b) d g g gʷ
voiced aspirated = asperae bʱ dʱ gɦ gʱ gʷʱ
fricatives s h₁ h₂ h₃
glides j w
liquids l r
nasals m n
7
1 Stop series A Reconstruction models of PIE stops
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Main reflexes of stop series in IE branches exemplified by dentals
Balto-Slavic d = voiced with lengtheningacute effect (Winterrsquos Law)
Continuation in IE branches
T Anat Toch Ind Iran Greek Italic Celtic Germ B-Sl Alb
t tmiddot t ttʰ tθ t t ttʰ θ t t
dʱ d ttsltdʱ dʱd d (θ) tʰ feth d deth d d
d d tsltd d d (θ) d d d t (tʰts) d d
8
A Reconstruction models of PIE stops
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Models of the PIE stop system exemplified by dentals
(T = ldquoneo-traditionalmainstreamrdquo H = Hopper 19731977 G = Gamkrelidze 1973 N = Normier 1977 V = Vennemann 1984 K = Andreev 1957 Kortlandt 1978a 1985 Haider 1983 Kuumlmmel 20092012 Weiss 2009) Kortlandtrsquos ldquopreglottalized lenisrdquo = ldquovoicelessglottalized implosiveldquo (cf Maddieson 1984 111ff)
T H G NV K Haider +
t t tʰ~t tʰ t t
dʱ dʱd dʱ~d d dʰ~d dgtdʱ
d trsquot trsquo trsquo d [ˀɗ] ɗgtd
9
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) bdquoFinal lenitionldquoStop series distinctions neutralized word-finally to bdquomediaeldquo (at least when followed by a vowel)T gt D Dʱ gt D _ (cf Goddard 2007 123f)Cf 3s verbal ending -t-i gt Latin -t vs -d gt Latin -d2) Voicing assimilationClusters of obstruents must agree in laryngeal features (ie voicing aspiration etc) Normally assimilation is regressive voiced stops are devoiced before voiceless stops and s (but not before laryngeals) voiceless stops and s are voiced before voiced stopsD gt T _Ts cf χawg- rArr χwek-s-T gt D s gt z _D cf pi-pd- gt pibd- si-sd- gt sizd-
10
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Directly attested in IE languages but synchronically productive rArr innovations possible
However dk not assimilated to tk cf developments in decade numeralswi-dkmt- gt PII winćat- PCelt wikant- wīkdeg lsquo20rsquotri-dkmt- gt PII trinćat- PCelt trikant- trīkdeg lsquo30rsquopenkʷe-dkmt- gt penkʷēkdeg gt PII panḱāćat- lsquo50rsquoPerfect de-dk- gt dēk- gt PII dāć- (also in other clusters cf Schumacher 2005)
Loss of syllable-final d with laryngeal-similar effects is sometimes called ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo cf Kortlandt 1983 (cf also possible Vedic va ar lsquowaterrsquo lt wa Hr = Luw wār lt woacuteHr lt woacutedr Lubotsky 2013b)
Original exception with mediae Cf -naacute- for -taacute- in II verbal adjectives to avoid unharmonic clusters
11
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Bartholomaersquos LawBehind a (stem-final) aspirate assimilation is progressive voiceless stops and sbecome voiced and aspirated (for media after aspirata no evidence is available)T gt Dʱ s gt zʱ D_Clearly a productive rule in Proto-Indo-Iranian Sanskrit and Old Avestan (with relics in later Iranian) but elsewhere normally lost analogically (or never applied)4) Dental assibilationDental stops were assibilated preceding (heterosyllabic) dental stopst gt ts _t d gt dz _d d gt dz _dʱSometimes also assumed for the position before velars
12
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Siebsrsquo LawAspirates after initial s gt (allophonically) voiceless aspiratesa) skʰejd- gt gr skʰid-spʰejg- gt gr spʰigg-spʰerH- gt OIA sphar- gr spʰur- (but lt tsperH- after Lubotsky)spʰraχg- gt OIA sphūrj- gr spʰarag-However No assured s-less cognatesAmbiguous due to laryngealskʰaχ- gt Gr skʰa- ~ gʰaχ- lsquoto yawnrsquo gt Gr kʰa-spʰeh- gt OIA sphā-b) Certain variation without proof of aspiration sterbʰ- ~ dʰerbʰ- bʰeng- ~ speng-rArr Voicing alternation assured aspiration unclear Cf now Sturm 2016
13
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
6) Distribution in formative types
rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D
roots particles suffixes endings
tenues + + + +
asperae + + (+) (+)
mediae + (+) ‒ ‒
14
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)
When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip
System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)
p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d
15
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)
Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl
Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d
Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g
16
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Distribution of implosives
Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w
Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo
Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)
17
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible implications for IE rules
bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule
Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)
Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration
Cf Miller 1977
rArr Shift only post-PIE
18
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system
bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)
rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages
Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo
Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ
Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)
19
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA
Main facts and general problems
Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)
ldquoMixedrdquo languages
20
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE
kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck
k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx
kq
kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ
kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg
kgɟ
g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ
kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ
kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ
g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ
gʱɢʱ
kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ
21
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)
ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo
k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-
22
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo
OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo
Distributional peculiarities
No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally
No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]
23
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages
Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti
Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-
rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian
Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-
24
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute
NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel
General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages
25
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo
B Explanations
A) Three original series
Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)
Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic
rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
2
Syllabus
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General overview1 Stop series2 Centum and Satem
a Dorsal stopsb Affricates and sibilants ruki and ldquothornrdquo
3 Laryngealsa General assumptions about IE laryngealsb Preservation of ldquolaryngealrdquo consonantsc Vocalizationd Compensatory lengtheninge Early loss
3
Syllabus
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4 Vocalisma The question of ab Vowel lengthquantityc Qualitative ablaut
5 Syllable structure
4
The IE sound system
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PreliminariesNotationj (or y) w instead of i uʱ (not ʰ) for bdquovoiced aspirationldquoSometimes h χ ʁ for h₁ h₂ h₃
IE vowelsCommon vowel system reflected in earliest languages
i u ī ūe o ē ō
a ā
5
The IE sound system
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
+ some vowels correspondences with zero eg i = a = a = Oslash = Oslash = a (between obstruents)Oslash = a = o = u = i = ə (with lr)Oslash = a = ae = u = i = ə (with mn)
Distributional peculiaritiesa (and ā) rather rare and mostly confined to beginning or end of rootLong vowels with restricted occurrence
6
The IE sound system
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE consonant system (neo-traditional)
labial dental ldquopalatalrdquo ldquovelarrdquo ldquolabiovelarrdquo rdquolaryngealrdquo
stops voiceless = tenues p t k k kʷ
voiced = mediae (b) d g g gʷ
voiced aspirated = asperae bʱ dʱ gɦ gʱ gʷʱ
fricatives s h₁ h₂ h₃
glides j w
liquids l r
nasals m n
7
1 Stop series A Reconstruction models of PIE stops
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Main reflexes of stop series in IE branches exemplified by dentals
Balto-Slavic d = voiced with lengtheningacute effect (Winterrsquos Law)
Continuation in IE branches
T Anat Toch Ind Iran Greek Italic Celtic Germ B-Sl Alb
t tmiddot t ttʰ tθ t t ttʰ θ t t
dʱ d ttsltdʱ dʱd d (θ) tʰ feth d deth d d
d d tsltd d d (θ) d d d t (tʰts) d d
8
A Reconstruction models of PIE stops
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Models of the PIE stop system exemplified by dentals
(T = ldquoneo-traditionalmainstreamrdquo H = Hopper 19731977 G = Gamkrelidze 1973 N = Normier 1977 V = Vennemann 1984 K = Andreev 1957 Kortlandt 1978a 1985 Haider 1983 Kuumlmmel 20092012 Weiss 2009) Kortlandtrsquos ldquopreglottalized lenisrdquo = ldquovoicelessglottalized implosiveldquo (cf Maddieson 1984 111ff)
T H G NV K Haider +
t t tʰ~t tʰ t t
dʱ dʱd dʱ~d d dʰ~d dgtdʱ
d trsquot trsquo trsquo d [ˀɗ] ɗgtd
9
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) bdquoFinal lenitionldquoStop series distinctions neutralized word-finally to bdquomediaeldquo (at least when followed by a vowel)T gt D Dʱ gt D _ (cf Goddard 2007 123f)Cf 3s verbal ending -t-i gt Latin -t vs -d gt Latin -d2) Voicing assimilationClusters of obstruents must agree in laryngeal features (ie voicing aspiration etc) Normally assimilation is regressive voiced stops are devoiced before voiceless stops and s (but not before laryngeals) voiceless stops and s are voiced before voiced stopsD gt T _Ts cf χawg- rArr χwek-s-T gt D s gt z _D cf pi-pd- gt pibd- si-sd- gt sizd-
10
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Directly attested in IE languages but synchronically productive rArr innovations possible
However dk not assimilated to tk cf developments in decade numeralswi-dkmt- gt PII winćat- PCelt wikant- wīkdeg lsquo20rsquotri-dkmt- gt PII trinćat- PCelt trikant- trīkdeg lsquo30rsquopenkʷe-dkmt- gt penkʷēkdeg gt PII panḱāćat- lsquo50rsquoPerfect de-dk- gt dēk- gt PII dāć- (also in other clusters cf Schumacher 2005)
Loss of syllable-final d with laryngeal-similar effects is sometimes called ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo cf Kortlandt 1983 (cf also possible Vedic va ar lsquowaterrsquo lt wa Hr = Luw wār lt woacuteHr lt woacutedr Lubotsky 2013b)
Original exception with mediae Cf -naacute- for -taacute- in II verbal adjectives to avoid unharmonic clusters
11
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Bartholomaersquos LawBehind a (stem-final) aspirate assimilation is progressive voiceless stops and sbecome voiced and aspirated (for media after aspirata no evidence is available)T gt Dʱ s gt zʱ D_Clearly a productive rule in Proto-Indo-Iranian Sanskrit and Old Avestan (with relics in later Iranian) but elsewhere normally lost analogically (or never applied)4) Dental assibilationDental stops were assibilated preceding (heterosyllabic) dental stopst gt ts _t d gt dz _d d gt dz _dʱSometimes also assumed for the position before velars
12
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Siebsrsquo LawAspirates after initial s gt (allophonically) voiceless aspiratesa) skʰejd- gt gr skʰid-spʰejg- gt gr spʰigg-spʰerH- gt OIA sphar- gr spʰur- (but lt tsperH- after Lubotsky)spʰraχg- gt OIA sphūrj- gr spʰarag-However No assured s-less cognatesAmbiguous due to laryngealskʰaχ- gt Gr skʰa- ~ gʰaχ- lsquoto yawnrsquo gt Gr kʰa-spʰeh- gt OIA sphā-b) Certain variation without proof of aspiration sterbʰ- ~ dʰerbʰ- bʰeng- ~ speng-rArr Voicing alternation assured aspiration unclear Cf now Sturm 2016
13
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
6) Distribution in formative types
rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D
roots particles suffixes endings
tenues + + + +
asperae + + (+) (+)
mediae + (+) ‒ ‒
14
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)
When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip
System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)
p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d
15
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)
Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl
Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d
Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g
16
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Distribution of implosives
Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w
Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo
Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)
17
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible implications for IE rules
bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule
Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)
Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration
Cf Miller 1977
rArr Shift only post-PIE
18
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system
bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)
rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages
Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo
Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ
Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)
19
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA
Main facts and general problems
Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)
ldquoMixedrdquo languages
20
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE
kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck
k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx
kq
kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ
kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg
kgɟ
g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ
kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ
kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ
g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ
gʱɢʱ
kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ
21
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)
ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo
k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-
22
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo
OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo
Distributional peculiarities
No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally
No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]
23
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages
Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti
Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-
rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian
Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-
24
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute
NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel
General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages
25
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo
B Explanations
A) Three original series
Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)
Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic
rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
3
Syllabus
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4 Vocalisma The question of ab Vowel lengthquantityc Qualitative ablaut
5 Syllable structure
4
The IE sound system
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PreliminariesNotationj (or y) w instead of i uʱ (not ʰ) for bdquovoiced aspirationldquoSometimes h χ ʁ for h₁ h₂ h₃
IE vowelsCommon vowel system reflected in earliest languages
i u ī ūe o ē ō
a ā
5
The IE sound system
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
+ some vowels correspondences with zero eg i = a = a = Oslash = Oslash = a (between obstruents)Oslash = a = o = u = i = ə (with lr)Oslash = a = ae = u = i = ə (with mn)
Distributional peculiaritiesa (and ā) rather rare and mostly confined to beginning or end of rootLong vowels with restricted occurrence
6
The IE sound system
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE consonant system (neo-traditional)
labial dental ldquopalatalrdquo ldquovelarrdquo ldquolabiovelarrdquo rdquolaryngealrdquo
stops voiceless = tenues p t k k kʷ
voiced = mediae (b) d g g gʷ
voiced aspirated = asperae bʱ dʱ gɦ gʱ gʷʱ
fricatives s h₁ h₂ h₃
glides j w
liquids l r
nasals m n
7
1 Stop series A Reconstruction models of PIE stops
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Main reflexes of stop series in IE branches exemplified by dentals
Balto-Slavic d = voiced with lengtheningacute effect (Winterrsquos Law)
Continuation in IE branches
T Anat Toch Ind Iran Greek Italic Celtic Germ B-Sl Alb
t tmiddot t ttʰ tθ t t ttʰ θ t t
dʱ d ttsltdʱ dʱd d (θ) tʰ feth d deth d d
d d tsltd d d (θ) d d d t (tʰts) d d
8
A Reconstruction models of PIE stops
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Models of the PIE stop system exemplified by dentals
(T = ldquoneo-traditionalmainstreamrdquo H = Hopper 19731977 G = Gamkrelidze 1973 N = Normier 1977 V = Vennemann 1984 K = Andreev 1957 Kortlandt 1978a 1985 Haider 1983 Kuumlmmel 20092012 Weiss 2009) Kortlandtrsquos ldquopreglottalized lenisrdquo = ldquovoicelessglottalized implosiveldquo (cf Maddieson 1984 111ff)
T H G NV K Haider +
t t tʰ~t tʰ t t
dʱ dʱd dʱ~d d dʰ~d dgtdʱ
d trsquot trsquo trsquo d [ˀɗ] ɗgtd
9
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) bdquoFinal lenitionldquoStop series distinctions neutralized word-finally to bdquomediaeldquo (at least when followed by a vowel)T gt D Dʱ gt D _ (cf Goddard 2007 123f)Cf 3s verbal ending -t-i gt Latin -t vs -d gt Latin -d2) Voicing assimilationClusters of obstruents must agree in laryngeal features (ie voicing aspiration etc) Normally assimilation is regressive voiced stops are devoiced before voiceless stops and s (but not before laryngeals) voiceless stops and s are voiced before voiced stopsD gt T _Ts cf χawg- rArr χwek-s-T gt D s gt z _D cf pi-pd- gt pibd- si-sd- gt sizd-
10
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Directly attested in IE languages but synchronically productive rArr innovations possible
However dk not assimilated to tk cf developments in decade numeralswi-dkmt- gt PII winćat- PCelt wikant- wīkdeg lsquo20rsquotri-dkmt- gt PII trinćat- PCelt trikant- trīkdeg lsquo30rsquopenkʷe-dkmt- gt penkʷēkdeg gt PII panḱāćat- lsquo50rsquoPerfect de-dk- gt dēk- gt PII dāć- (also in other clusters cf Schumacher 2005)
Loss of syllable-final d with laryngeal-similar effects is sometimes called ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo cf Kortlandt 1983 (cf also possible Vedic va ar lsquowaterrsquo lt wa Hr = Luw wār lt woacuteHr lt woacutedr Lubotsky 2013b)
Original exception with mediae Cf -naacute- for -taacute- in II verbal adjectives to avoid unharmonic clusters
11
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Bartholomaersquos LawBehind a (stem-final) aspirate assimilation is progressive voiceless stops and sbecome voiced and aspirated (for media after aspirata no evidence is available)T gt Dʱ s gt zʱ D_Clearly a productive rule in Proto-Indo-Iranian Sanskrit and Old Avestan (with relics in later Iranian) but elsewhere normally lost analogically (or never applied)4) Dental assibilationDental stops were assibilated preceding (heterosyllabic) dental stopst gt ts _t d gt dz _d d gt dz _dʱSometimes also assumed for the position before velars
12
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Siebsrsquo LawAspirates after initial s gt (allophonically) voiceless aspiratesa) skʰejd- gt gr skʰid-spʰejg- gt gr spʰigg-spʰerH- gt OIA sphar- gr spʰur- (but lt tsperH- after Lubotsky)spʰraχg- gt OIA sphūrj- gr spʰarag-However No assured s-less cognatesAmbiguous due to laryngealskʰaχ- gt Gr skʰa- ~ gʰaχ- lsquoto yawnrsquo gt Gr kʰa-spʰeh- gt OIA sphā-b) Certain variation without proof of aspiration sterbʰ- ~ dʰerbʰ- bʰeng- ~ speng-rArr Voicing alternation assured aspiration unclear Cf now Sturm 2016
13
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
6) Distribution in formative types
rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D
roots particles suffixes endings
tenues + + + +
asperae + + (+) (+)
mediae + (+) ‒ ‒
14
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)
When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip
System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)
p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d
15
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)
Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl
Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d
Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g
16
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Distribution of implosives
Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w
Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo
Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)
17
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible implications for IE rules
bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule
Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)
Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration
Cf Miller 1977
rArr Shift only post-PIE
18
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system
bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)
rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages
Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo
Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ
Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)
19
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA
Main facts and general problems
Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)
ldquoMixedrdquo languages
20
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE
kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck
k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx
kq
kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ
kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg
kgɟ
g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ
kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ
kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ
g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ
gʱɢʱ
kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ
21
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)
ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo
k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-
22
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo
OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo
Distributional peculiarities
No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally
No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]
23
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages
Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti
Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-
rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian
Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-
24
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute
NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel
General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages
25
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo
B Explanations
A) Three original series
Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)
Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic
rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
4
The IE sound system
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PreliminariesNotationj (or y) w instead of i uʱ (not ʰ) for bdquovoiced aspirationldquoSometimes h χ ʁ for h₁ h₂ h₃
IE vowelsCommon vowel system reflected in earliest languages
i u ī ūe o ē ō
a ā
5
The IE sound system
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
+ some vowels correspondences with zero eg i = a = a = Oslash = Oslash = a (between obstruents)Oslash = a = o = u = i = ə (with lr)Oslash = a = ae = u = i = ə (with mn)
Distributional peculiaritiesa (and ā) rather rare and mostly confined to beginning or end of rootLong vowels with restricted occurrence
6
The IE sound system
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE consonant system (neo-traditional)
labial dental ldquopalatalrdquo ldquovelarrdquo ldquolabiovelarrdquo rdquolaryngealrdquo
stops voiceless = tenues p t k k kʷ
voiced = mediae (b) d g g gʷ
voiced aspirated = asperae bʱ dʱ gɦ gʱ gʷʱ
fricatives s h₁ h₂ h₃
glides j w
liquids l r
nasals m n
7
1 Stop series A Reconstruction models of PIE stops
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Main reflexes of stop series in IE branches exemplified by dentals
Balto-Slavic d = voiced with lengtheningacute effect (Winterrsquos Law)
Continuation in IE branches
T Anat Toch Ind Iran Greek Italic Celtic Germ B-Sl Alb
t tmiddot t ttʰ tθ t t ttʰ θ t t
dʱ d ttsltdʱ dʱd d (θ) tʰ feth d deth d d
d d tsltd d d (θ) d d d t (tʰts) d d
8
A Reconstruction models of PIE stops
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Models of the PIE stop system exemplified by dentals
(T = ldquoneo-traditionalmainstreamrdquo H = Hopper 19731977 G = Gamkrelidze 1973 N = Normier 1977 V = Vennemann 1984 K = Andreev 1957 Kortlandt 1978a 1985 Haider 1983 Kuumlmmel 20092012 Weiss 2009) Kortlandtrsquos ldquopreglottalized lenisrdquo = ldquovoicelessglottalized implosiveldquo (cf Maddieson 1984 111ff)
T H G NV K Haider +
t t tʰ~t tʰ t t
dʱ dʱd dʱ~d d dʰ~d dgtdʱ
d trsquot trsquo trsquo d [ˀɗ] ɗgtd
9
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) bdquoFinal lenitionldquoStop series distinctions neutralized word-finally to bdquomediaeldquo (at least when followed by a vowel)T gt D Dʱ gt D _ (cf Goddard 2007 123f)Cf 3s verbal ending -t-i gt Latin -t vs -d gt Latin -d2) Voicing assimilationClusters of obstruents must agree in laryngeal features (ie voicing aspiration etc) Normally assimilation is regressive voiced stops are devoiced before voiceless stops and s (but not before laryngeals) voiceless stops and s are voiced before voiced stopsD gt T _Ts cf χawg- rArr χwek-s-T gt D s gt z _D cf pi-pd- gt pibd- si-sd- gt sizd-
10
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Directly attested in IE languages but synchronically productive rArr innovations possible
However dk not assimilated to tk cf developments in decade numeralswi-dkmt- gt PII winćat- PCelt wikant- wīkdeg lsquo20rsquotri-dkmt- gt PII trinćat- PCelt trikant- trīkdeg lsquo30rsquopenkʷe-dkmt- gt penkʷēkdeg gt PII panḱāćat- lsquo50rsquoPerfect de-dk- gt dēk- gt PII dāć- (also in other clusters cf Schumacher 2005)
Loss of syllable-final d with laryngeal-similar effects is sometimes called ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo cf Kortlandt 1983 (cf also possible Vedic va ar lsquowaterrsquo lt wa Hr = Luw wār lt woacuteHr lt woacutedr Lubotsky 2013b)
Original exception with mediae Cf -naacute- for -taacute- in II verbal adjectives to avoid unharmonic clusters
11
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Bartholomaersquos LawBehind a (stem-final) aspirate assimilation is progressive voiceless stops and sbecome voiced and aspirated (for media after aspirata no evidence is available)T gt Dʱ s gt zʱ D_Clearly a productive rule in Proto-Indo-Iranian Sanskrit and Old Avestan (with relics in later Iranian) but elsewhere normally lost analogically (or never applied)4) Dental assibilationDental stops were assibilated preceding (heterosyllabic) dental stopst gt ts _t d gt dz _d d gt dz _dʱSometimes also assumed for the position before velars
12
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Siebsrsquo LawAspirates after initial s gt (allophonically) voiceless aspiratesa) skʰejd- gt gr skʰid-spʰejg- gt gr spʰigg-spʰerH- gt OIA sphar- gr spʰur- (but lt tsperH- after Lubotsky)spʰraχg- gt OIA sphūrj- gr spʰarag-However No assured s-less cognatesAmbiguous due to laryngealskʰaχ- gt Gr skʰa- ~ gʰaχ- lsquoto yawnrsquo gt Gr kʰa-spʰeh- gt OIA sphā-b) Certain variation without proof of aspiration sterbʰ- ~ dʰerbʰ- bʰeng- ~ speng-rArr Voicing alternation assured aspiration unclear Cf now Sturm 2016
13
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
6) Distribution in formative types
rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D
roots particles suffixes endings
tenues + + + +
asperae + + (+) (+)
mediae + (+) ‒ ‒
14
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)
When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip
System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)
p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d
15
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)
Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl
Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d
Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g
16
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Distribution of implosives
Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w
Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo
Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)
17
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible implications for IE rules
bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule
Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)
Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration
Cf Miller 1977
rArr Shift only post-PIE
18
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system
bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)
rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages
Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo
Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ
Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)
19
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA
Main facts and general problems
Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)
ldquoMixedrdquo languages
20
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE
kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck
k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx
kq
kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ
kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg
kgɟ
g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ
kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ
kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ
g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ
gʱɢʱ
kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ
21
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)
ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo
k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-
22
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo
OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo
Distributional peculiarities
No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally
No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]
23
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages
Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti
Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-
rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian
Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-
24
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute
NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel
General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages
25
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo
B Explanations
A) Three original series
Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)
Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic
rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
5
The IE sound system
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
+ some vowels correspondences with zero eg i = a = a = Oslash = Oslash = a (between obstruents)Oslash = a = o = u = i = ə (with lr)Oslash = a = ae = u = i = ə (with mn)
Distributional peculiaritiesa (and ā) rather rare and mostly confined to beginning or end of rootLong vowels with restricted occurrence
6
The IE sound system
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE consonant system (neo-traditional)
labial dental ldquopalatalrdquo ldquovelarrdquo ldquolabiovelarrdquo rdquolaryngealrdquo
stops voiceless = tenues p t k k kʷ
voiced = mediae (b) d g g gʷ
voiced aspirated = asperae bʱ dʱ gɦ gʱ gʷʱ
fricatives s h₁ h₂ h₃
glides j w
liquids l r
nasals m n
7
1 Stop series A Reconstruction models of PIE stops
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Main reflexes of stop series in IE branches exemplified by dentals
Balto-Slavic d = voiced with lengtheningacute effect (Winterrsquos Law)
Continuation in IE branches
T Anat Toch Ind Iran Greek Italic Celtic Germ B-Sl Alb
t tmiddot t ttʰ tθ t t ttʰ θ t t
dʱ d ttsltdʱ dʱd d (θ) tʰ feth d deth d d
d d tsltd d d (θ) d d d t (tʰts) d d
8
A Reconstruction models of PIE stops
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Models of the PIE stop system exemplified by dentals
(T = ldquoneo-traditionalmainstreamrdquo H = Hopper 19731977 G = Gamkrelidze 1973 N = Normier 1977 V = Vennemann 1984 K = Andreev 1957 Kortlandt 1978a 1985 Haider 1983 Kuumlmmel 20092012 Weiss 2009) Kortlandtrsquos ldquopreglottalized lenisrdquo = ldquovoicelessglottalized implosiveldquo (cf Maddieson 1984 111ff)
T H G NV K Haider +
t t tʰ~t tʰ t t
dʱ dʱd dʱ~d d dʰ~d dgtdʱ
d trsquot trsquo trsquo d [ˀɗ] ɗgtd
9
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) bdquoFinal lenitionldquoStop series distinctions neutralized word-finally to bdquomediaeldquo (at least when followed by a vowel)T gt D Dʱ gt D _ (cf Goddard 2007 123f)Cf 3s verbal ending -t-i gt Latin -t vs -d gt Latin -d2) Voicing assimilationClusters of obstruents must agree in laryngeal features (ie voicing aspiration etc) Normally assimilation is regressive voiced stops are devoiced before voiceless stops and s (but not before laryngeals) voiceless stops and s are voiced before voiced stopsD gt T _Ts cf χawg- rArr χwek-s-T gt D s gt z _D cf pi-pd- gt pibd- si-sd- gt sizd-
10
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Directly attested in IE languages but synchronically productive rArr innovations possible
However dk not assimilated to tk cf developments in decade numeralswi-dkmt- gt PII winćat- PCelt wikant- wīkdeg lsquo20rsquotri-dkmt- gt PII trinćat- PCelt trikant- trīkdeg lsquo30rsquopenkʷe-dkmt- gt penkʷēkdeg gt PII panḱāćat- lsquo50rsquoPerfect de-dk- gt dēk- gt PII dāć- (also in other clusters cf Schumacher 2005)
Loss of syllable-final d with laryngeal-similar effects is sometimes called ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo cf Kortlandt 1983 (cf also possible Vedic va ar lsquowaterrsquo lt wa Hr = Luw wār lt woacuteHr lt woacutedr Lubotsky 2013b)
Original exception with mediae Cf -naacute- for -taacute- in II verbal adjectives to avoid unharmonic clusters
11
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Bartholomaersquos LawBehind a (stem-final) aspirate assimilation is progressive voiceless stops and sbecome voiced and aspirated (for media after aspirata no evidence is available)T gt Dʱ s gt zʱ D_Clearly a productive rule in Proto-Indo-Iranian Sanskrit and Old Avestan (with relics in later Iranian) but elsewhere normally lost analogically (or never applied)4) Dental assibilationDental stops were assibilated preceding (heterosyllabic) dental stopst gt ts _t d gt dz _d d gt dz _dʱSometimes also assumed for the position before velars
12
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Siebsrsquo LawAspirates after initial s gt (allophonically) voiceless aspiratesa) skʰejd- gt gr skʰid-spʰejg- gt gr spʰigg-spʰerH- gt OIA sphar- gr spʰur- (but lt tsperH- after Lubotsky)spʰraχg- gt OIA sphūrj- gr spʰarag-However No assured s-less cognatesAmbiguous due to laryngealskʰaχ- gt Gr skʰa- ~ gʰaχ- lsquoto yawnrsquo gt Gr kʰa-spʰeh- gt OIA sphā-b) Certain variation without proof of aspiration sterbʰ- ~ dʰerbʰ- bʰeng- ~ speng-rArr Voicing alternation assured aspiration unclear Cf now Sturm 2016
13
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
6) Distribution in formative types
rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D
roots particles suffixes endings
tenues + + + +
asperae + + (+) (+)
mediae + (+) ‒ ‒
14
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)
When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip
System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)
p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d
15
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)
Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl
Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d
Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g
16
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Distribution of implosives
Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w
Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo
Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)
17
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible implications for IE rules
bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule
Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)
Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration
Cf Miller 1977
rArr Shift only post-PIE
18
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system
bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)
rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages
Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo
Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ
Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)
19
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA
Main facts and general problems
Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)
ldquoMixedrdquo languages
20
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE
kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck
k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx
kq
kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ
kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg
kgɟ
g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ
kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ
kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ
g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ
gʱɢʱ
kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ
21
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)
ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo
k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-
22
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo
OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo
Distributional peculiarities
No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally
No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]
23
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages
Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti
Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-
rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian
Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-
24
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute
NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel
General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages
25
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo
B Explanations
A) Three original series
Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)
Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic
rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
6
The IE sound system
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE consonant system (neo-traditional)
labial dental ldquopalatalrdquo ldquovelarrdquo ldquolabiovelarrdquo rdquolaryngealrdquo
stops voiceless = tenues p t k k kʷ
voiced = mediae (b) d g g gʷ
voiced aspirated = asperae bʱ dʱ gɦ gʱ gʷʱ
fricatives s h₁ h₂ h₃
glides j w
liquids l r
nasals m n
7
1 Stop series A Reconstruction models of PIE stops
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Main reflexes of stop series in IE branches exemplified by dentals
Balto-Slavic d = voiced with lengtheningacute effect (Winterrsquos Law)
Continuation in IE branches
T Anat Toch Ind Iran Greek Italic Celtic Germ B-Sl Alb
t tmiddot t ttʰ tθ t t ttʰ θ t t
dʱ d ttsltdʱ dʱd d (θ) tʰ feth d deth d d
d d tsltd d d (θ) d d d t (tʰts) d d
8
A Reconstruction models of PIE stops
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Models of the PIE stop system exemplified by dentals
(T = ldquoneo-traditionalmainstreamrdquo H = Hopper 19731977 G = Gamkrelidze 1973 N = Normier 1977 V = Vennemann 1984 K = Andreev 1957 Kortlandt 1978a 1985 Haider 1983 Kuumlmmel 20092012 Weiss 2009) Kortlandtrsquos ldquopreglottalized lenisrdquo = ldquovoicelessglottalized implosiveldquo (cf Maddieson 1984 111ff)
T H G NV K Haider +
t t tʰ~t tʰ t t
dʱ dʱd dʱ~d d dʰ~d dgtdʱ
d trsquot trsquo trsquo d [ˀɗ] ɗgtd
9
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) bdquoFinal lenitionldquoStop series distinctions neutralized word-finally to bdquomediaeldquo (at least when followed by a vowel)T gt D Dʱ gt D _ (cf Goddard 2007 123f)Cf 3s verbal ending -t-i gt Latin -t vs -d gt Latin -d2) Voicing assimilationClusters of obstruents must agree in laryngeal features (ie voicing aspiration etc) Normally assimilation is regressive voiced stops are devoiced before voiceless stops and s (but not before laryngeals) voiceless stops and s are voiced before voiced stopsD gt T _Ts cf χawg- rArr χwek-s-T gt D s gt z _D cf pi-pd- gt pibd- si-sd- gt sizd-
10
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Directly attested in IE languages but synchronically productive rArr innovations possible
However dk not assimilated to tk cf developments in decade numeralswi-dkmt- gt PII winćat- PCelt wikant- wīkdeg lsquo20rsquotri-dkmt- gt PII trinćat- PCelt trikant- trīkdeg lsquo30rsquopenkʷe-dkmt- gt penkʷēkdeg gt PII panḱāćat- lsquo50rsquoPerfect de-dk- gt dēk- gt PII dāć- (also in other clusters cf Schumacher 2005)
Loss of syllable-final d with laryngeal-similar effects is sometimes called ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo cf Kortlandt 1983 (cf also possible Vedic va ar lsquowaterrsquo lt wa Hr = Luw wār lt woacuteHr lt woacutedr Lubotsky 2013b)
Original exception with mediae Cf -naacute- for -taacute- in II verbal adjectives to avoid unharmonic clusters
11
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Bartholomaersquos LawBehind a (stem-final) aspirate assimilation is progressive voiceless stops and sbecome voiced and aspirated (for media after aspirata no evidence is available)T gt Dʱ s gt zʱ D_Clearly a productive rule in Proto-Indo-Iranian Sanskrit and Old Avestan (with relics in later Iranian) but elsewhere normally lost analogically (or never applied)4) Dental assibilationDental stops were assibilated preceding (heterosyllabic) dental stopst gt ts _t d gt dz _d d gt dz _dʱSometimes also assumed for the position before velars
12
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Siebsrsquo LawAspirates after initial s gt (allophonically) voiceless aspiratesa) skʰejd- gt gr skʰid-spʰejg- gt gr spʰigg-spʰerH- gt OIA sphar- gr spʰur- (but lt tsperH- after Lubotsky)spʰraχg- gt OIA sphūrj- gr spʰarag-However No assured s-less cognatesAmbiguous due to laryngealskʰaχ- gt Gr skʰa- ~ gʰaχ- lsquoto yawnrsquo gt Gr kʰa-spʰeh- gt OIA sphā-b) Certain variation without proof of aspiration sterbʰ- ~ dʰerbʰ- bʰeng- ~ speng-rArr Voicing alternation assured aspiration unclear Cf now Sturm 2016
13
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
6) Distribution in formative types
rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D
roots particles suffixes endings
tenues + + + +
asperae + + (+) (+)
mediae + (+) ‒ ‒
14
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)
When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip
System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)
p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d
15
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)
Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl
Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d
Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g
16
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Distribution of implosives
Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w
Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo
Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)
17
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible implications for IE rules
bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule
Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)
Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration
Cf Miller 1977
rArr Shift only post-PIE
18
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system
bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)
rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages
Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo
Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ
Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)
19
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA
Main facts and general problems
Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)
ldquoMixedrdquo languages
20
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE
kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck
k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx
kq
kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ
kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg
kgɟ
g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ
kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ
kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ
g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ
gʱɢʱ
kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ
21
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)
ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo
k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-
22
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo
OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo
Distributional peculiarities
No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally
No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]
23
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages
Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti
Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-
rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian
Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-
24
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute
NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel
General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages
25
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo
B Explanations
A) Three original series
Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)
Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic
rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
7
1 Stop series A Reconstruction models of PIE stops
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Main reflexes of stop series in IE branches exemplified by dentals
Balto-Slavic d = voiced with lengtheningacute effect (Winterrsquos Law)
Continuation in IE branches
T Anat Toch Ind Iran Greek Italic Celtic Germ B-Sl Alb
t tmiddot t ttʰ tθ t t ttʰ θ t t
dʱ d ttsltdʱ dʱd d (θ) tʰ feth d deth d d
d d tsltd d d (θ) d d d t (tʰts) d d
8
A Reconstruction models of PIE stops
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Models of the PIE stop system exemplified by dentals
(T = ldquoneo-traditionalmainstreamrdquo H = Hopper 19731977 G = Gamkrelidze 1973 N = Normier 1977 V = Vennemann 1984 K = Andreev 1957 Kortlandt 1978a 1985 Haider 1983 Kuumlmmel 20092012 Weiss 2009) Kortlandtrsquos ldquopreglottalized lenisrdquo = ldquovoicelessglottalized implosiveldquo (cf Maddieson 1984 111ff)
T H G NV K Haider +
t t tʰ~t tʰ t t
dʱ dʱd dʱ~d d dʰ~d dgtdʱ
d trsquot trsquo trsquo d [ˀɗ] ɗgtd
9
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) bdquoFinal lenitionldquoStop series distinctions neutralized word-finally to bdquomediaeldquo (at least when followed by a vowel)T gt D Dʱ gt D _ (cf Goddard 2007 123f)Cf 3s verbal ending -t-i gt Latin -t vs -d gt Latin -d2) Voicing assimilationClusters of obstruents must agree in laryngeal features (ie voicing aspiration etc) Normally assimilation is regressive voiced stops are devoiced before voiceless stops and s (but not before laryngeals) voiceless stops and s are voiced before voiced stopsD gt T _Ts cf χawg- rArr χwek-s-T gt D s gt z _D cf pi-pd- gt pibd- si-sd- gt sizd-
10
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Directly attested in IE languages but synchronically productive rArr innovations possible
However dk not assimilated to tk cf developments in decade numeralswi-dkmt- gt PII winćat- PCelt wikant- wīkdeg lsquo20rsquotri-dkmt- gt PII trinćat- PCelt trikant- trīkdeg lsquo30rsquopenkʷe-dkmt- gt penkʷēkdeg gt PII panḱāćat- lsquo50rsquoPerfect de-dk- gt dēk- gt PII dāć- (also in other clusters cf Schumacher 2005)
Loss of syllable-final d with laryngeal-similar effects is sometimes called ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo cf Kortlandt 1983 (cf also possible Vedic va ar lsquowaterrsquo lt wa Hr = Luw wār lt woacuteHr lt woacutedr Lubotsky 2013b)
Original exception with mediae Cf -naacute- for -taacute- in II verbal adjectives to avoid unharmonic clusters
11
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Bartholomaersquos LawBehind a (stem-final) aspirate assimilation is progressive voiceless stops and sbecome voiced and aspirated (for media after aspirata no evidence is available)T gt Dʱ s gt zʱ D_Clearly a productive rule in Proto-Indo-Iranian Sanskrit and Old Avestan (with relics in later Iranian) but elsewhere normally lost analogically (or never applied)4) Dental assibilationDental stops were assibilated preceding (heterosyllabic) dental stopst gt ts _t d gt dz _d d gt dz _dʱSometimes also assumed for the position before velars
12
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Siebsrsquo LawAspirates after initial s gt (allophonically) voiceless aspiratesa) skʰejd- gt gr skʰid-spʰejg- gt gr spʰigg-spʰerH- gt OIA sphar- gr spʰur- (but lt tsperH- after Lubotsky)spʰraχg- gt OIA sphūrj- gr spʰarag-However No assured s-less cognatesAmbiguous due to laryngealskʰaχ- gt Gr skʰa- ~ gʰaχ- lsquoto yawnrsquo gt Gr kʰa-spʰeh- gt OIA sphā-b) Certain variation without proof of aspiration sterbʰ- ~ dʰerbʰ- bʰeng- ~ speng-rArr Voicing alternation assured aspiration unclear Cf now Sturm 2016
13
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
6) Distribution in formative types
rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D
roots particles suffixes endings
tenues + + + +
asperae + + (+) (+)
mediae + (+) ‒ ‒
14
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)
When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip
System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)
p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d
15
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)
Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl
Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d
Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g
16
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Distribution of implosives
Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w
Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo
Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)
17
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible implications for IE rules
bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule
Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)
Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration
Cf Miller 1977
rArr Shift only post-PIE
18
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system
bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)
rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages
Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo
Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ
Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)
19
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA
Main facts and general problems
Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)
ldquoMixedrdquo languages
20
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE
kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck
k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx
kq
kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ
kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg
kgɟ
g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ
kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ
kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ
g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ
gʱɢʱ
kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ
21
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)
ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo
k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-
22
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo
OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo
Distributional peculiarities
No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally
No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]
23
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages
Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti
Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-
rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian
Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-
24
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute
NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel
General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages
25
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo
B Explanations
A) Three original series
Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)
Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic
rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
8
A Reconstruction models of PIE stops
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Models of the PIE stop system exemplified by dentals
(T = ldquoneo-traditionalmainstreamrdquo H = Hopper 19731977 G = Gamkrelidze 1973 N = Normier 1977 V = Vennemann 1984 K = Andreev 1957 Kortlandt 1978a 1985 Haider 1983 Kuumlmmel 20092012 Weiss 2009) Kortlandtrsquos ldquopreglottalized lenisrdquo = ldquovoicelessglottalized implosiveldquo (cf Maddieson 1984 111ff)
T H G NV K Haider +
t t tʰ~t tʰ t t
dʱ dʱd dʱ~d d dʰ~d dgtdʱ
d trsquot trsquo trsquo d [ˀɗ] ɗgtd
9
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) bdquoFinal lenitionldquoStop series distinctions neutralized word-finally to bdquomediaeldquo (at least when followed by a vowel)T gt D Dʱ gt D _ (cf Goddard 2007 123f)Cf 3s verbal ending -t-i gt Latin -t vs -d gt Latin -d2) Voicing assimilationClusters of obstruents must agree in laryngeal features (ie voicing aspiration etc) Normally assimilation is regressive voiced stops are devoiced before voiceless stops and s (but not before laryngeals) voiceless stops and s are voiced before voiced stopsD gt T _Ts cf χawg- rArr χwek-s-T gt D s gt z _D cf pi-pd- gt pibd- si-sd- gt sizd-
10
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Directly attested in IE languages but synchronically productive rArr innovations possible
However dk not assimilated to tk cf developments in decade numeralswi-dkmt- gt PII winćat- PCelt wikant- wīkdeg lsquo20rsquotri-dkmt- gt PII trinćat- PCelt trikant- trīkdeg lsquo30rsquopenkʷe-dkmt- gt penkʷēkdeg gt PII panḱāćat- lsquo50rsquoPerfect de-dk- gt dēk- gt PII dāć- (also in other clusters cf Schumacher 2005)
Loss of syllable-final d with laryngeal-similar effects is sometimes called ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo cf Kortlandt 1983 (cf also possible Vedic va ar lsquowaterrsquo lt wa Hr = Luw wār lt woacuteHr lt woacutedr Lubotsky 2013b)
Original exception with mediae Cf -naacute- for -taacute- in II verbal adjectives to avoid unharmonic clusters
11
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Bartholomaersquos LawBehind a (stem-final) aspirate assimilation is progressive voiceless stops and sbecome voiced and aspirated (for media after aspirata no evidence is available)T gt Dʱ s gt zʱ D_Clearly a productive rule in Proto-Indo-Iranian Sanskrit and Old Avestan (with relics in later Iranian) but elsewhere normally lost analogically (or never applied)4) Dental assibilationDental stops were assibilated preceding (heterosyllabic) dental stopst gt ts _t d gt dz _d d gt dz _dʱSometimes also assumed for the position before velars
12
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Siebsrsquo LawAspirates after initial s gt (allophonically) voiceless aspiratesa) skʰejd- gt gr skʰid-spʰejg- gt gr spʰigg-spʰerH- gt OIA sphar- gr spʰur- (but lt tsperH- after Lubotsky)spʰraχg- gt OIA sphūrj- gr spʰarag-However No assured s-less cognatesAmbiguous due to laryngealskʰaχ- gt Gr skʰa- ~ gʰaχ- lsquoto yawnrsquo gt Gr kʰa-spʰeh- gt OIA sphā-b) Certain variation without proof of aspiration sterbʰ- ~ dʰerbʰ- bʰeng- ~ speng-rArr Voicing alternation assured aspiration unclear Cf now Sturm 2016
13
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
6) Distribution in formative types
rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D
roots particles suffixes endings
tenues + + + +
asperae + + (+) (+)
mediae + (+) ‒ ‒
14
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)
When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip
System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)
p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d
15
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)
Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl
Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d
Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g
16
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Distribution of implosives
Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w
Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo
Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)
17
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible implications for IE rules
bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule
Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)
Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration
Cf Miller 1977
rArr Shift only post-PIE
18
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system
bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)
rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages
Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo
Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ
Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)
19
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA
Main facts and general problems
Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)
ldquoMixedrdquo languages
20
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE
kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck
k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx
kq
kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ
kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg
kgɟ
g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ
kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ
kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ
g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ
gʱɢʱ
kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ
21
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)
ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo
k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-
22
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo
OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo
Distributional peculiarities
No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally
No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]
23
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages
Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti
Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-
rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian
Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-
24
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute
NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel
General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages
25
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo
B Explanations
A) Three original series
Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)
Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic
rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
9
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) bdquoFinal lenitionldquoStop series distinctions neutralized word-finally to bdquomediaeldquo (at least when followed by a vowel)T gt D Dʱ gt D _ (cf Goddard 2007 123f)Cf 3s verbal ending -t-i gt Latin -t vs -d gt Latin -d2) Voicing assimilationClusters of obstruents must agree in laryngeal features (ie voicing aspiration etc) Normally assimilation is regressive voiced stops are devoiced before voiceless stops and s (but not before laryngeals) voiceless stops and s are voiced before voiced stopsD gt T _Ts cf χawg- rArr χwek-s-T gt D s gt z _D cf pi-pd- gt pibd- si-sd- gt sizd-
10
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Directly attested in IE languages but synchronically productive rArr innovations possible
However dk not assimilated to tk cf developments in decade numeralswi-dkmt- gt PII winćat- PCelt wikant- wīkdeg lsquo20rsquotri-dkmt- gt PII trinćat- PCelt trikant- trīkdeg lsquo30rsquopenkʷe-dkmt- gt penkʷēkdeg gt PII panḱāćat- lsquo50rsquoPerfect de-dk- gt dēk- gt PII dāć- (also in other clusters cf Schumacher 2005)
Loss of syllable-final d with laryngeal-similar effects is sometimes called ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo cf Kortlandt 1983 (cf also possible Vedic va ar lsquowaterrsquo lt wa Hr = Luw wār lt woacuteHr lt woacutedr Lubotsky 2013b)
Original exception with mediae Cf -naacute- for -taacute- in II verbal adjectives to avoid unharmonic clusters
11
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Bartholomaersquos LawBehind a (stem-final) aspirate assimilation is progressive voiceless stops and sbecome voiced and aspirated (for media after aspirata no evidence is available)T gt Dʱ s gt zʱ D_Clearly a productive rule in Proto-Indo-Iranian Sanskrit and Old Avestan (with relics in later Iranian) but elsewhere normally lost analogically (or never applied)4) Dental assibilationDental stops were assibilated preceding (heterosyllabic) dental stopst gt ts _t d gt dz _d d gt dz _dʱSometimes also assumed for the position before velars
12
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Siebsrsquo LawAspirates after initial s gt (allophonically) voiceless aspiratesa) skʰejd- gt gr skʰid-spʰejg- gt gr spʰigg-spʰerH- gt OIA sphar- gr spʰur- (but lt tsperH- after Lubotsky)spʰraχg- gt OIA sphūrj- gr spʰarag-However No assured s-less cognatesAmbiguous due to laryngealskʰaχ- gt Gr skʰa- ~ gʰaχ- lsquoto yawnrsquo gt Gr kʰa-spʰeh- gt OIA sphā-b) Certain variation without proof of aspiration sterbʰ- ~ dʰerbʰ- bʰeng- ~ speng-rArr Voicing alternation assured aspiration unclear Cf now Sturm 2016
13
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
6) Distribution in formative types
rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D
roots particles suffixes endings
tenues + + + +
asperae + + (+) (+)
mediae + (+) ‒ ‒
14
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)
When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip
System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)
p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d
15
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)
Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl
Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d
Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g
16
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Distribution of implosives
Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w
Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo
Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)
17
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible implications for IE rules
bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule
Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)
Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration
Cf Miller 1977
rArr Shift only post-PIE
18
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system
bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)
rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages
Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo
Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ
Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)
19
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA
Main facts and general problems
Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)
ldquoMixedrdquo languages
20
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE
kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck
k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx
kq
kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ
kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg
kgɟ
g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ
kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ
kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ
g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ
gʱɢʱ
kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ
21
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)
ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo
k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-
22
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo
OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo
Distributional peculiarities
No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally
No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]
23
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages
Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti
Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-
rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian
Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-
24
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute
NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel
General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages
25
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo
B Explanations
A) Three original series
Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)
Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic
rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
10
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Directly attested in IE languages but synchronically productive rArr innovations possible
However dk not assimilated to tk cf developments in decade numeralswi-dkmt- gt PII winćat- PCelt wikant- wīkdeg lsquo20rsquotri-dkmt- gt PII trinćat- PCelt trikant- trīkdeg lsquo30rsquopenkʷe-dkmt- gt penkʷēkdeg gt PII panḱāćat- lsquo50rsquoPerfect de-dk- gt dēk- gt PII dāć- (also in other clusters cf Schumacher 2005)
Loss of syllable-final d with laryngeal-similar effects is sometimes called ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo cf Kortlandt 1983 (cf also possible Vedic va ar lsquowaterrsquo lt wa Hr = Luw wār lt woacuteHr lt woacutedr Lubotsky 2013b)
Original exception with mediae Cf -naacute- for -taacute- in II verbal adjectives to avoid unharmonic clusters
11
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Bartholomaersquos LawBehind a (stem-final) aspirate assimilation is progressive voiceless stops and sbecome voiced and aspirated (for media after aspirata no evidence is available)T gt Dʱ s gt zʱ D_Clearly a productive rule in Proto-Indo-Iranian Sanskrit and Old Avestan (with relics in later Iranian) but elsewhere normally lost analogically (or never applied)4) Dental assibilationDental stops were assibilated preceding (heterosyllabic) dental stopst gt ts _t d gt dz _d d gt dz _dʱSometimes also assumed for the position before velars
12
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Siebsrsquo LawAspirates after initial s gt (allophonically) voiceless aspiratesa) skʰejd- gt gr skʰid-spʰejg- gt gr spʰigg-spʰerH- gt OIA sphar- gr spʰur- (but lt tsperH- after Lubotsky)spʰraχg- gt OIA sphūrj- gr spʰarag-However No assured s-less cognatesAmbiguous due to laryngealskʰaχ- gt Gr skʰa- ~ gʰaχ- lsquoto yawnrsquo gt Gr kʰa-spʰeh- gt OIA sphā-b) Certain variation without proof of aspiration sterbʰ- ~ dʰerbʰ- bʰeng- ~ speng-rArr Voicing alternation assured aspiration unclear Cf now Sturm 2016
13
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
6) Distribution in formative types
rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D
roots particles suffixes endings
tenues + + + +
asperae + + (+) (+)
mediae + (+) ‒ ‒
14
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)
When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip
System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)
p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d
15
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)
Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl
Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d
Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g
16
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Distribution of implosives
Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w
Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo
Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)
17
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible implications for IE rules
bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule
Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)
Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration
Cf Miller 1977
rArr Shift only post-PIE
18
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system
bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)
rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages
Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo
Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ
Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)
19
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA
Main facts and general problems
Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)
ldquoMixedrdquo languages
20
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE
kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck
k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx
kq
kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ
kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg
kgɟ
g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ
kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ
kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ
g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ
gʱɢʱ
kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ
21
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)
ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo
k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-
22
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo
OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo
Distributional peculiarities
No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally
No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]
23
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages
Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti
Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-
rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian
Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-
24
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute
NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel
General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages
25
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo
B Explanations
A) Three original series
Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)
Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic
rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
11
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Bartholomaersquos LawBehind a (stem-final) aspirate assimilation is progressive voiceless stops and sbecome voiced and aspirated (for media after aspirata no evidence is available)T gt Dʱ s gt zʱ D_Clearly a productive rule in Proto-Indo-Iranian Sanskrit and Old Avestan (with relics in later Iranian) but elsewhere normally lost analogically (or never applied)4) Dental assibilationDental stops were assibilated preceding (heterosyllabic) dental stopst gt ts _t d gt dz _d d gt dz _dʱSometimes also assumed for the position before velars
12
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Siebsrsquo LawAspirates after initial s gt (allophonically) voiceless aspiratesa) skʰejd- gt gr skʰid-spʰejg- gt gr spʰigg-spʰerH- gt OIA sphar- gr spʰur- (but lt tsperH- after Lubotsky)spʰraχg- gt OIA sphūrj- gr spʰarag-However No assured s-less cognatesAmbiguous due to laryngealskʰaχ- gt Gr skʰa- ~ gʰaχ- lsquoto yawnrsquo gt Gr kʰa-spʰeh- gt OIA sphā-b) Certain variation without proof of aspiration sterbʰ- ~ dʰerbʰ- bʰeng- ~ speng-rArr Voicing alternation assured aspiration unclear Cf now Sturm 2016
13
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
6) Distribution in formative types
rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D
roots particles suffixes endings
tenues + + + +
asperae + + (+) (+)
mediae + (+) ‒ ‒
14
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)
When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip
System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)
p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d
15
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)
Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl
Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d
Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g
16
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Distribution of implosives
Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w
Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo
Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)
17
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible implications for IE rules
bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule
Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)
Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration
Cf Miller 1977
rArr Shift only post-PIE
18
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system
bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)
rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages
Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo
Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ
Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)
19
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA
Main facts and general problems
Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)
ldquoMixedrdquo languages
20
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE
kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck
k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx
kq
kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ
kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg
kgɟ
g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ
kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ
kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ
g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ
gʱɢʱ
kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ
21
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)
ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo
k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-
22
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo
OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo
Distributional peculiarities
No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally
No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]
23
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages
Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti
Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-
rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian
Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-
24
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute
NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel
General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages
25
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo
B Explanations
A) Three original series
Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)
Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic
rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
12
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Siebsrsquo LawAspirates after initial s gt (allophonically) voiceless aspiratesa) skʰejd- gt gr skʰid-spʰejg- gt gr spʰigg-spʰerH- gt OIA sphar- gr spʰur- (but lt tsperH- after Lubotsky)spʰraχg- gt OIA sphūrj- gr spʰarag-However No assured s-less cognatesAmbiguous due to laryngealskʰaχ- gt Gr skʰa- ~ gʰaχ- lsquoto yawnrsquo gt Gr kʰa-spʰeh- gt OIA sphā-b) Certain variation without proof of aspiration sterbʰ- ~ dʰerbʰ- bʰeng- ~ speng-rArr Voicing alternation assured aspiration unclear Cf now Sturm 2016
13
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
6) Distribution in formative types
rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D
roots particles suffixes endings
tenues + + + +
asperae + + (+) (+)
mediae + (+) ‒ ‒
14
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)
When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip
System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)
p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d
15
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)
Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl
Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d
Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g
16
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Distribution of implosives
Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w
Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo
Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)
17
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible implications for IE rules
bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule
Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)
Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration
Cf Miller 1977
rArr Shift only post-PIE
18
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system
bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)
rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages
Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo
Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ
Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)
19
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA
Main facts and general problems
Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)
ldquoMixedrdquo languages
20
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE
kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck
k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx
kq
kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ
kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg
kgɟ
g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ
kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ
kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ
g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ
gʱɢʱ
kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ
21
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)
ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo
k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-
22
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo
OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo
Distributional peculiarities
No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally
No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]
23
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages
Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti
Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-
rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian
Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-
24
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute
NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel
General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages
25
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo
B Explanations
A) Three original series
Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)
Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic
rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
13
B Data from within the system alternations of consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
6) Distribution in formative types
rArr mediae more ldquomarkedrdquo7) Root structure constraintsAllowed T_T- Dʱ_Dʱ- D_T- T_D- D_Dʱ- Dʱ_D- T_NDʱ- sT_Dʱ-Forbidden T_Dʱ- Dʱ_T- D_D-rArr T + Dʱ (sensitive to voicing effects) | D
roots particles suffixes endings
tenues + + + +
asperae + + (+) (+)
mediae + (+) ‒ ‒
14
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)
When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip
System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)
p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d
15
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)
Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl
Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d
Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g
16
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Distribution of implosives
Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w
Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo
Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)
17
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible implications for IE rules
bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule
Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)
Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration
Cf Miller 1977
rArr Shift only post-PIE
18
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system
bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)
rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages
Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo
Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ
Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)
19
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA
Main facts and general problems
Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)
ldquoMixedrdquo languages
20
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE
kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck
k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx
kq
kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ
kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg
kgɟ
g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ
kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ
kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ
g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ
gʱɢʱ
kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ
21
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)
ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo
k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-
22
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo
OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo
Distributional peculiarities
No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally
No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]
23
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages
Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti
Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-
rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian
Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-
24
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute
NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel
General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages
25
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo
B Explanations
A) Three original series
Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)
Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic
rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
14
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
bdquoAspiratesldquo = simple explosive stops b d hellipbdquoMediaeldquo = implosives ie nonexplosive stops ɓ ɗ hellip (not distinctively glottalized)
When these developed to explosives b d hellip the original explosives could remain distinct and developed to breathy voiced ldquoaspiratedrdquo stops bʱ dʱ hellip
System typology (Kuumlmmel 2012a 2015)
p | b | ɓ most frequent 3 stop system type with two bdquovoicedldquo seriesrArr most probable synchronicallynevertheless rather unstable because of tendency ɗ gt d
15
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)
Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl
Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d
Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g
16
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Distribution of implosives
Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w
Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo
Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)
17
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible implications for IE rules
bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule
Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)
Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration
Cf Miller 1977
rArr Shift only post-PIE
18
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system
bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)
rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages
Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo
Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ
Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)
19
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA
Main facts and general problems
Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)
ldquoMixedrdquo languages
20
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE
kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck
k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx
kq
kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ
kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg
kgɟ
g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ
kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ
kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ
g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ
gʱɢʱ
kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ
21
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)
ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo
k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-
22
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo
OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo
Distributional peculiarities
No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally
No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]
23
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages
Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti
Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-
rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian
Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-
24
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute
NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel
General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages
25
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo
B Explanations
A) Three original series
Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)
Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic
rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
15
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Diachronic parallels (cf Weiss 2009)
Proto-Thai ɓ | b gt Cao Bang (Nord-Thai) b | bʱ(in both systems p in Cao Bang also pʰ of different origin)Intermediate stage in other Thai languages too Thai Lao Saek d gtdʱ gt tʰ | ɗ gt d elsewhere d gt t | ɗ gt dɗnl
Mon-Khmer viz Proto-Mon t | d | ɗ (gt Mon t | t | ɗ)gt t | dʱ | d gt Nyah Kur t | tʰ | d
Austronesian Madurese b d g gt bʱ dʱ gʱ gt pʰ tʰ kʰvs preserved p t k | secondary b d g
16
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Distribution of implosives
Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w
Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo
Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)
17
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible implications for IE rules
bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule
Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)
Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration
Cf Miller 1977
rArr Shift only post-PIE
18
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system
bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)
rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages
Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo
Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ
Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)
19
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA
Main facts and general problems
Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)
ldquoMixedrdquo languages
20
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE
kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck
k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx
kq
kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ
kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg
kgɟ
g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ
kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ
kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ
g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ
gʱɢʱ
kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ
21
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)
ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo
k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-
22
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo
OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo
Distributional peculiarities
No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally
No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]
23
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages
Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti
Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-
rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian
Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-
24
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute
NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel
General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages
25
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo
B Explanations
A) Three original series
Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)
Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic
rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
16
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Distribution of implosives
Weiss b-lacuna because of ɓ gt w
Kuumlmmel rather ɓ gt m (already Haider 1983 foll Schindler)cf possible Uralic cognates with nasalsPIE jeg-io- lsquoicersquo = PU jaumlŋiPIE dek- lsquoto perceiversquo = PU naumlki- lsquoto seersquo
Rareness of ancient (root-internal) clusters of nasal + mediacompatible with cross-linguistic tendencies (Kuumlmmel 2012b)
17
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible implications for IE rules
bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule
Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)
Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration
Cf Miller 1977
rArr Shift only post-PIE
18
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system
bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)
rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages
Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo
Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ
Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)
19
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA
Main facts and general problems
Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)
ldquoMixedrdquo languages
20
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE
kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck
k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx
kq
kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ
kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg
kgɟ
g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ
kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ
kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ
g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ
gʱɢʱ
kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ
21
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)
ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo
k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-
22
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo
OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo
Distributional peculiarities
No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally
No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]
23
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages
Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti
Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-
rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian
Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-
24
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute
NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel
General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages
25
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo
B Explanations
A) Three original series
Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)
Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic
rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
17
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible implications for IE rules
bdquoFinal voicingldquo = nonexplosive articulation perhaps also syllable-finally preserved in pi-b$h₃-V etc ‒ isolated example(s) of older more general rule
Cf allophonies in Munda and SE Asia final stops gt bdquocheckedldquo = preglottalized and unreleased in Munda voiced before a suffix (Donegan amp Stampe 2002 117f)
Bartholomaersquos Law = simple voicing assimilation with secondary aspiration
Cf Miller 1977
rArr Shift only post-PIE
18
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system
bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)
rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages
Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo
Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ
Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)
19
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA
Main facts and general problems
Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)
ldquoMixedrdquo languages
20
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE
kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck
k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx
kq
kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ
kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg
kgɟ
g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ
kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ
kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ
g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ
gʱɢʱ
kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ
21
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)
ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo
k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-
22
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo
OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo
Distributional peculiarities
No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally
No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]
23
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages
Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti
Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-
rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian
Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-
24
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute
NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel
General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages
25
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo
B Explanations
A) Three original series
Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)
Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic
rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
18
C The ldquoimplosiverdquo theory
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible direct reflexes of implosives and the older system
bdquoAspirationldquo of MA but assured in IIr Greek Armenian Tocharian Italic (Germanic)
rArr central innovation sound shift ɗ gt d d gt dʱvs preservation in peripheral languages
Sporadically d (but never dʱ) gt l in Luvian Hitt dā- = luv lā- lala- lsquoto takersquo
Celtic ɠʷ gt ɓ gt b vs preserved gʷ kʷ
Secondarily phonologized glottalization in Balto-Slavic (cf Kortlandt passim)
19
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA
Main facts and general problems
Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)
ldquoMixedrdquo languages
20
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE
kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck
k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx
kq
kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ
kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg
kgɟ
g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ
kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ
kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ
g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ
gʱɢʱ
kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ
21
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)
ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo
k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-
22
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo
OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo
Distributional peculiarities
No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally
No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]
23
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages
Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti
Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-
rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian
Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-
24
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute
NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel
General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages
25
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo
B Explanations
A) Three original series
Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)
Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic
rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
19
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Dorsal stops What kind of and how manyA
Main facts and general problems
Av satəm = Lat centum [ˈkɛntʊm] lt PIE kmtoacutem lsquo100rsquobdquoSatemldquo k gt śsθ k = kw gt kbdquoKentumldquo k = k gt k kw gt kw (gt pt)
ldquoMixedrdquo languages
20
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE
kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck
k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx
kq
kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ
kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg
kgɟ
g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ
kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ
kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ
g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ
gʱɢʱ
kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ
21
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)
ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo
k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-
22
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo
OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo
Distributional peculiarities
No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally
No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]
23
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages
Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti
Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-
rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian
Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-
24
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute
NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel
General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages
25
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo
B Explanations
A) Three original series
Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)
Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic
rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
20
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
T Gr It Ce Ge Hit Luw Arm Alb B Sl In Ir PIE
kʆ k k kʰ x kkc sʦʰ θk ʃ (k) s (k) ʆ sθ ck
k kʰ kck kʧʦ ktʆ kx
kq
kʷʆ kʷgtpt kʷ kʷʰ xʷ kʷ kʷ kʰʧʰ kcs kʷ
kʆ g g g k g gjʦ ethg ʒ (g) z (g) dʓ zd ɟg
kgɟ
g gʒʣ gdʓ gdʓgɢ
kʷʆ gʷgtbd gʷ b kʷ gʷ w gɟz gʷ
kʆ kʰ h g g g gjʣ deth ʒ (g) z (g) ɦ zd ɟʱgʱ
g gɟg gʒʣ gʱɦ gdʓ
gʱɢʱ
kʷʆ kʷʰgtpʰtʰ f gw b gʷ w gʤ gɟz gʷʱ
21
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)
ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo
k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-
22
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo
OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo
Distributional peculiarities
No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally
No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]
23
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages
Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti
Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-
rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian
Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-
24
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute
NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel
General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages
25
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo
B Explanations
A) Three original series
Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)
Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic
rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
21
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)
ś = k lt kk Arm sirt Lith šigraverd- Slav sьrd- Hitt ker Gr ke r Germ xert- lt kerd-krd- lsquoheartrsquoOIA śrī- Av sraiian- asymp Gr kreacuteont- lt krejH-kriH- lsquo(to be) excellentrsquoOIA aṣṭā Lith aštuonigrave = Gr oktō Lat octō lt (H)oktoacuteH(-) lsquoeightrsquoOIA śuacutenas OLith šunegraves asymp Gr kunoacutes OIr con lt kuneacutes-oacutes lsquoof the dogrsquo
k = kw lt kw Av ci-ca- Slav čьče- Hitt kuikue- Lat qui-que- hellip lt kʷiacute-kʷeacute- lsquowho whatrsquoOIA krī- ORuss krĭnj- Gr priacutea- Welsh pryn- lt kwriχ- kwrinχ- lsquoto buyrsquoOIA naacutekt- Lith nakt- Gr nukt- Lat noct- lt noacutekwt- lsquonightrsquo Hitt nekut-nekwt-
22
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo
OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo
Distributional peculiarities
No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally
No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]
23
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages
Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti
Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-
rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian
Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-
24
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute
NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel
General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages
25
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo
B Explanations
A) Three original series
Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)
Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic
rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
22
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Examples (in distinctive environments)k = k lt kq Lith kas- Slav čes- lt kes- Hitt kiss- lt kes- lsquoto combrsquo
OIA kraviacuteṣ Lith kraũjas Gr kreacuteas Lat cruor lt kreuχ- lsquoblood raw fleshrsquoOIA rukta = Hitt lukta lt luk-toacute lsquobecame lightrsquoOIA kup- lsquoto shiverrsquo = Lat cup- lsquoto wishrsquo lt kup- lsquoto be excitedrsquo
Distributional peculiarities
No ldquolabiovelarsrdquo beside wu no velars before jiVelars dominate after s and before r frequent root-finally
No labiovelars in suffixes in roots rarely before consonantsfrequent delabialization neighbouring rounded vowels and before [-syll]
23
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages
Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti
Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-
rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian
Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-
24
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute
NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel
General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages
25
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo
B Explanations
A) Three original series
Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)
Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic
rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
23
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Threefold reflexes in bdquosmall inherited corpusldquo languages
Armenian sirt lsquoheartrsquo lt kērdi- čʿorkʿ lsquo4rsquo lt kwetores kʿerē lsquoscratchesrsquo lt kereti
Albanian tho(sh)- lsquoto sayrsquo lt kēs- sorreuml lsquocrowrsquo lt kwērsnā- korreuml lsquoharvestrsquo lt kēr(s)nā-dimeumlr lsquowinterrsquo lt gʰ(e)imon- zjarm lsquowarmthrsquo lt gwʰermo- gjind- lsquoto getrsquo lt gʰend-
rArr Palatalization of labiovelars only (velars in Alb very late)Labiovelars more easily palatalized in Greek Lycian
Luwian (= Lycian and Carian)zi- tsi- lsquoto liersquo lt kei- kui- kwi- lsquowho whatrsquo lt kwiacute- kīsa- kisa- lsquoto combrsquo lt kes-
24
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute
NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel
General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages
25
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo
B Explanations
A) Three original series
Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)
Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic
rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
24
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr Palatalization of ldquopalatalsrdquo only Cf Melchert talks in Harvard 2008Opava 2010problematic uncanonical conditioning before w in HLuv asu- lsquohorsersquo suwan-lsquodogrsquo (if not loans from Indo-Aryan) before (ǝ)R in CLuv zurni- sbquohornlsquo lt krn- cf OIA śrṅ-ga- zanta sbquobelow downlsquo lt kNta cf Gr kataacute
NB Exactly one example for nonpalatalized PIE bdquovelarldquo in contrastive environment (= before front vowel) namely kisa- lsquoto combrsquo - How to exclude analogical generalization of k cf the athematic verb in Hitt kiss- or a secondary vowel
General problem nonpalatalization may be analogical cf irregularly bdquopreserved velarsldquo in OIA kampa- kāriṣ- ghas- skambh- skaacutenda- (as in kar- gam- with original labiovelar)rArr Counterexamples simply lacking by chance considering that we know rather few inherited words in just these languages
25
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo
B Explanations
A) Three original series
Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)
Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic
rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
25
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Armenian candidates for palatalized ldquovelarsrdquo (cf Pedersen 1906 393 Woodhouse 1998 46f foll Jahukyan) čʿiɫǰ lsquobatrsquo čim lsquobridlersquo čmlel lsquoto squeezersquo čiw lsquopaw hoofrsquo ecircǰ lsquodescentrsquo
B Explanations
A) Three original series
Palatals velars labiovelars (traditional)
Diachronically quite improbablyMain problem palatal gt velar in all Centum languages implausible if not allophonic
rArr bdquoPalatalsldquo should continue velars which are simply preserved in Centumso bdquovelarsldquo must have been something else (eg uvulars) if distinct
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
26
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Velars labiovelars uvulars
Kuumlmmel 2007
Main problem uvulars nowhere () preserved
B) Only two original series
Problems for all accounts Contrast root-initially before the vowel slot Cf gemH-ɢem- gʷem- = artefact of different generalizations
1) Palatals vs labiovelars velars from neutralization ie depalatalization or delabialization
Cf Steensland 1973 Kortlandt 1978b
Main problem (as always) Distribution not complementary
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
27
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Additional problem presumed original system typologically rare (additional uvulars expected)
Neutralization after a) s
Excursus sK in Indo-Iranian
Standard theory sk gt PII sć gt OIA cch Iran s
sq = skʷ gt PII sk gt OIA = Iran sk palatalized PII sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sccf OIA chand- lsquoto appearrsquo skand- lsquoto jumprsquo (ś)cand- lsquoto shinersquo
But śc- very raresk-presents normally bdquopalatalldquo -ccha- = -sa- but postconsonantally bdquovelarldquo in Avubjiia- θβązja- srasca- OIA vrścaacute- ubjaacute- bhrjjaacute-
adverbs in -cchā and -(ś)cā
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
28
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr alternative theory (Zubatyacute 1892 Lubotsky 2001) sk gt OIA Iran sk palatalized gt sḱ gt OIA śc Iran sč after consonants (stops) elsewhere earlier palatalization gt sć gt OIA cch Iran sc gt scounterarguments of Lipp (2009 I 18f fn 30) not effectiveProblem (not too grave) Motivation of early vs late palatalization
In other satem languages no clear difference of sk vs sqGorbachov 2014 only shows skʲ gt Baltic st but does not prove contrast between sk and sk
skʷ practically absent in general (cf doublets like kʷer- sker- lsquoto cutrsquo) but no phonetic motive for delabialization rArr relic of older phonetics viz front velar back velar Or of old
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
29
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Neutralization (delabialization) after uWeiss 1995 no labiovelar vs velar distinction adjacent to u
rArr Neutralization of labializationPhonological process rounding interpreted as coarticulatory rather than
phonological cf eg Yazghulami (Eastern Iranian Pamir) phonological labiovelars beside unrounded vowels only with rounded vowels k = [kʷ]
Steensland also no palatals in this environment ndash but some (not optimal) counterexamples PII kruć- yuj- Iran guz- OIA tuś- Lith laacuteuž- pušigraves
Arm generally only bdquopalatalsldquo after u also in cases of original labiovelars cf angʷ-gt awkʷ- gt awc- lsquotorsquo rArr palatals = delabialized labiovelars = phonetic velarsGr eĩpon lsquosaidrsquo lt weykʷoe- lt we-wkʷoe- (cf PII wawḱa- gt Av vaoca- OIA voca-) shows preservation of ukʷ in Proto-Greek later wkʷ [wkʷ] gt wk
Cf Kuumlmmel 2007 310-327
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
30
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Neutralization (depalatalization) before resonantsBefore r (IIr Balto-Slavic Alb Arm)Velars qr_wχ-qruχ- qr_t(u)- ɢr_s- ɢʱr_bχ-Labiovelars clearly attested but rare kʷr_jχ- kʷr_p- gʷroacutemo-Palatals kr_jH- kr_mχ- kr_tH- gr_j- (palatal only in IIr)Weisersquos Law in IIr Kloekhorst 2011 Palatals gt velars before r (if not followed by ij)cf kraviacuteṣ- kr grvs śrav- śray- hray- and śrī- jraacuteyas = zraiiah- vs Hitt karait-
But palatals also before re (at least) cf Skt śram(i)- lsquobecome tiredrsquo = Greek krema-lsquohangrsquo Skt śrath- lsquoro releasersquo = Germ hrethorn- lsquoto rescuersquo etcrArr either no such rule or palatal conditioned by all original front vowels
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
31
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Velars + labiovelars (preserved in Centum)Satem split of velars into palatals and velarsa) by bdquonormalldquo palatalization before following (resonant +) palatal vowel with
analogical generalizations (Lipp 2009 I) viz kleu- gt cleu- rArr analogical clu- etcProblems‒ implausible analogies necessary χok-tdeg lsquoeightrsquo after semantically dissociated χok-et- (lsquoharrowrsquo)‒ unexpectedly few root variants with palatal ~ velar in Satem languages
b) contrastive differentiation of velars vs delabialized labiovelars rArr no shift in non-contrastive environments hence not after u and s early shift in case of earlier delabialization eg before w t etc
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
32
2 Centum and Satem
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions (older Uvularization) before low back vowels and maybe r rArr bdquovelarsldquoAdvantage matches actual distribution (at least mostly)
3) Front velars + back velars
Huld 1997 Woodhouse 1998 Bičovskyacute 2010
Satem general fronting but front velars unfronted in some environmentsCentum general backing strengthening and phonologization of concomitant labialization of back velars contextual delabialization
Problem also here actual distribution otherwise identical to 2b)Evidence for original labialization in Satem languages(position after u in Armenian etc)rArr rather pre-PIE
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
33
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Traditional reconstruction of PII
Primary palatals (PP) gt ldquopalatalrdquo sibilants ś ź źʱ
Secondary palatals (SP) gt palatoalveolar affricates č ǰ ǰʱ
Nuristani (and other arguments) and shows however affricates rather than sibilants for PPrArr ć j jɦ rather than ś ź źʱ
Cf PII daacuteća lsquotenrsquo gt Skt daacuteśa Av dasa OP daθā Nur k duc dutsPII ja nu lsquokneersquo gt Skt ja nu Av zānu- Nur k jotilde dzotildePII jɦ aacutesta- lsquohandrsquo gt Skt haacutesta- Av zasta- OP dasta-post-PIran dzasta- gt dasta- in Khot dastauml etc likewise Nur k dušt duʃt
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
34
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf early iranian ts presupposed by Tocharian loanwordsTB tsain tsainwa lsquoarrowrsquo lt tsainə- tsainw- larr dzainu- cf Arm zecircnzinow- Av zaēna- lsquoweaponrsquoTB etswe- lsquomulersquo (M Peyrot talk in Moscow last week) lt aeligtswaelig- larr atswa-lsquohorsersquo
Counterarguments by Katz 1997 not decisive Uralic ś in loanwords might come from dialects with later Indo-Aryan development ‒ or rather borrowed as ć and simplified within Uralicviz ćətaacute-ćataacute- lsquo100rsquo rarr PUr ćeta gt Saamic čuotē Finn sata Mordva śada Mari šuumldouml Komi śo Hung szaacutez Mansi še tšātsāt Chanty sat for PU ć(preserved as such in Saamic) see now Zhivlov 2014
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
35
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf also old Iranian loans into Uralic with depalatalized affricates = PU č (retroflex) or kseg patsu- lsquoanimalrsquo rarr poča(w)- lsquodeerrsquo paumlčV lsquoreindeer calfrsquo matsa- rarr mača-lsquomothrsquo atswa- lsquohorsersquo rarr očwa lsquostallionrsquo
Finn paksu lsquothickrsquo larr badzu- maksa- lsquoto payrsquo larr mandza- lsquogiversquo
rArr modern ldquostandardrdquo reconstruction PP = ć j jɦ vs SP = č ǰ ǰʱ
Impossible Secondary palatals must have been less advanced on the path of (de)patalization than older series (see Lipp 1994 2009 Kuumlmmel 2000 2007)rArr SP still palatal not fronted thus c ɟ and not č ǰ
Cf also Lubotsky 2001 ldquočrdquo = palatal
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
36
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) RukiRUKI-rule sz gt (allophonic) šž after all non-anterior sounds
ie iy uw r any palatal or velar = retraction not palatalizationPhonologized by merger with result of anteconsonantal simplification of ć j gt ś ź gt š ž
rArr contrast s vs š in non-Ruki environmentš gt Indo-Aryan bdquoretroflexldquo ṣ (articulated like r and alternating with it)
vs Iranian ldquonon-retroflexrdquo šReflexes of š retroflex in most of East Iranian too (merging with ṣẓ lt srzr)
Even in Avestan šž clearly less palatal than cjs do not cause fronting ǝ gt irArr ldquoretroflexrdquo = distinctly non-palatal character of old šž triggered by contrast to
new more palatal sibilants wherever these appear (and remain distinct) in IIr
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
37
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Thorn
Traditional kthorn etc with thorn gt Greek Celtic t elsewhere sHittite + Tocharian tk with metathesis gt kthorn in most languagesYounger variant tk gt tsk gt kts
Alternative (Burrow Lipp 2009 see below)II sibilants from palatals no metathesis
a) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian š = Greek kt Hitt tk hellip lt IE tk
Skt rkṣa- = YAv arša- = Gr aacuterktos Hitt hartakka- lsquobearrsquo lt PIE χrtko-
Skt kṣeacute-kṣi- = Av šaē-ši- = Gr kti- lsquolive settlersquo lt PIE tk(e)i-
Skt taacutekṣan- = Av tašan- = Gr teacutekton- lsquocarpenterrsquo lt PIE teacutetkon- (or teks-)
Skt kṣaṇ- lsquohurtrsquo = Gr kten-kta(n)- ~ kan-kon- lsquokillrsquo lt PIE tken- (tken-)
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
38
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
b) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ž = Greek kʰtʰ Hitt Toch tk hellip lt IE dʱgʱ
Skt kṣa s kṣa m kṣaacutem-i ~ jm-aacutes Av zā ząm zəmi ~ zǝmō Gr kʰtʰōn kʰtʰoacutena ~ kʰamaacuteiHitt tēkan takn- PToch tkaelign- lsquoearth lt PIE dʱeacutegʱom-dʱgʱeacutem-(dʱ)gʱm-
c) Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian ǰ = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ
Skt kṣi- lsquoperish destroyrsquo MIA jhi- = Av ji- = Greek pʰtʰi- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ(e)i-Skt aacutekṣiti śraacutevas śraacutevas hellip aacutekṣitam lsquoimperishablersquo asymp Gr kleacuteos aacutepʰtʰiton
Skt kṣa ya- = MIA jhāya- lsquoburnrsquo kṣāmaacute- lsquoburnt driedrsquo MIA jhāma- = Av jāma- lsquoblackrsquolt PII dǵʱā- lt PIE dʱgʷʱ-eh- lArr PIE dʱegʷʱ- lsquoburnrsquo
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
39
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Problematic
d) Skt kṣ MIA khch = Iranian xš- = Greek lt IE tk
Skt kṣā- kṣaacuteya- = Av xšā- xšaiia- lsquorule reignrsquo = Greek ktā- lsquoachieve possessrsquo (~ pā- lsquoidrsquo)
Skt kṣ MIA ghjh = Iranian gž- = Greek pʰtʰ lt IE dʱgʷʱ (better gʷgʱ)
Skt kṣar- = Av ɣžar- lsquoflowrsquo = Greek pʰtʰer- lsquoperishrsquo
No IE ldquothornrdquo θ or ts not even peculiar allophone after dorsal stops main arguments by Lipp 2009 (following Burrow)
Basic assumption simplification of (palatal) affricates after stops
Cf pk gt PrePII pć [ptʆ] gt pś [pʆ] gt pš cf pku- lsquocattlersquo gt pšu- gt Skt kṣuacute- Av fšu-probably not heterosyllabic cf Skt virapśaacute- lt wirapćwaacute- lt wi(H)ra-pćw-aacute-
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
40
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf kʷk gt PrePII kć gt kś gt kš Skt cakṣ- may contain old s in all cases (contra Kuumlmmel 2000 weak perfect stem cakṣ- from ḱakćš- lt kʷekʷks- rather than ḱakš- lt ḱakć- lt kʷekʷk-)so heterosyllabic preservation cf Skt cakhy- Av caxs- lt ḱa-kć-(generalized to root kćā-)
Similarly after dentals tk gt tć gt tś gt tš but here also heterosyllabic [ttʆ] gt [ttʆ] gt [tʆ] = tš due to greater similarity of t and ćmerged with ks gt ćš [tʆʆ] gt [tʆ] tš
PII tš gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkhPIran postalveolar affricate č (distinct from palatal ć) gt CIran š(Persian s africate exceptionally preserved in Kurd hirccedil lsquobearrsquo)
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
41
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIE χrtko- gt hrtća- gt PII hrtša- gt Skt rkṣa-= PIran hǝrča- gt YAv arša- NP xirs lsquobearrsquo
PIE tkeacutejti gt tćaacuteiti gt PII tšaacuteiti gt Skt kṣeacuteti = PIran čaiti gt YAv šaēiti lsquosettlesrsquo
PII dž gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran postalveolar affricate ǰ(distinct from palatal j) gt CIran ž though no clear Iranian examples(since lsquoearthrsquo generalized simplified anlaut j-)
PIE dʱgʱeacutem-i lsquoon the earthrsquo gt dʱjɦ aacutemi gt PII džʱaacutemi gt Skt kṣaacutemi= PIran ǰami rarr jami gt YAv zəmi
With secondary palatals similar but slower development gt different Iranian outcome
PII tḱ = [tccedil] gt PIA ṭṣ gt Skt kṣ MIA chchkh PIran palatal affricate ć (merged with old simple ć lt ḱ) gt CIran č no sure examples
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
42
B Affricates and sibilants Palatals Ruki and ldquoThornrdquo
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PII dǵʱ = [dʝʱ] gt PIA ḍẓʱ gt Skt kṣ MIA jhgh PIran palatal affricate j(merged with old simple j lt ǵ) gt CIran ǰ
PIE dʱgʷʱi- gt PII dǵʱi- [dʝʱi-] gt Skt kṣi- MIA jhi- = PIran ji- gt Av ji- lsquoperishrsquo
New approach by Jasanoff (ECIEC 2017) defending metathesis
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
43
3 Laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals (communis opinio)
PIE had three ldquolaryngealsrdquo h₁ h₂ h₃
Preserved as segmental phonemes h₂ h₃ () in Anatolianelsewhere indirect evidence
Unspecific developments of all laryngeals
Loss with compensatory lengthening after tautosyllabic vowels
Baltoslavic lengthening acute intonation also in R_C (Winterrsquos Law)
Resonant gemination before H Anatolian and () Germanic
bdquoVocalizationldquo between consonant and [-syll] everywhere except perhaps Anatolian initially only Greek-Phrygian-Armenian finally after iu only Greek-Armenian and Tocharian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
44
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Specific developments of different laryngals
PIE bdquocolouringldquo e gt [a] h₂ e gt o h₃ (but long ē more stable gt uncoloured bdquoEichnerrsquos Lawldquo)
Plosives aspirated by (at least) h₂ in Indo-Iranian perhaps in Greek
Lenis + h₂ gt DD (or T) in Anatolian
Sonorization ph₃ gt bh₃
Only Greek (and Phrygian) fully distinct vocalic reflexes h₁ gt e h₂ gt a h₃ gt o
Tocharian bdquovocalizationldquo of h₂=h₃ gt a _R and iu_C
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
45
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Distribution pattern like s (between stops and resonants) rArr fricatives
Anatolian [x-χ-q-kɣ-ʁ] (stops in Lycian and perhaps already Luwian cf Simon 2014 possibly also Lydian cf Melchert Oettinger p c) rArr dorsal obstruents
Anatolian lowering u gt o (and i gt e) and PIE ldquocolouringrdquo speak for ldquofaucalrdquo uvular or pharyngeal articulation of h₂ and h₃
Aspiration effects point to later [h] easily derivable from xχħ
h₁ relatively bdquofeaturelessldquo rArr glottal [ʔ] or [h] maybe allophone of velar [x]
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
46
A General assumptions about IE laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
The phonetics of the laryngeals
Voicing effect of h₃ dubious but weaker status in Anatolian still speaks for bdquolenisrdquorounding effect and general distribution might be taken to point to labialized h₃(Dunkel 2001)but missing labialization in Anatolian ndash where labialization is generally preserved ndash contradicts thisdistribution (only in roots) might also be accounted for by voicing
Therefore tentatively h₁ = h h₂ = χ h₃ = ʁ
Possibly χ ʁ lt former uvular stops q ɢCf Kortlandt 2015 Kloekhorst Talk Copenhagen 2017
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
47
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Anatolian
h₂ gt fortis fricative χ at least _ V_V cluster χw monophthongized gt χʷ(Kloekhorst 2006 98ff 2008a 76f 836ff Lycian q) lenited like fortis stops gt ʁ ʁʷ but rules different from stops eg lenited after oacute in contrast to stops (Melchert pc) viz noacuteχei gt nōʁi gt Hitt nāhi vs doacutekei gt dōkki gt Hitt tākki perhaps no lenition but rather fortition in other contexts more similar to s
h₃ preserved as ʁgtχ _V (also Lycian s Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 519-526 Kloekhorst 2006 85ff 102f 2008a 75f contra Kimball 1987) and as ʁ _w (Melchert 2011) cf lāhu- lsquoto pourrsquo lt loh₃w- and R_V cf Hitt sarhie- lsquoto attackrsquo lt srh₃- (Greek rhōomai) rArr relative fortition beside R Cf ɣ gt x lr_ in CornishBreton vs loss elsewhere
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
48
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₁ preserved as ʔ (Kloekhorst 2004 2006 80f 95 2008a 25 32 75f)
HLuv aacute- = ʔ(a)- vs a- = a- cf aacute-sa-ti lt h₁eacutesti vs a+rai- lsquoyearrsquo lt jeh₁ro-
But Semitic () Aššur- = a-suacute+rai- written without a glottal stop
Frequently words with initial aacute- have older writings with bdquoinitial a- finalldquo or ldquoaphaeresisrdquo (purely praphic according to Melchert) in earliest documents a-cf now Rieken with an accent-based solution
2) Armenian
Arm h- lt h₂ = h₃ if not preceding PIE (Ablaut-)o (Kortlandt 1983b 1984 cf Beekes 2003 181ff)= h₂e- h₃e- gt arm ha- ho- but Ho- gt arm o- (gt a-)
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
49
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
h₂- gt arm h- han lsquograndmotherrsquo haw lsquograndfatherrsquo hat lsquograinrsquo haw lsquobirdrsquo haycʿellsquoto seekrsquo hatanel lsquoto cut offrsquo harawunkʿ lsquosowing seedsrsquo hasanel lsquoto arriversquo
h₃- gt arm h- hot lsquosmellrsquo hoviw lsquoshepherdrsquo hacʿi lsquoash treersquo hum lsquorawrsquoh₂- gt arm Oslash- ayg lsquomorningrsquo aytnul lsquoto swellrsquo aycʿ lsquovisit inspectionrsquo us lsquoshoulderrsquo arǰ lsquobearrsquo arcatʿ lsquosilverrsquo argel lsquoobstaclersquo arawr lsquoploughrsquo
h₃- gt arm Oslash- orb lsquoorphanrsquo ost lsquobranchrsquo oskr lsquobonersquo aygi lsquovineyardrsquo orjikʿlsquotesticlesrsquo
Contradictory data hoviw lArr howi- lt h₂owi- lsquosheeprsquo(cf h₂awi- in TochB āuw plural awi)but oskr larr h₂oacutest- lsquobonersquo (for h₂deg cf ast- in MWelsh ascwrn lsquobonersquo assen lsquoribrsquo)
Armenian distribution rather ~ (pre-apocope) syllable structureh- _V$CV but Oslash- _VC$C
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
50
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Exceptions arawr with original rh₃ haycʿel lsquoto seekrsquo influenced by harcʿanel lsquoto askrsquorArr loss of h before a coda or rather h-epenthesis in onsets of open syllablesOr conditioned preservation in open syllables
3) Albanian
h₂ h₃ gt h _e H gt Oslash _o Kortlandt (1986 43ff 2010 329f) like in Armenian
h₂- gt Alb h- hut lsquoin vainrsquo hidheumlt lsquobitterrsquo ha lsquoto eatrsquo hipeumlnj lsquoto jumprsquo h₃- gt Alb h- herdhe lsquotesticlesrsquo
h₂- gt Alb Oslash- atheumlt lsquosour sharprsquo a(s) lsquoorrsquo areuml lsquofieldrsquo ariacute lsquobearrsquo enjeumlj lsquoto swellrsquo h₃-gt Alb Oslash- ameuml lsquosmell tastersquo ah lsquobeechrsquo asht lsquobonersquo
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
51
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Good data for H- gt h- only with h₂e- 3 of 4 cases with h₃- have exactly the opposite development as in Armenian Too little material to conclude anything
4) (Indo-)Iranian
Preserved h- in peripheral Iranian ldquoprotheticrdquo h-
Quite some words with Persian h-x- Kurd Bal Khot h- corresponding to Av = Skt Oslash- lt PIE H- = bdquoVorgeschlagenesldquo x- h- (Huumlbschmann 1895 264f Horn 1901 67 97f Korn 2005 154-159)
1a Pers x- elsewhere normally h-MP xāyag egg lt hāwya-(ka-) lt h₂ōwjo- YAv aēm etcMP xirs bear Kurd hirč Xwar hrs Zaz heš lt hrtša- lt h₂rtko-
Av arša- cf Skt rkṣa- Hitt hartakka-
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
52
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
MP p hʾkˈ NP xāk Bal hāk Zaz h(y)āg lt CIr āhaka- lsquodust earthrsquo Kurd ax cf Skt a sa- lsquoashesrsquo lt PII ha sa- lt PIE h₂aacuteh₁s- cf Hitt hās hass-
NP xastū lsquokernelrsquo ~ hasta lsquobonersquo Kurd hesticirc Av ast- n lsquobonersquo MP m ʾst(g)NP ast(e) Khot āstaa- ++ cf Skt aacutesthi lt PII haacutest(h)- lt PIE h₂oacutest-h₂ast-(h₂)- cf Hitt hastāi
MP p hyl m xyrxʿyr Khot haumlra- (cf Bailey 1959 71ff) lt PII hrya- lt PIE h₂rjo-() Giran ǝrya- lsquopossession thingrsquo MP p ʾyl pth ʿyr arm ir
MP p hʾm NP xām Bal hāmag Khot hāma- lt Giran āma- lsquorawrsquo Pto om W ying cf Skt āmaacute- lt PII hāmaacute- lt PIE HoHmo-(h₂oh₃moacute- Kortlandt 1981 128) cf Arm hum Gr ὠμός
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
53
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1b NP x- older h-
MP m hyš NP xēš lt PII hai(H)š-a- lt PIE h₂ajH-s- Av aēša- mlsquoplough sharersquo cf Slav ojes- h₂iHs-aacuteh₂- gt Skt īṣa - Hitt hissā-
2 Only h- partly not before NP
MP hanzūg- narrow lt hanju- lt h₂amgʱuacute- Arm anjuk cf Av ązah-
MP p hēmag np hīme fuel lt haijmaka-LW in OP (h)aizma- MP hēzm NP hīzom lt haijma- MP m ēmag av aēsma-
3a h- elsewhere without clear Persian cognate
Khot haumlysauml Bal hīz Talyshi xəz lsquoleatherrsquo Oss D xizaelig lt hijā- lt h₂ig- Av izaēna- lsquomade of leatherrsquo cf Greek aig- Arm ayc lsquogoatrsquo
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
54
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Av zaraθ-uštra- Parth zrhwšt lt zarat-huštra- Kurd hecircştir bal huštar camel lt huacuteštra- lt LW (OP uša- might be huša- MP NP LW) Av uštra- cf Skt uacuteṣṭra-
3b h- elsewhere (mainly Kurd) against Persian
Kurd hecircr- to grind Bal hašš millstone MP ārd flour NP ās millstone lt har(H)- lt h₂alh-
NB h- rather unstable in Kurdish and Baloči in Khotanese even h- lt s- can be lost
4 Counterexamples with zero for h₂-
OP utā MP ud and lt hutaacute lt h₂u-teacute
OP ạrdata- silver lt h(a)rjata- lt h₂(a)rgnto-
For others Persian has or may have a LWeg MP az lsquogoatrsquo lt hajaacute- lt h₂agoacute- (Lith ožys)
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
55
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Possible solution bdquoCockney situationldquoloss of old h- first in the East like s gt h (cf Lipp 2009 318-322)
Contact scenario
PIran s- h- x-
Dialect 1 (Western margin) s- h- loans x-
Dialect 2 (Western) s- Oslash- x- x- (loss of h under Elamite influence)
Dialect 3 (Eastern) h- Oslash- h- x-
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
56
B Preservation of laryngeal consonants
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
c) Laryngeal ldquohardeningrdquo in PIE and later
h₂s gt ks Lat senex senis lsquoold (man)rsquo lt seneks senh₂- lt sanaχ-s sanχ-Cf PII sanak-s rarr sanaǵ- gt Skt sanaacutej- lsquooldrsquo
H+h₂ gt k Greek and Toch k-extensions of stah₂- etc normally not accepted
Germanic H gt k R_w cf dah₂iwer-dah₂jur- gt dajh₂wer-dajh₂ur- rArr taikur- nhwdeg gt unkʷdeg lsquousour (dual)rsquo (ldquoCowgillrsquos Lawrdquo Ringe 2006 69) and some other cases (spaikul- aikur-) but different explanation by Seebold (1983 174ff cf Muumlller 2007 116-119) w gt g R_u preceding Grimmrsquos Lawalso kʷikʷa- lsquolivingrsquo lt gʷih₃woacute- (Rasmussen 1994) but cf kʷiwa- gt Goth qius
h₂ost-h₂ast- h₂agah₂- in CSlav kostь lsquobonersquo kozagrave lsquogoatrsquoRather borrowed larr Iranian (or iranoid) xasti xa(d)zā-Cf Andersen 2003 65f
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
57
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Aspiration of T + H (assured for IIr) rArr most probable explanation H = [h]
Some general and typological facts about aspiration and h (cf Kehrein 2002)Aspiration = [+ spread glottis] or rather [+ positive VOT] feature of the onsetnucleuscoda rather than of individual sounds rArr all consonants in onset or coda must agree in aspiration
No contrast Cʰ vs Ch within one syllable rArr Cʰ vs Ch implies $Cʰ vs C$hrArr in a language with h and Cʰ tautosyllabic Ch must merge with Cʰ heterosyllabic need not
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
58
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Aspiration
Second possibility to explain aspiration feature spreading stop[-asp] gt stop[+asp] _fricative[+asp]Cf Greek writings like kʰs pʰs (but cf Clackson (2002) contra Vaux (1998) Vedic kṣ gt kʰṣ gt MIA kkʰPresupposes [+asp] for pre-PII laryngeals
a) Assured cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by following h lt h₂ (confirmed by non-IIr evidence)
Skt maacuteh- lsquobig greatrsquo lt maacutej-h- lt meacuteg-h₂- cf Gr meacutega- Hitt mekk-Skt prathimaacuten- lt pleth₂-mon- prthuacute- lsquobroadrsquo etc cf Gr Platamotilden etcSkt 2pl present -tha = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₂a cf Gr -stha Toch -sta etc
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
59
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Skt saacutekhā lsquofriend fellowrsquo = Av haxā lt saacutekhā lt soacutekʷh₂-ō(i)lArr sokʷ-(a)h₂- cf Gr hopā-
Skt raacutetha- lsquochariotrsquo = Av raθa- lt raacutetha- lt roacuteth₂o- lArr rot-(a)h₂- cf Lat rotaSkt sthitaacute- tiacute-ṣṭh-a- lsquoto standrsquo lt sth- lt sth₂-
by analogy sthā- larr stā- lt stah- lt stah₂-
b) Controversial cases
Indo-Iranian aspiration by original h₁ (Beekes 1988 87f)
Aspiration by h₁ (already PIE)proposed by Olsen 1988 1993 1994 Rasmussen 1992b = 1999 490-504but not generally accepted (though rarely explicitly refuted)
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
60
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
If h₁ = [h] and PIE (or some post-PIE dialects) had Dʱ aspiration of D preceding h₁ would be unavoidable tautosyllabically rArr plausible idea
Grammatical elements 2nd plural PE Skt -thaacute = Av -θa lt -tha lt -th₁e cf Greek etc -te
Aspiration in rootsRoot type degeTH- h₂ clearly overrepresented in LIV but reconstruction of h₂often circularly reconstructed from IIr aspiration only rArr some may have had h₁Root type TeH- Skt aspiration in sthā- lt stah₂- as well as in sphā- lt speh₁-lsquobecome fatrsquoInterestingly Teh₁ roots typically have T = Dʱ (sole exception deh₁- lsquoto bindrsquo) while other teH roots may have any TrArr general situation rather speaks for aspiration by h₁
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
61
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No good counterexamples Unaspirated stop + final H only in 5 Vedic roots (vs 15)Skt pat(i)- from peth₁- unsure reconstruction (see EWAia II 71f Hackstein2002b 140-143)ved(i)- secondary laryngeal ati- rodi- vadi- laryngal unknown
d) Greek
Difficult and controverisal no Aspiration according to Cowgill 1965cf πλατύς ltplth₂uacute-analogy after plataw- lt plth₂w- difficult such forms unexpected or at least rare2s perfect -stʰa generalized from special clusters
Peters 1991 aspiration before old vowels (in contrast to IIr never in THC)
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
62
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
cf ᾿Ορεσϑ-εύς ~ ᾿Ορέστης lt -sth₂- ~ -stah₂- οἶσϑαnonaspiration from CHC contexts rArr plth₂uacute- must have had ldquonon-proterokineticrdquo allomorph plth₂w-
Example καϑαρός lsquopurersquo lt kratharoacutes = Skt śrthiraacute- gt śithiraacute- lsquoloosersquo etc problematic
e) Armenian Albanian and Balto-Slavickh₂ gt kʰ gt x (gt Alb h balt k) in some words
Arm cʿax (~ cʿakʿ) = Slav soxagrave = Lith šakagravecf Skt śa khā- lsquobranchrsquo MPers šāx ~ šāgArm xac- lsquoto bitersquo = Iranian xāz- lsquoto drinkeatrsquoAlb ha lsquoto eatrsquo = Skt khād- lsquoto chewrsquo etc (cf Lith kaacutend- lsquoto bitersquo)
Instead of kʰ assimilation kx gt x
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
63
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Other effects
Desonorization by (PII) h in Iranian
Cf Kuumlmmel Vienna 2012 = forthc c 2016
Iranian dh gt th gt θ in some words with d+h lt h₂
CIran θaiwaacuter- lsquohusbandrsquos brotherrsquo lt dhaiwaacuter- lt PII dahiwaacuter- lt dah₂iweacuter- cf Skt devaacuter- Greek dāeacuter- BSlav ˈdaiʾwer-
CIran θāw- lsquoto burnrsquo lt dhau- lt dahu-dauh- lt dah₂u- cf Skt du-dāv- Greek dāu-[pace Werba 2006 265ff certainly no EIran innovation]
likewise f lt ph lt b+h cf CIran nāf- lsquonavelrsquo larr nāb-h- Skt na bhi- lt PII nābʱh- ~ nabʱah- gt Av nabā- lt nobʱ-(a)h₂-
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
64
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
CIran waf-uf- lsquoto weaversquo (and lsquoto singrsquo) lt wabh- cf Skt -vaacutebhi- (ubhnā-)
c lt j+h cf YAv mas- masī- vs mazāṇt- lt CIran mac- macī- ~ majā- lt maj-h-(ī-) ~ maj-āh- = Skt mah- mahī- (~ mahā-maha nt-) cf Greek mega- lt meg-h₂- etc[rather not from mah₂k- in Greek makroacutes matildekos etc with no clear reflex in IIr]
Maybe also YAv (+) isu- lsquoicy coldrsquo lt icu- lt ij-h-u- lArr yajā- lsquoicersquo (Wakhi yaz lsquoglacierrsquo Nur k yuc lsquocoldrsquo) cf Hitt eka- lsquoicersquo lt jeacutego- ikuna- lsquocoldrsquo lt igu- (or jeguacute-) Germ jekula- gt Icel joumlkull etc
-dHi- lsquoseeingrsquo in YAv aiβiθiiō (Cantera 2014) from daHi- cf dāθa- lsquowisersquo
Also with original h₁cf ldquomysteriousrdquo YAv (+) stem variant daθ- lsquoto putgiversquo lt dadh-vs daδā- lt daacutedāh- lt dʱeacutedʱ(o)h₁-
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
65
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
possibly YAv (+) uruθ- lsquoto weeprsquo lt ruθ- lt rudh- cf Skt rodiṣi[also subjunctive -h₁eo- in waid-ha- gt YAv vaēθa- lsquoto knowrsquoOr rather variant derived from 1s waiθa lt waacuteidha lsquoI knowrsquo lt woacutejd-h₂a]
rArr Dh- from original Dahiu- or internal VD$hV-= where PIran Dh can have been distinct from original Dʱpresupposes post-PII preservation of bdquoaspiratingldquo laryngeals i e h
Problem Old Avestan only maz- dad- etc analogicalOr reflecting original very archaic DhThen desonorization rather late in Common Iranian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
66
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Prosodic effects metrical evidence
Laryngeals can leave hiatus I both Vedic and Old Avestan (alread mentioned above) most prominently in gen pl -ām -ąm = -aʾam (always in OAv 13 in Vedic)rArr rather late loss in (P)IIr
= Preserved in Old Avestan and partly in VedicrArr PII merger in phonemic glottal stop (Beekes 1988 50 83ff)However hiatus [ʔ] ʔ (cf automatic glottal stop in German) rArr not conclusive
As per Kuryłowicz (1927) Schindler Holland (1994) Gippert (1997 1999) short syllables may still count as long in Vedic if originally closed by following laryngeal a$C lt aC$HBrevis in longo scansion = BiL
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
67
C Consonantal effects of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf aacutevasā savitā in place of ndashEgravetimes lt aacutewHasā sawHitā jaacutenās for ndashtimes lt jaacutenHās
However (unfortunately) no clear difference in distribution and behaviourbetween such cases and other words of the same structural type without original CH (eg ajaacutera- udaacutera- maacutenasā hellip) cf Kuumlmmel 2014 and also Gunkel 2010
rArr rather difficult to draw conclusion for sound change chronology
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
68
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Laryngeals in clusters could be bdquovocalizedldquo ie were lost after insertion of anaptyctic vowel
1) Internal position
Frequent presupposition Skt duhitaacuter- lt duǵʱitaacuter- with PII palatalization
But why not simply duhitaacuter- lt dughitaacuter-Cf hitaacute- lt dʱitaacute- ihiacute lt idʱiacute etc (Lubotsky 1995 Kobayashi 2004 84-91)
‒ no other example of palatalizing secondary ī‒ no other case of preserved ghi (dra ghīyas- must be analogical)‒ other probable cases of h lt gh PN Raacutehūgaṇa- Jahnu- (Mayrhofer 2003 75 Remmer 2006 166-7 with n 162) mastrhan- lsquobrainrsquo = iran mastərgan- lt mastrgʱan- rather than mastrǵʱan-
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
69
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Prasun luumlšt can continue duǰitā lt dugitā (pace Lipp 2009)rArr No compelling reason for assuming early epenthesis
with subsequent loss of i in IranianCf Pinault 1982 265 Kobayashi 2004 136-139 Werba 2005 Kuumlmmel 2016aSkt
Skt duhitaacuter- lt dugʱitaacuter- lt dugʱHitaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-
Iran dugdar- lt dugdʱar- lt dugʱtar- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter-lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran duxθr- lt duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
Or maybe rather (cf dh gt θ above)duxtar- lt dukhtar- lt dughtaacuter- lt dugʱhtaacuter- lt dʱughtaacuter- lt PIE dʱugh₂teacuter-Iran dugdr- lt dugdʱr- lt dugʱtr- lt dugʱhtr- larr duktr- lt dʱugtr- lt dʱugh₂tr-
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
70
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
2) Final position
Vedic CHC gt CīC (Jamison 1988) presupposes early CiHC (cf Praust 2004)possibly lt CHiC via ldquolaryngeal metathesisrdquo (Kuumlmmel 2016a)
CHiC gt CiHC cf pHi-taacute- gt piHtaacute- gt pītaacute- gt Skt pītaacute- lsquodrunkrsquo
CiHuC gt CyuHC cf siHu-taacute- gt syuHtaacute- gt syūtaacute- gt Skt syūtaacute- lsquosewedrsquo(cf Lubotsky 2011)
No such development with CHaC rArr not motivated by syllable structure
H = [h] or dorsal fricative high phonetic probability of palatalization labialization(cf Kuumlmmel 2007 161 272 2016a hy hw gt Av xxᵛ etc)
CHiC gt CHʲiC gt CHʲC gt CiHʲC gt CiHC gt CīC
C(i)HuC gt C(i)HʷuC gt C(i)HʷC gt C(y)uHʷC gt C(y)uHC gt C(y)ūC
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
71
D Vocalization problems
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Initial postion
Av tūiriia- Xwar ʾfcwr Pto trǝ lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo lt ftərwya- lt ptrwya- lt pHtrwya-
rArr Iranian THTV- gt TTV- therefore only THTR- gt TTR- gt TiTR-Original Iranian distribution ptar- ~ pitr- gt ftar- ~ piθr-
rArr Indo-Aryan possibly THT(R)- gt TT(R)- gt TiT(R)-
Cf Kuumlmmel 2016a
THT- +-V- +-R-
Beekes Byrd TT- TiT-
Tichy THiT- accented TiT- THiT-
Tremblay 2003 disyllabic TiT- trisyllabic TT- TT- ()
Lipp TiHT- gt TiT- TT-
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
72
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
General assumption Common IE VH gt V _[-syll] + VHCV = VHCV
Cf wihroacute- gt wiHraacute- gt Skt vīraacute- lsquomanrsquo gʷiɣwoacute- gt ǵiHwaacute- gt Skt jīvaacute- lsquolivingrsquoduh₂roacute- gt duHraacute- gt Skt dūraacute- lsquofarrsquo doacuteɣno- gt daacuteHna- gt Skt da na- lsquogiftrsquo
However short i u in much of (Eastern) Iranian
A) Only short reflexes in some languages
Khot puva- Osset D fud Yazg pod rotten lt puta- (lt pūta-) lt puHtaacute-like Khot tsuta-tsva- Oss D cud Yazg šod lsquogone wentrsquo lt ćyuta-Cf also gen pl Khot -aumlnu lt -inam lt -inām lt -iHnām vs Skt -īna m
Secondary merger of īū with iu
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
73
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
B) i u before sonorants
Sogdian light stems šyr- (śir-) lsquogoodrsquo wyr- lsquomanrsquo žw- lsquoto liversquo lt srira- wira- jiwa-vs Skt śrīraacute- vīraacute- jī va- lt ćriHraacute- wiHraacute- ǵiHwaacute-
Paṣto stən lsquopillarrsquo nən lsquonowrsquo nˈəre lsquofarrsquo stər lsquobigrsquo žərzər lsquofastrsquolt stunā- nunam durai stura- jira-vs Skt stu ṇā- nūnaacutem dūreacute sthūraacute- jīraacute-
However regular length before obstruentscf Sogd nyt nīt lsquoledrsquo lt nīta- Pto lid- lsquosawrsquo lt dīta-Sogd ɣwδ ɣūθ pto ɣul lsquodungrsquo lt gūθa-vs Sogd δβt- Pto bəl lt dwita-Pto ṣəl lt srita- Sogd kwt- kʷt- lsquodogrsquo lt kuta-
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
74
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
No counterexamples in Pto but some in Sogdianheavy stems in βwm lsquoearthrsquo lt būmi- lt bʱuHmi- δwr lsquofarrsquo lt dūra- lt duHraacute-
C) length in all cases Waxi Western Iranian
Cf ī in W vrin- MP brīn- lsquoto cut offrsquo lt brīHn- larr brin- MP wīr lsquomanrsquo lt wiHraacute-ū in W (i)stin MP stūn lsquopillarrsquo lt stuHnā- dūra- gt W δir MP dūr lsquofarrsquo lt duHraacute-
vs i in W yəm MP im lsquothisrsquo lt imaacute-MP dam- lsquowinterrsquo W zəm lsquosnowrsquo lt dim- lt jɦ im-W zən- lsquoto takersquo lt jinaH- u in MP hun- lsquoto press outrsquo lt sunu- bun lsquogroundrsquo lt budna-hur lsquoliqueurrsquo lt surā- W x urs lt xʷosr- lt hwasura-
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
75
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Before obstruents W pit lsquodrankrsquo lt piHtaacute- MP dīd lsquosawrsquo lt diHtaacute-W δit MP dūd lsquosmokersquo lt duHtaacute- W pitk MP pūdag lsquorottenrsquo lt puHta-ka-vs i in W bət lsquosecondrsquo MP diddeg lt dwitaacute- MP pid lsquofatherrsquo lt pitāu in W θət lsquoburntrsquo lt θutaacute- lt dhuta-MP ǰud lsquoseparatersquo lt yutaacute- šud lsquowentrsquo lt ḱyutaacute-W pətr lsquosonrsquo MP pus lt puθra-[caution MP lengthening in second final syllables see Korn 2009]
D) Avestan
hunu- lsquosonrsquo hunara- lsquoskilfulnessrsquo -uru- lsquothighrsquolt suHnuacute- su-Hnaacutera- uHruacute- vs Skt sūnuacute- sūnaacutera- ūruacute-
juua- lsquolivingrsquo juua- lsquoto liversquo piuuas- lsquofatrsquolt jiHwaacute-jiacuteHwa- piacutehWas- vs Skt jīvaacute- jī va- pī vas-
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
76
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Optatives mainimadicā varəzimācā vaozirem with -iH-(left unexplained by de Vaan 2003 249f)
Gen pl -inąm -unąm (but also -anąm -aŋhąm) secondary shortening possible
vīra- lsquomanrsquo may show secondary lengthening (cf vīspa- lsquoallrsquo lt wispa-)likewise most other cases of length before m n rcf ūna- lsquodefectiversquo dūra- far like sūn- dog lt sun- zūra- lsquofalsersquo lt zura-
Synchronic contrast in some cases of prenasal ījinā- lsquoto destroyrsquo zinā- lsquoto take awayrsquo vs frīnā- lsquoto pleasersquo -brīna- lsquoto shaversquo= Skt kṣiṇā- jinā- vs prīṇā- bhrīṇā- krīṇā-But derivation and Vedic metre point to priṇdeg bhriṇdeg kriṇdeglt pri-n(a)H- bʱri-n(a)H- etc
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
77
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
rArr secondary length taken over from other forms with iH maybe enhanced by preceding r
Preserved contrast before obstruents suggested bysrita- pitu- θrita- masita- raoiδita-vs jīti- -dīta- dīti- -nīti- optative -īt -īta -ītəm -īša
but also frita- friti- lt priH-tdeg (by analogy to friia-)nisrīta -ɣnīt- lt -srita- -gnit- sīša- lt siša-No real minimal pairs
u gt ū in first open syllables after consonants other than h k dr and sometimes before θr δr zr žC elsewhere u (cf de Vaan 2003 284-297) rArr bdquoretentionldquo of old ū possibly significant only in ūθa- ūna- hūxta- lt hu-uxta- hūrō= very small basis for conclusions
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
78
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
In Gathic metre (cf Kuumlmmel forthc c) iHRuHRmostly in positions where light syllable is preferred viz Y 459 vīrə ṇg = cup |
rArr Original Avestan possibly like Sogdian Paṣtō ‒ or like Khotanese Ossetic
Possible explanation‒ Group B syllabification IHRV rArr no compensatory lengtheningparallel to bdquoDyborsquos Lawldquo in Western IE (cf Neri 2011 191-207 with ref)cf Celtic Germ wiro- lt wih₁roacute- lsquomanrsquoCeltic biwo- Germ kʷiwa- lt gʷih₃woacute- lsquoaliversquoGerm sunu- lt suHnuacute- lsquosonrsquo‒ In group A also generally IHCV like VTCV in other obstruent clustersCf later on syllable structure
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
79
E Compensatory lengthening (or not)
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Alternative secondary shortening only before sonorantsTypologically improbable sonorants tend to favour length
Implication preservation of laryngeals in PII and even Proto-Iranianafter high vowels at least before sonorants
Why just here Palatalizedlabialized rArr auditive strengtheningviz ih gt ihʲ gt [iccedil] uh gt uhʷ gt [uʍ]
rArr Later loss only after different developments of syllabification
Indic Waxi Western Iranian IHC = IHC gt I C
Sogdian Pashto Avestan hellip IHT = IHT gt I T vs IHR = IHR gt IR
Saka Alanic Pamiri Avestan hellip IHC = IHC gt IC
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
80
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) ldquoPinaultrsquos Lawrdquo
Pinault 1982 regular loss of H in C_jcf Ved sakhyaacute- lt sakHyaacute- lt sokʷh₂jo-Celtic arje- Lith atilderia- from aacuterti lsquoto ploughrsquo lt h₂arh₃jo-However Greek aroacutee- Italic araje- lsquoto ploughrsquo
Lipp 2009 Verhasselt 2016 only partially einzelsprachlich not PIE
2) ldquoHacksteinrsquos Lawrdquo
Hackstein 2002b (following Schmidt 1973) Regular loss in (pretonic) CHCC cf dʱugh₂tr- gt dʱugtr- gt dʱuktr- gt Arm dustr Gaulish duχtir
Cf also dʱh₁-skeacute- gt dʱskeacute- gt Hittite tskeacute- ltza-aš-ki- zi-ik-ki-gt lsquoto putrsquo
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
81
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Lipp 2009 exception in RHsR cf temh₂sro- gt Skt taacutemisra-
Byrd (2010ab 2012) only THCC gt TCC due to problematic sonority sequencingwhile RHTR is unproblematic
3) Loss in composition reduplication etc
Cf Skt guruacute- lt gʷrh₂-uacute- lsquoheavyrsquo vs gru-muṣṭiacute- a-grū- lt gʷruacute--gʷru-Gr asteacuter- vs steropē lt h₂ster-Av -sna- Gr -gnoacutes Lat -gnus lt -gno- lt -gnh₁o- lsquobornrsquoGr Lat gigne- lt giacutegne- lt giacute-gnh₁o-
Rather failing vocalizationepenthesis than real lossBalles 2012 Lubotsky 2013 most examples not probativeno real loss of IE consonants
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
82
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo
Cf Nussbaum 1997
Loss in 1) HRo and 2) oRHC
Greek omeiacutechein lsquoto urinatersquo vs moichoacutes lsquoadultererrsquo from h₃mejgʱ-(h₃)mojgʱ-
Greek awersā-ewersā- lsquodewrsquo vs worseacuteje- gt oureacutee- lsquoto urinatersquoHittite warsa- lsquofogrsquo from h₂wers-(h₂)wors-
Greek telamo n vs toacutelmā lsquoboldnessrsquo from telh₂-tol(h₂)-pera- lsquoto sellrsquo vs poacuternē lsquowhorersquo from perh₂-por(h₂)-
Perhaps in doacutem- lsquohousersquo from demh₂-Rather primary dem- with suffix -h₂-
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
83
F Early loss of laryngeals
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Phonetic motivation
Dissimilation of some kind of low back feature present in laryngeals and o
Originally quantitative constraints (Kuumlmmel 2012a) Cf below
Counterexamples (not really compelling)Greek oacutenukh- lsquonail clawrsquo lt h₃nogʷʱ-erōē lsquorestrsquo lt h₁roh₁waacuteh₂-
Against the reality of the effect see Pronk 2011 van Beek 2011
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
84
4 PIE vocalism
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
A The question of a
Lubotsky 1981 1989 all cases of a must be explained by h₂ (or not be PIE)
gʱans- nās-nas- bʱag- mak- or gʱh₂ans- nah₂s-nh₂as- bʱah₂g- mah₂k-[mas-maθ- lsquolongrsquo No lsquobig largersquo only variant of maz-mad-]
bʱag- gar- gʱan- Hjag- h₁ag- h₁aj- h₁ar- h₃wath₂- kad- kwas- kagʱ- kamp- kan- mad- mag- magʱ- rasd- skabʰ- tag- wagʱ-nominal naacutes- gʰans- kasoacute- saacutel- particles ap- ad auFew minimal pairs bʰag- bʰeg- tag- (s)teg-
Lubotskyrsquos Law
Lubotsky 1981 dissimilation of [ʔ] preceding ˀD$ rArr ldquoshorteningrdquo = no compensatory lengthening cf pajraacute- lsquofirmrsquo vs pa jas- lsquo(front) sidersquo lt pah₂g-
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
85
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
But Data do not really match (see now Lipp 2009 I 161ff)
Nonglottalistic explanation no compensatory lengthening differen syllabification
VHCC = VHCC cf Ved āptaacute- -ba dhya śāstaacuter- śvātraacute- ādhraacute- ātmaacuten- ra trī- vāśrā- pa trā- (śa sti a ste aacutebhrāṭ ra ṣṭi aacuterāt maybe analogical) but VHDC = VHDC Counterexample only av sādra- in RV only svacircdma svādmacircn- (svādvicirc racircjntilde-)
De Lamberterie 1996 1999 very old loss by bdquoglottalldquo dissimilationcf Lat pignus Ved pajraacute- lt peg-rn- from peh₂g-Lat signum lt segno- from sah₂g- Ved bhadraacute- lt bʰedroacute- from bʰeHd-Gr kednoacutes lsquodear truersquo to kēdistos kah₂d-Av xvaṇdra- larr swed-roacute- hudəma- lt sud-moacute- gr ἑδανός lsquosuaversquo lt swednoacute-
from swah₂d-suh₂d-med- from meh₁-d-
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
86
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
All may be explained by bdquoWetter-RegelldquoVHCRˈV gt VCRˈV as in h₂weh₁-troacute- gt h₂wetroacute- gt Germ wedra- lsquoweatherrsquoCf Schindler apud Peters 1999 447 Neri 2011
Real loss or just no compensatory lengthening (ie VHCRV gt VCRV) in post-PIE
Reversal of ldquocolouringrdquo in Lat signum etc and wide distribution favour real loss
But then a is not explained
Original a gt [aelig] ~ [ɑ] gt (post-)PIE e aConditions for back allophonecertain h₂ maybe also [-cor]_[-cor] Cf bʱag- kagʱ- magʱ-Countexamples with later analogical e Phonologized in PIE or later
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
87
A The question of a
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Difference between o from h₃e and original oIe h₃e or h₃a vs o with later merger
Not lengthened by Brugmannrsquos Law (Lubotsky)Cf aacutenas- aacutepas- = Lat onus opus if lt h₃eacutedegreconstruction not completely sure
Luwian harran- lsquorsquo = Hitt hāran- lsquoeaglersquo lt h₃aacuteron- cf Greek orn-with Čoprsquos Law = gemination after accented short vowelas after eacute but not after oacute (lengthened in Anatolian)
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
88
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
1) Caused by laryngeal not really PIE see above
2) Real length lengthened grade ē ō
Mainly found in
Nominatives of athematic nouns (especially sonorant stems)bull
bull S-aorists (at least in indicative singular)
bull ldquoNartenrdquo-presents (and aorists)
Some locatives bull i-stem -ēj (u-stem -ēw) dēm lsquoin the housersquo
1) Monosyllabic lengthening
Proposed by Wackernagel 1896 66ff Kortlandt 1975 84ff (and passim) Pronk2014 and others
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
89
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf pōds vs poacutedm poacutedes gʷōws vs gʷoacutewes h₂nēk-s vs h₂neacutek-s-m
mucircs lsquomousersquo wicircs lsquopoisonrsquo from mus- wis-
But no general constraint against short vowels in monosyllablescf soacute nuacute dwiacutes triacutes vocative djeacutew h₂neacuter genitive neacutekʷts deacutems gʷeacutewslocative dʱgʱeacutem(-i) djeacutew(-i)
Against it see Dunkel 2014 86f Kuumlmmel 2012c 2015b
2) Lengthening before final sonorant
BeekesKortlandt
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter h₂ukseacuten
But no such lengthening in vocatives and locatives
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
90
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
3) Szemereacutenyirsquos Law
VRs gt VRR gt VR
Cf ph₂tēr h₂uksēn lt ph₂teacuter-s h₂ukseacuten-s
Originally already proposed by Schleicher but re-proposed by Szemereacutenyi 1962and widely applied since then cf Keydana 2014 Sandell amp Byrd 2015
Not a synchronic law cf genitive deacutems -ejs -ews
Extended to Rh₂ by many cf n pl wedor-h₂ gt wedōr lsquowatersrsquoPhonetically rather problematical (maybe rather plural -s)
Against see Beekes Kortlandt passim
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
91
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
4) Stangrsquos Law
Stang 1965 accusative djēm gʷōm lt djeacutew-m gʷoacutew-m Vaux 2002
Originally regular for other words toocf -ām in OAv hiθąm (Geldner 1890 Tremblay 1998 Cantera 2007)to nom hiθāuš lsquofellowrsquoAv vaiiąm (Remmer 2011 15f) from vaiiu- lsquowindrsquo Ved vāyuacute-vs innovative YAv -aom-āum OP-āum -āvam (cf Cantera 2007 17ff)Greek Arkado-Cypriot generally -ēs -ēn for -euacutes -e acf also arēn lsquodestructionrsquo Arēs ~ Areus from root areu- lt h₂rew- (Willi 2014)
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
92
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Contra Meiser 1998 139f 141 Cantera 2007 not regular for i-stemscf OAv haxāim YAV kauuaēmSingle example of YAv raɣa raɣąm ~ rajōit not compelling
Often also assumed for -VHm cf -ām from stems in -ah₂-phonetically very difficult cf PII paacutentaHam gt Av paṇtąm = Ved paacutenthaam etcsee Pronk 2016 20-27 for analogical explanation
Pronk 2016 djēm gʷōm lt djēwm gʷōwm with monosyllabic lengthening polysyllabic cases analogical
Similar process loc sg -ej-i gt -ēj maybe instr pl -oj-is gt -ōjs (Jasanoff 2007)
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
93
B Vowel length
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
5) Simplification of clusters
de-dk- gt dēk- gt Skt dāś- gʱe-gʱd- gt gʱēd- gt Germ gēt- (pret plural)cf penkʷe-dk(o)mt- gt penkʷēk(o)mt- lsquo50rsquoOrigin of long-vowel perfects
Also tetk-C gt tēk-C Origin of ldquoNartenrdquo type
Cf Schumacher 2005 Sandell 2014cf the ldquoKortlandt effectrdquo (d gt H before consonants Kortlandt 1983)
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
94
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Traditional theory zero grade from syncope of unaccented e
Also o unaccented for e but under which conditions
Famous example Ved pitaacuter- tvaacutet-pitār- = Greek pateacuter- eu-paacutetor-Dubious ldquoequationrdquo cf Lundqvist 2016 no such rule in early Vedic
Strong o-grade vs weaker e-grade in ablaut type o ~ e alternating with o ~ Oslashcf poacuted- ~ ped- doacutem- ~ dem-dʱwoacuter- ~ dʱur- woacutejd- ~ wid- memoacuten- ~ memn- etcrArr o rather bdquostrongerldquo than ea
Typological evidence frequent o lt ā e lt a rArr original quantity distinction
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
95
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Kuumlmmel 2012a (cf Viredaz 1983 35ff Woodhouse 2012 2 n 1 2015 6-9)Original (pre-PIE) ā gt o vs a gt e [aelig~a~ɑ]gt PIECIE e a o
Consequences
poacuted- ~ ped- lt pacircd- ~ pad- lt pacircd- ~ pād-Variant woacutejd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wid- lt wacircjd- ~ wajd- lt wacircjd- ~ wājd-(with shortening in closed syllable)
Thematic -oacute- lt -acirc- but vocative -e lt -a lt -āoriginally CoacuteCo- vs CeCoacute- lt CacircCā- vs CaCacirc- lt CacircCā- vs CāCacirc-
Verb -o- ~ -e- lt -ā- ~ -a- lt -ā- with shortening before ts
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
96
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Interrogative substantival kʷeacute- lt kʷaacute-derivative kʷoacute- lt kʷacirc- lt kʷa-aacute-
Saussure effect from shortening in CāRHC gt CāRC
Brugmannrsquos Law = lengthening of o in non-final open syllables
Or rather retention of length vs shortening
Cf similar length(ening) in Anatolian (Melchert 1994 Kloekhorst 2008)oacute gt ō even in closed syllables
So maybe still PIEpre-PII a [aelig~ɑ~ɒ] vs ā [ɒː]a gt [aelig] in most environments vs [ɑ] h₂=χ
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
97
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
PIECIE ā gt (overlong) a vs a [aelig] gt ǣby old lengthening (Szemereacutenyirsquos and Stangrsquos laws or otherwise)
Indo-Iranian development
ā [ɒː] gt a [ɒ] _CC _ a and ǣ preserved
ə gt atilde gt a
aelig gt ǣ a gt ā by younger lengthening
Palatalization
Late merger aelig=a gt a ǣ=ā gt ā
Anatolian developments similar with less shortening of āDepends on whether Lycian really preserves o distinct from a
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
98
C Qualitative ablaut
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Tocharian Cf o gt aelig stronger than e gt ʸəarguments for original rounding of o
ElsewhereWestern developments
ā gt ō in general
ō gt o _ soacute lsquothatrsquo 3s middle -toacute proacute lsquoforthrsquo
ō gt o _ except in accented monosyllables pō(d)s ~ poacutedm lsquofootrsquoandor o preserved
Secondary lengthenings as in II producing ē
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
99
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Cf now Byrd 2010a 2010b 2015
VCV = VCV VCCV = VCCV VCCCV = VCCCV but VCC-CV-Cf Sieversrsquo Law VRT-jV = VRTjV gt VRTi(j)V vs VR-TjV = VRTjV (Byrd 2010 2015)
Special rules for sT HT (extrasyllabic fricatives)
Problem Greek = Vedic = Latin = PIE
But what about Baltic Slavic Iranian Typological differences
No gemination (as PIE cf bull h₁eacutesi for h₁eacutes-si)
Cluster syllabification TC (or at least weightless coda bull obstruents) vs TC
Fewer restrictions on clustersbull
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
100
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Baltic
ldquoOpen syllable lengtheningrdquo of accented ae before single consonants and clusters starting with obstruents cf katildeklas atildekmenį atildekštas eglė matildezgas vatildeškas
Exception words with transparent productive morphological boundary within the cluster eg infinitive negraveš-ti legraves-ti with supine negraveš-tų legraves-tų participle negraveš-tas etc
TR- and ST-clusters mostly preserved and not targeted by ldquoopen syllable conspiracyrdquo removing allmost all RC-clusters in Common Slavic
Generally Cj gt Cʲ cf medjā- dausjā- ezja- gt meďā- dōšā- ježa-gt mežda duša ježь
OCS nesti voskъ teplъ modrъ ogńь osmъ ostrъ lt nestī waska- tepla- budra- agnj-a- asma- astra-
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
101
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
tl dl gt Pskov North Russian kl gl West Slavic tl dl elsewhere simplified to l
Only TSTT simplified (without CL) kt pt gt t ps gt s ks gt (k)ṣ gt x
rArr Balto-Slavic VRTV vs VTCV
Iranian
Sieversrsquo Law not really attested cf jantwa- gt janθwa- gt Av jąθβa- lsquoto be hitrsquo (vs Skt haacutentuva-)
Many complex and unusual clusters
Anlautbull Av xšaθra- ptā fəδr- fθr- ruuaθa- rwaθa- mrū- fštāna-
Inlautbull Av aiβiiāxštra- xrafstra- rafəδra- haxəδra- dugədr-
Auslautbull Av āfš vaxšt dārəšt
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
102
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Sogdian heavy syllables only with RC light syllables in cases like asp- lsquohorsersquo aβt-lsquosevenrsquo
Middle Persian light syllables in paacutewastā- gt pōst lsquoskinrsquo ēwaacutekahya gt ēwak gt ē(w)k lsquoonersquo
No compensatory lengthening in cases like puθra- gt MP pus hwasrū- gt Wakhi x aṣ
Avestan ldquoopen syllablerdquo allophone aē preceding st št and partly θr (Fortson 1996)Old Avestan metre becomes more quantitatively regular (mostly iambic with anapaestic cadences)if Sogdian syllabification is applied (cf Kuumlmmel 2016b forthc a)leading to more light syllablesvariable weight of TC (necessarily) would allow even more regularity
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
4+7 line VTC ⨉ ⨉ | ⨉ ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ cup | cup ⨉ ⨉ cup cup ⨉
VTC cup cup | cup ⨉ cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
7+7 line VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ cup cup | ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ ⨉
VTC ⨉ cup ⨉ ⨉ cup ⨉ | ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ ⨉
VTC cup ⨉ ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
ideal cup cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
Y 443 tat θβā pərəsā ərəšmōi vaocā ahurā kasnā ząθā +ptā as ahiiā +paouruiiō kasnā xᵛə ṇg +strə mcā dāt aduuānəm kə yā mā uxšiieitī nərəfsaitī θβat tācīt mazdā vasəmī aniiācā vīduiiē
VTC VTC cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup | cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup | cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
Y 5118 tąm cistīm də jāmāspō huuōguuō ištōiš xᵛarənā as ā vərəṇtē tat xšaθrəm manaŋhō vaŋhə uš vīdō tat mōi dāidī ahurā hiiat mazdā rapə n tauuā
VTC VTC
cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup ⨉ cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup ⨉ cup cup cup cup ⨉ | cup cup cup cup ⨉
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian
106
5 Syllable structure
Martin Joachim Kuumlmmel Seminar fuumlr Indogermanistik
Indic exceptions to Sieversrsquo Law with TT-clusters maacutetsya- vakṣyaacute- yuktvā(Schindler 1977b 60f Byrd 2010a 50f) presuppose that TT-clusters did not behave like RT-clusters
rArr PII and PIE may have differred from Vedic and Greekndash preferring complexity in onsets over codasndash avoiding obstruent codas
But cf common IE VHCV gt VCV speaking for TT syllabification
What about Anatolian