pausanias and the evidence of inscriptions

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Pausanias and the Evidence of InscriptionsAuthor(s): Christian HabichtReviewed work(s):Source: Classical Antiquity, Vol. 3, No. 1 (Apr., 1984), pp. 40-56Published by: University of California PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25010806 .

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CHRISTIAN HABICHT

Pausanias and the Evidenceof Inscriptions

AMONG THESather Lectures on Pausanias' "Description of Greece,"which I had the honor of delivering at Berkeley in the fall of 1982, the third one,under the title of this article,' aimed at demonstrating that an epigraphicalcommentary on Pausanias seems highly desirable, since Pausanias has transcribedword-for-word numerous inscriptions,mainly epigrams, and has summarized severalhundred others. Furthermore, very often when he is not quotingor reporting from an inscription, his narrative can be confirmed, supplemented,or illuminated by inscriptional evidence. On the other hand, it is often onlyPausanias' report that allows for a proper understanding of an inscription.Since hundreds of new inscriptions from those parts of Greece that he describedbecome known every year, it is only natural that an ever-increasing numberof chapters and paragraphs inPausanias have some relation to, or some commongroundwith, inscriptions.For this reason, therewill always be freshmaterial tobe taken into account. For the same reason, only a small selection of examplescan be discussed here. It is at the kind suggestion of members of the EditorialBoard that I discuss the topic in this journal before publication of the SatherLectures. In what follows I keep the basic division of the lecture into the threesectionsofMythology, Archaeology, andHistory (otherscould easily be thoughtof), but I have chosen different passages in Pausanias to discuss and, conse

1. The lecture was, in a slightly different form, also given at the University of California atLos Angeles. It is a pleasure to express my gratitude to my colleagues both at Berkeley and at LosAngeles for their kindness and hospitality. I also wish to thank the members of the EditorialBoard, and in particular Erich Gruen, for valuable suggestions that did much to improve thispaper.

? 1984BY THE REGENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA

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HABICHT:ausanias and theEvidence of Inscriptions 41

quently, different inscriptions. In thisway not only will repetition be avoided,but the point that an epigraphical commentary on Pausanias is really neededwill gain additional force.

1.MYTHOLOGYIt iswell known thatmythology plays a large and important part inPau

sanias' work, as has to be expected from a book on the sites and the monumentsof ancientGreece, whose author preferred the past to the present and the sacredto the profane. Wherever he went, Pausanias was interested in learningwhomthe inhabitants venerated: gods, heroes, nymphs. To narrate theirmyths wasfor him as unavoidable as it was pleasant. It may seem less natural to assumethat inscriptions from the enlightened periods of Greece, from Hellenistic orRoman Imperial times, reflect tales of the old myths. But many do indeed,mainly because for the ancientsmyth was a part of history, the earliest knownpart of their past. There are chronicles inscribed on stone that report myths, orthe long minutes of territorial disputes between two states where each side wastrying to strengthen its case by references to the oldest times, or decrees grantingprivilegeson account of a relationshipgoing back to theage ofmyth.The largeamount of evidence dictates concentration. I have therefore chosentodiscuss under thisheading two sections only: first, fromPausanias' digressionson theSibyls theparagraphsonHerophile (10. 12.1-7); and second, his summaryof the Greek settlement of Ionia (7. 2-5).

THE SIBYL HEROPHILEIn his description of Apollo's sanctuary at Delphi, themention of the rockfrom which the Sibyl Herophile used to chant oracles (10. 12.1) prompts Pau

sanias to speak at some length about Sibyls (10. 12.1-11). There was, he says(1), an older Sibyl; Herophile, however, had also been born before theTrojan

War, since she foretold Helen's fatal role for Asia and Europe and the fate ofIlium (2). To Delphi and to various other places she came more than once onher extended journeys (5), but originally shewas fromMarpessus in the Troad(3-4). Her tomb, with an elegiac inscription on it, was in the grove of Sminthian

Apollo (6).In Pausanias' days Marpessus was a forlorn place, mostly ruins, amongwhich some sixty souls still lived.No wonder, therefore, that the important city

of Alexandria in the Troad, at a distance of some thirty miles, tried to claimHerophile for herself: Herophile was described as the keeper of the temple ofSminthian Apollo and as being active there in chanting oracles. Her tomb wasbuilt there, obviously in order to strengthen this claim, and Pausanias' languagesuggests (6) that he saw it.

Herophile, however, was also claimed by a city far outside the Troad,Erythrae in Ionia, where a Sibyl was undoubtedly at home. The Erythraeans



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42 CLASSICALNTIQUITY Volume 3 /No. 1 /April 1984claimed that the Sibyl who was called Herophile and who foretold the fall ofTroy was in fact theirs. They openly and sharply disputed the claim of Marpessus. Pausanias has a substantialparagraphon thematter (7):

The Erythraeans, who urge their claims toHerophile with more warmththan any otherGreek people, point toMount Corycus and a cave in it,inwhich they say thatHerophile was born, she being a child of Theodorus, a shepherdof the country, and a nymph. The only reason, theysay,why the nymph got the surnameof Idaeanwas thatwooded placeswere called in those days idai.They strike out of the oracles the verseaboutMarpessus and the riverAidoneus.This refers back to the verses quoted in paragraph 3: lrlTp60ev 'I5oycevi;,natzpit 65 goi acztv puo0pin /Mdapraooo;, gnrp6g iwEpf, ilt nozrabg 'Ai8covwet;.The Erythraeans, saysPausanias, cut out all references to theTroad by explaining away the mention of Mount Ida and by deleting the last verse, with its mention ofMarpessus and the riverAidoneus, as an interpolation. Instead, theyhave

Herophile born onMount Corycus, that is to say, in theirown territory,and theyhave a name for her father, Theodorus.There has long been agreement among scholars thatMarpessus' claim, notErythrae's, was justified.2But it is not somuch this question that is of interesthere as the fact that the Erythraeans expressed their view also in inscriptions,and that these inscriptions and Pausanias' report illuminate each other. In asmall grotto at Erythrae several inscriptions of the second century A.D. wereuncovered in 1891.3 They show that the Erythraean Sibyl was venerated there.One of the inscriptions attests to statues of Niu(pri Nais and of Zipu3Xua v64uPt;SKai OeofcopoU 'EpOpaiac.4 It is no surprise that what are stressed here are thedetails invented at Erythrae to prove Herophile's Ionian origin: her nationalityand her father's name, Theodorus, as reported by Pausanias. A second inscription5 is an elegiac poem of 16 lines that has Herophile herself speaking: "HereI am, the oracle-uttering Sibyl of Phoebus." This isundoubtedlymodeled afterthe first line of the epigram on Herophile's tomb in the Troad, which Pausaniastransmits: "Here am I, the plain-speaking Sibyl of Phoebus." Lines 2-3 of the

Erythraean epigram show clearly what Pausanias calls the Erythraean zeal forHerophile: "There is no other native country of mine except Erythrae, / and

2. The opposite view was held by K. Buresch, AM 17 (1892) 16-36, esp. 24. P. Corssen,however, demonstrated thatMarpessus' claim was better justified;AM 38 (1913) 1-22, esp. 8ff.In the same sense:A. Rzach, RE Sibyllen (1923) 2085; A. Kurfess, Sibyllinische Weissagungen(Munich 1951) 9ff.; F. Wehrli, Die Schule des Aristoteles, VII. Herakleides Pontikos (Basel 1953)105; F. Jacoby, commentary on FGrHist 422, 1 (1955) esp. 162n.15; V. Nikiprowetzky, La troisieme Sibylle (Paris 1970)6.

3. Discussed by Buresch and Corssen; now IErythrai 224, 225, 226 and, from a later date,228.

4. IErythrai226.5. IErythrai 225.



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HABICHT:ausanias and theEvidence of Inscriptions 43Theodorus is my normal father." The agreement with Pausanias' report isindeed striking.6Now, this inscriptionhas been dated convincingly to A.D. 162by Karl Buresch, since verses 13-16 allude to an expected visit of the emperorLucius Verus who was on his way to the Parthian War. It has, however, beensuggested that lines 1-12 could well be much earlier, and that theywere onlyreinscribed in A.D. 162 and enlarged by those referring to the emperor.7Thereare indeed indications that the dispute between Erythrae andMarpessus originated in the Hellenistic period and that both the verses in Pausanias 10.12.3about Marpessus and those stating the claim of Erythrae were composed at thattime.

However that may be, the close link between Pausanias' text and someepigraphical evidence is obvious. The inscriptions from Erythrae confirm thesubstance of the narrative of the periegete, illuminating among other things thezeal with which the people of Erythrae claimedHerophile for themselves. Pausanias, in his turn, provides the context without which these inscriptions couldnever have been properly understood.

THE GREEK SETTLEMENT OF IONIA

Pausanias' seventh book is dedicated to Achaea, but chapters 2-5 containa summary of the foundation and history of the twelve Ionian cities and a listof the most remarkable things to be seen in Ionia.8 The reason for this digressionis that, inPausanias' view, the Ionians, before coming toAsia Minor, had beenthe inhabitantsof Achaea. The founders of the cities in Ionia are allmythicalpersons, and severalof themare attested both inPausanias and in inscriptions.The founder of the Greek city at Ephesus was, as Pausanias mentions,Androclus, the son of Codrus. He was buried "at the spot where the tomb isshown to this day, on the road that leads from the sanctuary past the Olympieumtoward theMagnesian gate. Over the tomb is the figure of an armed man."9From the timeof Hadrian onward, Androclus was depicted on Ephesian coins. 'Inscriptions of imperialdate show that he was venerated as founder and worshipped as a hero." In late antiquity, a governor of Asia by the name of Messalinus is hailed as the worthy founder, "more excellent than Androclus."'2Several cities in Ioniawere founded longbefore the Ionians, under the sons

6. Corssen (supra n.2) 9: "Die Ubereinstimmung mit Pausanias ist frappant."7. Ibid. 14ff.; Jacoby (supran.2).8. See in general M. B. Sakellariou, La migration grecque en Jonie (Athens 1959). I do notcount among the twelveSmyrnawhich, originallyAeolian, was later admitted to the IonianLeague.9. Pausanias 7.2.8-9.10. S. Karwiese, "Ephesos," RE Suppl. 12 (1970)335-353.11. IEphesos 501: restoration of his statue as a KTCicrTrl;; 644: gift of oil in all gymnasia ofEphesus on "Androclus' day" (Trito) 'Av6p6KkouPlptpq), which is proof that he was still wor

shipped as the founder of the city in the second century A.D.12. IEphesos 2044: &tIov obiKlctTzpa,po(pep^czepov 'AvSp6KXoto.See the commentary byL. Robert, Hellenica 4 (1948)87ff.



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44 CLASSICALNTIQUITY Volume 3/No. 1/April 1984of King Codrus, arrived.Among them was Teos, founded, as Pausanias says(7.3.6), byMinyans fromOrchomenus, whose leaderwas Athamas, descendantof Athamas, son of Aeolus and grandson of Hellen. Coins of the second centuryA.D. show thatAthamas was then still regardedas the founder of the city,'3 andabout the same time a distinguished citizen was honored as the "new Athamas." 4There is earlier epigraphical evidence, from the third century B.C., forAthamasas the founder of Teos and for the resulting relationship between the city andthe tribeof theAthamanians innorthwesternGreece. In the letter that the rulersof Athamania, Theodorus andAmynandrus, sent to Teos ca. 203 B.C.,acceptingthe inviolability of the city, they refer to the relationship that connected themwith Hellen, "the original himself of the common appellation of theGreeks."

5Since this ismeant to explain why the rulers grant favors to Teos, there can beno doubt, although the expression is less than precise, that they had inmindHellen, his sonAeolus, his grandsonAthamas, and Athamas' descendant Athamus, the founderof Teos.

Like Teos, both Erythrae and Chios were founded before the arrival of theIonians. Unlike Teos, they received their first settlers from Crete. The founderof Erythrae was Erythros, son of King Rhadamanthys (Pausanias 7.3.7). Fromthe fifth century B.C. down to imperial times the city had coins with the representation of the founder and the legend "EpuOpog K'Tio(Trl.'6 In a new fragmentof the famous list of sacrifices, dating to the second century B.C., sacrifices toErythros are now attested,'7 and the city calls itselfonce, in an epigramon stone,"the most conspicuous city of Erythros."'8 In another inscription the emperorLucius Verus, expected to pass through on his way to the Parthian campaign inA.D. 162, was hailed in verses fabricated for the occasion as a "new Erythros"who would bring virtue, lawfulness, and prosperity to thecity. 'As for Chios, Pausanias reports (7.4.8) that "in course of timeOenopionsailed with some ships from Crete to Chios, followed by his sons Talus, Euanthes, Melas, Salagus, and Athamas." It is for its wine that Chios was mostfamous in Antiquity. It is therefore appropriate that the founder of the island

was a son of the god of wine, Dionysus, that his own name, Oenopion, means"wine drinker," and that of his daughter, Staphyle, "bunch of grapes." Theartificiality of the myth is transparent here, if anywhere. For this reason one

13. F. Imhoof-Blumer, asquoted by L. Robert, REG 94 (1981)354n.76.14. IGR 4, 1570. See L. Robert, REG 94 (1981) 354. D. C. Braund, CQ 30 (1980) 421n.8, and32 (1982)350ff.15. C. B. Welles, Royal Correspondence in theHellenistic Period (NewHaven 1934) 35, 10.In his commentary (155)Welles, followingWaddington, confuses Athamas and Aeolus. Athamasalso received sacrifices inErythrae, IErythrai207, 12.16. F. Imhoof-Blumer, as quoted byL. Robert, REG 94 (1981)355n.80.17. ZPE 38 (1980) 150 line 6; a new fragment of IErythrai 207.18. IErythrai 106.19. IErythrai 224 and the bibliography quoted supra n. 2. In addition, L. Robert, REG 94(1981)354-55.



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HABICHT:ausanias and theEvidence of Inscriptions 45would not expect to findOenopion's name in inscriptions.But it is found, andnot only inChios.

Oenopion is well known in his connection with Orion, the hunter, whorapedOenopion's wife and was in turnblinded by him.20From certain featuresof thismyth it has long been concluded that the storymust have served as stufffor dramatic plays. Until recently, however, only two comedies with the titleOenopion were attested. A new fragment from the list of the victors at the LenaeainAthens, found at theAgora, has now shown that a tragedynamed Oenopionwas awarded firstprize in363 B.C.21 ccording toPausanias (7.5.13),Oenopion'stombwas among the sightsmost worth seeing in Ionia.A fragmentary inscription of the fifth century B.C. seems tomention it under the name of [Oi]votcibveiov.22More important,Pausanias adds that some of Oenopion's deeds were inscribedon it: "One of the sights of Chios is the grave of Oenopion, whose deeds are thetheme of stories that still linger on the spot." This is Frazer's translation; the

Greek text makes it in fact quite clear that these stories were inscribed on thetomb itself.23 he implication s thatPausanias has seenand read these inscriptions.Now, an inscription fromChios, dating to the lateHellenistic period (secondor firstcentury B.C.),published in 1949byN. Condoleon, begins: "The following

came with Oenopion to Chios" and then lists three sons, several associates,and finally threewives, while stating that a fourth wife was leftbehind inCrete.24Some of the names agree with those listed by Pausanias as those of sons orfriends of Oenopion. This is obviously part of a local chronicle. The type isfamiliar, the best-known example being the chronicle from the sanctuary of

Athena Lindia in Rhodes. The text preserved on the stone from Chios is part ofa story about Oenopion. Condoleon's suggestion is certainly right: the stonemust come from the tomb, where Oenopion received the heroic honors offounder of Chios and where his achievements were inscribed. If so, then Pausanias explains why the inscription we have was engraved at all; the inscriptionin turn confirms what he says about Oenopion's tomb. Once more the mythwas verymuch alive ina lateperiod, cultivated in theplacewhere itbelonged.

In Colophon, two sons of King Codrus were the leaders of the Ionian settlement, one of them being Promethos, whose only mention in all our evidence

is Pausanias 7.3.3. When in the late fourth century B.C. the names of severalhundred citizenswho had lentmoney for an extension of thewalls were inscribedon stone,25 seven of them received, in addition to the patronymic, another dis

20. K. Keyssner, RE Oinopion (1937) 2272-75; J. Fontenrose, Orion: The Myth of the Hunterand theHuntress (Berkeley1981).21. Hesperia 40 (1971) 302ff. no. 8; H.-J. Mette, Urkunden dramatischer Auffuhrungen in

Griechenland (Berlin & New York 1977) 147.22. 'A0rlva 20 (1908) 267 no. 159; N. Condoleon, Rev Phil 74 (1949) 9.23. 7.5.13: XiolS; 6 6 To Oivoirlovog Td(po; 09av Te ntapXEtTat Kai Tivac Kai X6youvS STOCivoIV07voq; dEpya.24. Condoleon (supran. 22) 1-9.25. B. D. Meritt, AJP 56 (1935) 361 no. 1.



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46 CLASSICALNTIQUITY Volume 3/No. 1/April 1984

tinction. B. D. Meritt recognized that this was done to distinguish them fromhomonyms. He spoke of "distinguishing epithets" and assumed that theywerederived from the names of the grandfathers. Louis Robert, however, saw thatthese are in fact designations of gene, subdivisions of the citizenry inmanyGreek states and well attested inColophon. One of these individualsisApollonius,son of Apollodorus, Prometheios (line 631). As Robert observed, a genos Prometheioi must have been connected with Promethos the son of Codrus. As forthegenos Hegetorides, occurring in line 865, Robert pointed to theHegetoreioiinEphesus, another subdivision of the city population.26He did not, however,mention that both theHegetoridai inColophon and theHegetoreioi inEphesusmust derive fromHegetor, son of Neleus and grandson of Codrus, therefore anephew of Promethos. Like Promethos, Hegetor is only once attested, thewitness being this timePausanias' contemporary, theSophist Zenobius.27While Herodotus reports (1.146) that among the Ionians coming to Asia

Minor there were also Dorians from Epidaurus, Pausanias ismore specific. Henarrates (7.4.2.) that in the Ionian settlement at Samos the leader was ProclesfromEpidaurus, and thatmany of hismen were likewiseEpidaurians. Publishinga decree of the chiliastys of the Epidaurians from Samos, dating to the secondcentury B.C., Robert of course mentioned the connection and drew the conclusion that some of the old chiliastyes received their names from tribes that hadonce participated in the Greek settlement of the island.28

When Alexander the Great refounded Smyrna at a new location, this happened as the result of a dream he had and of an oracle given by Apollo of Clarosto the Smyrnaeans who had consulted the god on the matter. Pausanias quotesthis (7.5.3.): "Thrice blest, yea four times shall theybe /Who shall inhabitPagusbeyond the sacred Meles." The editor of a fragmentary inscription, dating fromthe second century A.D. and said to come from Smyrna, immediately recognizedthat the words "sacred Meles" of the inscription also occur in the passage ofPausanias just quoted.29 It was J.M. Cook who saw that the fragment is in factdescribed as an oracle and that it once represented the same text.30 There is,however, a discrepancy between ati--of the inscription and i&vpeS in Pausanias. Cook argues that &v~pe; is a later insertion in the text to fill out a metrically incomplete line, and this is convincing, because the word is omitted in several

manuscripts. The original and correct reading was aicztr.3 In this case, the epigraphical evidence enables us to correct the defective text of Pausanias.32

26. L. Robert, RevPhil 62 (1936) 162-64 (Op. min. sel. 2, 1241-43).27. Zenobius 5.17 (ParoemiographiGraeci 1.343).28. BCH59 (1935) 477-78 (Op. min. sel. 2, 746-47).29. H. W. Pleket, The Greek Inscriptions in the 'Rijksmuseum van Oudheden' at Leyden

(Leiden 1958) 75 no. 62, with pl. XIII.30. J. M. Cook, CRn.s. 11 (1961) 7-8. See also W. Peek, ZPE21 (1976) 145.31. Tpi;S gdKapGc KErVOI Kai TETpdKIt autt[tl l ECovTai / ol ndryov oiKtflooucIl iprlv''poio32. The last Teubner edition of 1977 (H. Rocha-Pereira) is unaware of this and still has

&vpE; .



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2. ARCHAEOLOGYWhereas in the corresponding section of the Sather Lectures a site, the

entrance to Apollo's sanctuary at Delphi, is discussed at some length, my concern here will be various objects. First, a very famous piece from the archaicperiod, the great silver bowl dedicated by King Alyattes of Lydia to the god inDelphi after he had recovered from an illness. This celebrated work of art byGlaucus of Chios is described by Herodotus and others.33Pausanias, however,depicts only the stand of welded iron, not the figures that decorated the upperpart, the actual bowl. Scholars long ago concluded that by Pausanias' timenothing more was left of the original gift.34 An inscription was then foundwhich not only proved this conclusion to be correct but also indicatedwhenand how the main part was lost. Theodor Reinach published in 1928 the fragment of an inscription from Delphi, written in or soon after 346 B.C. It containsa record of sacred objects carried away and melted down by the Phocians duringthe time they had occupied the sanctuary, 356 to 346 B.C. In lines 6-7 Reinachrecognized that Alyattes' crater was mentioned as one of the pieces lost at thattime: 'AuaKTo[u )].35

Next, two weapons from booty of the fifth century B.C. After he has described the painting of the battle of Marathon, Pausanias terminates his accountof the Painted Colonnade in Athens with the remark that this stoa also had anumber of bronze shields and that some of them were covered with pitch to preserve them better. The latter, he continues, are said to have been taken from theSpartans who, in 425 B.C., were made prisoners by the Athenians under Cleonand Demosthenes on the island of Sphacteria, opposite Messenian Pylos.36Asso often, Pausanias must have the specific information from an inscriptionwritten on the objects themselves. This is confirmed by the fact that a shieldbearing the inscription "The Athenians from the Lacedaemonians at Pylos" wasfound during the excavations in the Agora.37 Pausanias could not have seen thisone, since it was thrown away several hundred years before his time. But it hadonce been part of the booty of 425 and may have hung together with the othersin the Painted Colonnade, before itwas separated from them. Cleon's prophecythat his deed would live in people's memory "while any shred of any shield,fromPylus brought, is left"38remains true.

Another dedication which is similar in both essence and date has recently33. Herodotus 1.25;Hegesandrus inAthenaeus 5.210B-C.34. Pausanias 10.16.1-2;W. Gurlitt, Uber Pausanias (Graz 1890)469-70; G. Daux, Pausanias

dDelphes (Paris 1936) 182-83.35. RA (1938) II, 34-46. See also F. Schober, "Delphoi," RE Suppl. 5 (1931) 101-102. Theweight of the piece (or part of it) is recorded as sevenminae. According to Pausanias (10.7.8), thePhocian general Philomelus also confiscated a golden shield that Croesus of Lydia, Alyattes' sonand successor,had dedicated.

36. Pausanias 1.15.4.37. Th. L. Shear, Ephem. Arch. (1937) I, 140-43 (bibliography in E. Meyer, RE Pylos (1959),2123-24; photograph also inAgora XIV, pl. 49d).38. InAristophanes Knights 845-46 (translationbyB. B. Rogers).



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48 CLASSICALNTIQUITY Volume 3/No. 1 /April 1984been found in the Athenian Agora, and again there is a link connecting it withPausanias. It is a spearbutt with the inscription "The Athenians from the Lesbians to the Dioscuri."39 This must refer to the Athenian victory over theirrebellious allies in 428/27 and in all likelihood comes from the old sanctuary oftheDioscuri in theAgora that Pausanias recordswith its statues and paintingsin 1.18.1.

The last category of archaeological objects inPausanias to be discussed inconnection with inscriptions is statues. Pausanias has some interesting information about the vicissitudes of amasterpiece of Greek sculpture,Myron's Dionysus. Discussing the mountain of the Muses, the Helicon in Boeotia which belonged toThespiae, Pausanias reports that theRoman imperatorSulla, duringtheFirstMithridaticWar, dedicated there the standing imageof Dionysus, "thefinest of all the works of Myron, next to his statue of Erechtheus at Athens.Itwas not Sulla's to dedicate: he took it from the Minyans at Orchomenus. Thisiswhat theGreeks callworshipping godwith other people's incense."40

It is tempting to connect with this story the statue of Sulla himself erectedby the city of Thespiae. Its inscription refers to the Roman general's &pezT,dvbpayaOia, and eivota.41 In fact, P. Jamot has drawn this conclusion: Sulla"honorait ainsi les dieux a peu de frais, comme le fait remarquer Pausanias. ...On voit que les Thespiens lui furent cependant reconnaissants de cette magnificence peu couteuse."42 This remains plausible enough, even if the city had,perhaps,more reasons forhonoring Sulla than just this one.43To continuewith anothermasterpiece of Greek sculptureandwith Thespiae:people came to the city, as Cicero and other writers say, for no other reasonthan to see the celebrated Eros of Praxiteles-as long as itwas there. The emperor

Gaius Caligula had it carried to Rome; itwas then returned by Claudius. Takenagain by Nero to Rome, it perished there in a fire in A.D. 80.44 Pausanias says:"They say that the first to remove the image of Love was the Roman emperorCaius, and that it was restored by Claudius only to be a second time carried offby Nero. At Rome it was destroyed by fire."45 More general is Cassius Dio's

39. Hesperia 47 (1978) 192-95: 'A0Bvaiot / d1ti6Aeop3v /AiocyK6pot[v]. SEG 28, 24.40. 9.30.1.41. A. Plassart, BCH 50 (1926) 437 no. 37. The base had been found much earlier and mentioned by P. Jamot, BCH 15 (1891) 391n.1. Fiehn, RE Thespiae (1936) 39, quotes Jamot and saysof the inscriptionthat itwas stillunpublished.42. Jamot, as quoted by Plassart (supra n.41) 438 from an unpublished paper.43. Plassart himself observed that during the war, Thespiae was the only town in Boeotia

that remained loyal to the Romans and had to endure a siege by the Pontic army. He thinks itwas Sulla who, as a reward, granted the city the freedom which is attested by Pliny Nat. Hist. 4.25.This is far from certain; R. Bernhardt, "Imperium and Eleutheria" (Diss. Hamburg 1971) 118n.158,seems inclined to accept an earlier date for the grant of freedom to Thespiae (which Sulla wouldthen have upheld).44. A. Lippold, RE Praxiteles (1954) 1797-98.

45. 9.27.3.



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HABICHT:ausanias and theEvidence of Inscriptions 49statement thatClaudius returned theworks of art thatCaligula had taken to thecities inGreece.46 For Athens this is confirmed by a number of bases that allsay that "TiberiusClaudius CaesarAugustus Germanicus, benefactor of the city,donated and restored [this]."47No doubt there had once been a similar inscription on the base of Praxiteles' Eros at Thespiae, before the work was againtaken to Rome.

Of a quite different kind were somemonumental sculptures in a Peloponnesian town, and it seems that it is Pausanias alone who explains what they were.Among a number of notable objects in the city of Hermione in theArgolid,Pausanias thought the most remarkable of all a sanctuary of Demeter on MountPron, and he continues to tell the storyof thisDemeter or of Chthonia-Demeter.48There follows a precise description of the annual festival calledChthonia, duringwhich four old women had to butcher four cows, one by one, in the temple itself.Now, four large bases of statues, found at Hermione and dating from the laterfifth and the earlier fourth centuries B.C.,were all dedicated to Demeter andinscribedaccordingly. One of them is signed by Cresilas of Cydonia inCrete.49These statue-bases were long believed to have supported equestrian statues.M. H. Jameson, however, seems to have found the correct solution: the basessupported statues of the four cows which were sacrificed to the goddess yearafter year.50 Pausanias' account gives in fact the clue for the proper understanding of the bases. It has also been observed that what he reports about the procession at the Chthonia is in perfect harmony with the detailed indications given ina decree of Hermione from the second century B.C.5'To conclude this section on Pausanias and statues, it seems appropriate toremind ourselves that it is nearly exclusively our periegete who has enabledscholars to identify a number of ancient sculptures. Not too long ago, Frank

Brommer discussed the question of how many Greek statues that are mentionedinancient writers have been securely identified.52He could not count more thaneleven, among them the Nike of Paeonius and the Hermes of Praxiteles, bothfromOlympia. One group has been identifiedwith thehelp of Herodotus,53 twoothers from accounts in the elder Pliny,54 the remaining eight thanks to Pausanias. It does not much matter whether one or the other work has to be added to

46. Cass. Dio 60.6.8.47. IG II2 5173-79 and Deltion 25 (1970) 202-203 (part of IG II2 5178).48. 2.34.10 ff.; 35.4-8; M. P. Nilsson, Griechische Feste (Leipzig1907)329-30.49. IG IV 683, 684; Hesperia 22 (1953) 148ff. nr. 3-4; Cresilas' name on IG IV 683, which

cannot be later than 420 B.C.50. Hesperia 22 (1953) 148ff., esp. 151-52.51. IG IV 679 (Sylloge 1051).52. "Erhaltene griechischeStandbilder und ihreErwahnungen inder antiken Literatur," Gym

nasium 59 (1952) 115-25.53. Cleobis andBiton atDelphi (Herodotus 1.31).54. A Nike from Chios (Nat. Hist. 36.11) and the group of Laocoon (ibid. 36.37).



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50 CLASSICALNTIQUITY Volume 3 /No. I /April 1984the list55 or subtracted from it56-the ratio will remain more or less the same:Pausanias more than all other writers together has made such identificationspossible.

3. HISTORYMany important historical events are recorded in inscriptions as well as inPausanias. Their respective information often confirms, supplements, or illumi

nates each other. Itmay seem worthwhile to look first at two battles that changedthe condition of Greece, that at Leuctra in 371 and that at Actium in 31 B.C.

Although Pausanias ingeneral detests wars fought byGreeks againstGreeks(to the extent that he calls all the leading men of the time of the PeloponnesianWar "the assassins and almost the wreckers of Greece"),57 he praises the Thebanvictory over Sparta at Leuctra as the most noble victory of Greeks over Greeks,58and he admits the victor Epaminondas to his list of common benefactors of

Greece.59 The reason for this is that, in his opinion, the battle set Greece freefrom Spartan tyranny. It fits the importance that he attributes to this particularengagement that he speaks about the circumstances that brought it about in several other passages.60 In the first two, a certain Xenocrates plays an importantrole: he is the one who, after the Thebans received an ominous oracle from Zeusat Lebadea, went there, on the initiative of Epaminondas, to bring from theshrine the shield believed to be the shield of Aristomenes, the famous Messenianhero and archfoe of the Lacedaemonians. In the passage from book 9, Pausaniasinforms us that Xenocrates was in that year, like Epaminondas himself, one ofthe seven boeotarchs and one of the two who supported Epaminondas' resolveto accept the battle, which three others opposed; the deadlock was finally resolved when the seventh member of the board, Bacchylides, returned and joinedhis vote to those of Epaminondas, Xenocrates, andMalgis (orMalcites). Xenocrates is not mentioned in any other classical writer, and it is only from aninscription found in the vicinity of Thebes that we learn more about him: that he

was a citizen of Thebes and that he lost his life in the battle of Leuctra.6' Thetext comes from the tomb of three Theban leaders who fell at Leuctra: Xenocrates, Theopompus, and Mnasilaus. The third man seems to be unknown, butTheopompus, while yielding in importance to Xenocrates, was influential and

55. E.g. the new sculptures of Damophon from theAsclepieum inMessene, mentioned byPausanias 4.31.10 ff. See G. Despinis, Arch Anz. 81 (1966) 378-85, and chapter 2 of my forthcoming Sather Lectures.

56. E.g. the group of Cleobis and Biton: C. Vatin, BCH Suppl. 4 (1977) 13-22; BCH 106(1982) 509ff.; M. P. Faure, ibid. 651.57. 8.52.3.

58. 9.6.4.59. 8.52.4. This list is discussed in chapter 4 of the Sather Lectures.60. 4.26.3-4, 32.5-6; 9.13.4-10.61. IGVII 2462;Hiller vonGaertringen, Historische griechischeEpigramme 66.



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HABICHT:ausanias and theEvidence of Inscriptions 51is described by Plutarch as belonging to one of the "first houses."62 The threenameswere followed by a fine epigram inhonor of the three.

Twice in his book 8, which is dedicated to Arcadia, Pausanias says that thecity of Mantinea was the only town in all of Arcadia that was on Octavian'sside against Cleopatra and Antonius in the Actian War.63 At that time the city'sname was still Antigonea, the old name being officially restored only by theemperor Hadrian, that is to say, in Pausanias' youth.64 The reason he calls thetown by a name that was anachronistic for the time of the events recorded isnot that he did not know better (8.8.11-12 shows that he knew perfectly well),but that, in all likelihood, he was reluctant to call a Greek city by a name derivedfrom theMacedonian oppressors of Greece. However thatmay be, in the cityitself a monument still remained in his day that attested to the alliance withOctavian. Behind the theater Pausanias noticed the ruins of a temple and a cultimage. From the epigram inscribed on the base of the image he read the nameof the ladywho had dedicated it:Nicippe, daughter of Paseas. Probably fromthe same text, although he does not say so, comes the information that follows:that thiswas a templeof "Aphrodite surnamedAlliance," and that the people

of Mantinea built the shrine as a memorial of their alliance with the Romansin theActian War.65Nicippe, or, in theArcadian dialect, Nicippa, daughter ofPasias, occurs once more: as the recipient of a long decree found at Mantinea.She is undoubtedly the same person as the Nicippe who dedicated the image ofAphrodite Symmachis. The decree was issued by a religious association thatworshipped "theMaid," the o,5vo8o (c;ov Kopayiov.66 It is dated "in the year85," where the reference is explained as being to the Macedonian era of 148 B.C.or to the organization of the province Achaea in 146; the date would be either64/63 or 62/61 B.C.Other possibilities certainly exist, particularly in a decreeof a religious group, where the reference may be to an internal era. The text tellsus thatNicippe was of noble birth, pious, wealthy, and generous. Once morePausanias and theepigraphical evidence are in complete (and striking)harmony,precisely because Pausanias, while visitingMantinea, looked for proof that a

62. Plutarch Pelopidas 8; cf. Moral. 594D. He is missing in the RE, while K. Wickert, REXenokrates (1967) 1511, knows of Xenocrates only through Pausanias' testimony, but ignoresthe inscription (this is,however, quoted byH. Swoboda, REEpaminondas [1905]2682-83).63. 8.8.12,46.1.64. Pausanias 8.8.11-12, whose testimony is amply confirmed by inscriptions. Hadrian

granted favors to Mantinea because the city was believed to be the mother-city of Mantinea inBithynia, where Hadrian's favorite, Antinous, was born; 8.9.7-8. See the illuminating discussionof L. Robert, A travers l'Asie-Mineure (Paris 1980) 132-46, who even succeeds in locating theBithynianMantinea.

65. 8.9.6: k6;ivrlpa t; TOV;S EttrTa TS ; 6po0 'PCouacdotS ni 'AKTic vaulaXiaSq.66. IG V 2, 265. For this association and for the festival Kopdyta, "The Bringing of the

Maid" (from the Underworld), see Frazer's commentary on 8.9.2 and the comments of Hitzigand Blimmer on 8.9.6:; also M. P. Nilsson (supra n.48) 361n.4. The link between Pausaniasand the inscription,bothmentioning the sameNicippe, has long been recognized: seeGurlitt (supran.34) 227n.5.



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52 CLASSICALNTIQUITY Volume 3/No. 1/April 1984certain monument was in fact what he was told it was. In doing this he noticedthe epigram and cared to record it on the spot and to include its substance laterin his account. When he says that the epigram "made clear" that Nicippe haddedicated the image of the goddess, he uses the past tense (68iXo)), because in

writing this he was referring back to the time of his visit at Mantinea and to themoment he copied the inscription.At the beginning of his long and substantial description of Olympia, Pausanias summarizes the development of the contests from 776 to 200 B.C. andfrom a single race to 18 contests held at the later date.67 In fact, he enumeratesno fewer than 21 contests,68 and all of them with the date when they were firstintroduced. But threeof themwere short-lived and had disappeared by the endof the thirdcentury B.C.Virtually the same information isprovided by two other

writers, both later than Pausanias,69 and must have long been easily available.More important for the topic under discussion is the fact that an inscriptionfrom Athens, put up in the early third century B.C., contains in its survivingpart exactly the same information as that given by Pausanias:

Pausanias 5.8 B.C. IG II22326709 Olympiad 41, boxing for 616 2-4 Olympiad 41, boxing forboys, winner Philetas of boys, [winner]Philytasof Sybaris of Sybaris

10 Olympiad 65, racebetween 520 5-7 Olympiad 65, (racebearmedmen, winner between) armedmen,Damaretus of Heraea [winner]Demaretus ofHeraea.10 Olympiad 93, racebetween 408 8-9 Olympiad 93, (race

pairsof full-grownhorses, between) pairsof fullwinner Euagoras of Elis grown horses,winner[Euagorasof Elis]

10 Olympiad 99, race between 384 10-12 Olympiad 99, (racebechariots of foals, winner tween) chariots of foals,Sybariadesof Sparta winner Eurybiades [ofSparta]67. 5.8.6-11.68. Included in this figure is the long run, introduced 720 B.C. whose mention in 5.8.6 has

disappeared in a textual gap: L. Ziehen, RE Olympia (1937) 2529-30.69. Philostratus Gymnasticus 12-13 (II pp. 267-68 Kayser); Eusebius Chronicle I, pp. 202206 Schone. Eusebius' source was identified as Julius Africanus by J. Scaliger in 1606, whose viewhas become canonical. It has been recentlydisputed, with strong arguments, by A. A. Mosshammer,The Chronicle of Eusebius and Greek Chronographic Tradition (Lewisburg 1979) 138-46, 157ff.,who argues for Cassius Longinus as the author of the list, with Porphyry perhaps as mediator.See also T. D. Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius (Cambridge, Mass. 1981) 118-19.

70. There is now a good discussion of this inscription by J. Ebert, ArchP28 (1982) 1-14.



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HABICHT:ausanias and theEvidence of Inscriptions 53It is easy to see that the only difference that matters is in the name of the victor

of 384 B.C.: Eurybiades is a good Spartan name and must be right; Sybariadesis not a Greek name, but the result of a mechanical corruption by some copyist."7Pausanias' textcan be emended from line 12 of the inscription.72

I now turn to a few persons, for whom there is evidence both in Pausaniasand in inscriptions but little or nothing in any other classical writer.73 On hisway to Delphi, Pausanias came in the territory of the Phocian city Daulis tothe shrine of a "tutelary hero."74 "Some say that this hero is Xanthippus, afamous warrior;75 but others say that he is Phocus, son of Ornytion, son ofSisyphus. However, thatmay be, he isworshipped every day, and thePhociansbring victims."What matters here is the identityof Xanthippus. To judge fromthe context alone, he could well be-like Phocus, the eponym of the Phociansamythical figure. Scholars have wondered whether Xanthippus was amythicalor a historical person, as the following quotation shows: "beruihmterKrieger,Heros Archegetes and Inhaber eines Heroon inTronis imGebiet von Daulis mitstandigem Kult"76-as if Xanthippus were not otherwise known. He is noneother thanXanthippus, sonof Ampharetus, a Phocian, whom his fellow countrymen elected ten times to thegeneralshipof theirLeague. Itwas Xanthippus whodrove the garrison of King Cassander out of Elateia in 301 B.C. and who freedthe town a second time, ca. 285, with the help of King Lysimachus. No fewerthan four inscriptions in his praise are still extant at Delphi: two statues of him,77

both dedicated by the Phocians to Apollo, one of them signed by Lycus, son ofSatyrus, and two epigramswith important details about his exploits.78One ofthese epigrams says that he defended "the old land of the sons of Ornytion,"79and this may have given rise to the assumption that the hero worshipped in thevicinity of Daulis was not Xanthippus but Ornytion's son Phocus. His shrinewas referred to in the second century A.D., as both Pausanias and the inscriptionquoted in note 74 show, as "the heroon of the archegetes."

Among the athletes most admired by Pausanias was "a Lycian, Hermogenesof Xanthus, who in three Olympiads won the wild olive eight times and was

71. P. Poralla, "Prosopographie der Lakedaimonier bis auf die Zeit Alexanders des Grossen"(Diss. Breslau 1913) 58. The ethnic Euv3apctl;, occurring a few lines earlier in paragraph 10, willhave contributed to the distortion of Eivpupitdrl; into Xupaptidqn. The corresponding section ofPhilostratus (supra n.69) does not have this entry (nor the one for 408 B.C.) and is therefore ofno help.

72. Poralla has correctly seen this. The latest Teubner edition has overlooked the inscriptionand prints the name in its distorted form.

73. A number of others are discussed in chapter 3 of the Sather Lectures.74. 10.4.10: ipcoov fipo &pXyqy9rou. It is possible that the same ismentioned in the document

from Daulis, IG IX 1, 61, 48-49 666; ifl rit r6v dpXrlyeTrv, second century A.D.75. Edv0turov o6K d(pavfi ra 76; 6kpov.76. H. Schaefer, RE Xanthippos (1967) nr. 3, 1343.77. FD III 4, 219, 221.78. FD III4, 218, 220.79. FD III 4, 220, 10: rh Tacccak . .. ['Op]vuTt6&v 6M7r?a.



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54 CLASSICALNTIQUITY Volume 3/No. 1/April 1984surnamed Horse by the Greeks."80 From the nickname one would guess that

Hermogenes was a runner; in fact, the only other writer who mentions him,Eusebius, says in his Chronicle that he won the short race inOlympiads 215 and217, that is to say, in A.D. 81 and 89.8' Since it seems most unlikely that a professional runner would overcome all competitors for more than a decade, Her

mogenes will have earned all his eight Olympic victories between A.D. 81 and 89.Now, therewere three runningcontests held, and for A.D. 85Eusebius (who regularly names the winner in the short race, the stadion, only) has Apollophanesfrom Tarsus crowned in the short race. It therefore looks as if Hermogeneswon all three contests (short race, long distance, and race for armedmen) inboth 81 and 89, but was in 85 beaten in the short run, being victorious only inthe twoother contests.

It has just been announced that a stele was found in Hermogenes' hometownXanthus, which contains threedecrees in his honor, two from the LycianConfederacy and one from the city of Xanthus.82 His full name is given as T.FlaviusHermogenes, and besides theOlympic victories are recorded others at thePythian, Isthmian, and Nemean games, as well as at the Capitolia in Naples, tomention only themost prestigious festivals. Since theCapitolia were institutedby the emperor Domitian and celebrated first in A.D. 86 and for the second timein A.D. 90, it seems likely that Hermogenes was victorious there when the contests were held for the first time.

In the introduction to book 5, on Elis, Pausanias summarizes, as he customarily does, the history of the region.Arriving at the third century B.C., hesays that Aristotimus made himself tyrant of Elis with the support of King

Antigonus Gonatas of Macedon, but that he was slain six months later by agroup of conspirators, among whom were Chilon, Hellanicus, Lampis, andCylon. He adds that it was Cylon who slew the tyrant with his own hand. 3Thestory is told in much greater detail by Plutarch in his treatise "On the Virtueof Women," where the same protagonists are named, except that for Chilon acertain Thrasybulus is substituted.84 Plutarch also says that at the time of the

murder the Macedonian general Craterus, a brother of the king, was near thescene with his army, at Olympia, and that the tyrant was confident that Craterus'presence would cut short any unrest. It follows that the event must be dated tothe fifties at the latest, perhaps considerably earlier.85Pausanias mentions Cylona second time: at Olympia he saw his statue, dedicated by the Aetolian Con

80. 6.13.3.81. Eusebius Chronicle I, p. 216 Schone; cf. L. Moretti, Olympionikai (Rome 1957) no.805-807.82. M. Mellink, AJA 86(1982) 567.83. Pausanias 5.5.1.84. Moral. 250F-253E; see also Justinus26.1.8 (withoutmention of Cylon's name).85. Craterus must have been dead when his son Alexander revolted against King Antigonus,

sometime between 253 and 249 B.C. (Chr. Habicht, Untersuchungen zur politischen GeschichteAthens im 3. Jahrhundert v. Chr. [Munich 1979] 125), and may have been dead for some time.



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federacy in recognition of his deed, which meant independence of Elis fromMacedonia, the enemy of theAetolians.86 There is, moreover, an inscription

still extant that honors Cylon (or, rather, Cyllon). It is a decree of the city ofDelphi (which at that time was controlled by theAetolians), granting Cyllonproxeny and the other honors that at Delphi usually acompany proxeny (K.Latte, rpogiavTC?a, RE Suppl. 9 [1962] 1238). As is customary, no mention ismade of any individual merit of Cyllon. The decree is dated to the archonshipof Callicles.87

What has been said so far may be sufficient to warrant the conclusion thatlinksbetween Pausanias and the evidence of inscriptions can probably be foundinevery chapter of hiswork, thoughmore in some than inothers. The frequencyof such links is very high forAthens, for Delphi, and for several other places,

but unsurpassed in his chapters on Olympia in books 5 and 6. I shall concludeby giving a few figures. In chapters 1-18 of book 6, Pausanias gives the essentialsof some 200 statues of Olympic victors,88 that is to say name, father's name,father's name, patronymic, and contest, and very often also date of thevictoryand name of the sculptor who made the statue. The excavations at Olympia havebrought to lightmore than one hundred of such texts or fragments thereof.89In at least thirty-two cases both the original and Pausanias' description surviveand can be compared. Moreover, apart from the texts of victor-dedications, thereare at least thirty other inscriptions from Olympia where the same comparisonbetween the original and the periegete can be made, whether Pausanias quotesword forword or summarizes the contents of an inscription.Notwithstandingan occasional error,90 Pausanias' accuracy is as remarkable as is his economicalstyle of reporting: he manages to compress a maximum of information into a

minimum of words. And all indications show that he read and copied the textshimself and that, later on, inwriting his text, chose which to include and whatto report from their contents.9' There can be no question that he was even

86. Pausanias 6.14.11.87. FE III 3, 191 (Sylloge 423), fromwhich the authentic form of the name, Cyllon (KU6Xov)

emerges, which is slightly deformed in the author's manuscripts. Callicles can be the first or thesecond archon of that name (see G. Daux, Chronologie delphique [Paris 1943] G 26). His date fluctuates between 269 and 248 B.C.

88. Actually 203: H.-V. Herrmann, Olympia. Heiligtum und Wettkampfstdtte (Munich 1972)224n.438.89. IOlympia 142-243, to which a number of inscriptions found in laterexcavations must beadded, for instance2. Olympiabericht, 129;5. Olympiabericht, 153.90. In 6.15.7, Pausanias describes two bases dedicated by the city of Byzantium in honor ofKing Demetrius Poliorcetes and his son Antigonus Gonatas, whereas the originals (IOlympia 304305)were in fact in honor of Antigonus I and his son Demetrius Poliorcetes. This, however, doesnot result alone from the text of the two bases described by Pausanias, but only if the decree ofthe city for the two kings (IOlympia 45) is also taken into account.

91. I do not understand how scholars can still think it possible that for Olympia Pausaniaswas using an epigraphic repertoryprepared by others (C.Gallavotti, "Bollettino del comitato perla preparazione dell' edizione nazionale dei classici greci e latini," AccLinc n.s. 26 [197813).



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56 CLASSICALNTIQUITY Volume 3/No. 1/April 1984

somethingof an "inscription-hunter."92The reason for this is, no doubt, that hemust have sensed how very trustworthywas the epigraphical evidence in comparison with some of the literary and most of the oral information available tohim.

Institute forAdvanced Study, Princeton92. It is odd to read in a fairly recent book: "Pausanias seldom bothered to record inscrip

tions" (B. Forte, Rome and the Romans as the Greeks Saw Them [Rome 1972] 423-24). It isequally odd to find even more recently the following statement: "lo specifico interesse epigraficoche dimostra ad Olimpia, gli e del tutto estraneo nelle altre regione da lui visitate e descritte. In tuttaAtene, senon erro, allude solo ad un paio di iscrizioni" (Gallavotti [supran.91]).

pausanias and the evidence of inscriptions

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