pass - misc 2 - the social dimension of globalisation - 94 pag

8/12/2019 PASS - Misc 2 - The Social Dimension of Globalisation - 94 Pag

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THE SOCIA

DIMENSIO

OF GLOBA

SABOURIN

GOULET

BJORKMAN

RESTREPO

ZAMAGNI

MARTIN

As the third millennium begins, this small book is

offered as a contribution to our understanding of

what globalisation really is and what it really

means. It presents the proceedings of a work-

shop held by the Pontifical Academy of Social

Sciences on the social dimensions of globalisa-

tion in 2000. Perhaps this is the first time that a

number of eminent scholars and authorities havesought to address themselves to the subject of

globalisation by concentrating on the social

dimensions of this increasingly discussed pheno-

menon. A variety of perspectives and solutions

are offered because the authors of these essays

represent different geographical regions and the

different disciplines of the social sciences (a pro-

minent characteristic of the Pontifical Academy

of Social Sciences). This work will be of interest to

all those who are concerned with the many

human ramifications of a process which both

arouses strong hostility and receives sustainedsupport. It is also intended as a preliminary

approach to a subject which will be examined in

greater detail by the Pontifical Academy of Social

Sciences over the next few years.

TheSocia

lDimensionsofGloba

lisation

2

ISBN 88-86726-06-6

30.000 Lit 15

SABOURIN GOULE

RESTREPO ZAMAGSABOURINGOU

LETBJORKMAN

RESTREPOZAMAGNIMARTIN


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THE SOCIAL DIMENSIONSOF GLOBALISATION


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Address:PONTIFICAL ACADEMY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES

CASINA PIO IV, 00120 VATICAN CITY


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PONTIFICIAE ACADEMIAE SCIENTIARUM SOCIALIUM

MISCELLANEA2

Proceedings of the Workshop on:

THE SOCIAL DIMENSIONSOF GLOBALISATION

(21-22 February 2000)

EX AEDIBUS ACADEMICIS IN CIVITATE VATICANA

MM


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The opinions expressed with absolute freedom during the presentation ofthe papers and in the subsequent discussions by the participants in theworkshop, although published by the Academy, represent only the points ofview of the participants and not those of the Academy.

Proceedings edited by

LOUIS SABOURIN

PONTIFICIA ACADEMIA SCIENTIARUM SOCIALIUMVATICAN CITY

ISBN 88-86726-06-6

Copyright 2000 Pontifical Academy of Social SciencesAll rights relating to this publication are the exclusiveproperty of the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences


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CONTENTS

Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Programme of the Workshop on the Social Dimensions ofGlobalisation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

List of Participants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

LOUIS SABOURIN: Dimensions et Porte de la Mondiali sation et de laGlobalisati on . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

DENIS GOULET: The Evolving Nature of Development i n the Light ofGlobalizati on . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

HAKAN BJORKMAN: The Message of the 1999 Human DevelopmentReport Globalisati on wi th a Human Face . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

SERGIO BERNAL RESTREPO: The Social and Cult ural Dimensions ofGlobalisati on . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

STEFA NO ZAMAGNI : Gl obal i sat i on and Local Part icu lar i t i es.Globali sation Processes and Transnational Ci vi l Society between

Universal ity and Part iculari sm: . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

DIARMUID MARTIN:Global isation in the Social Teaching of the Church

7

9

11

15

26

47

56

72

82


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FOREWORD

This volume presents the proceedings of a workshop held by thePontifical Academy of Social Sciences on the social dimensions of globali-sation in 2000. I would like to thank first of all the Holy Father J ohnPaul II who founded the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences in 1994 andhas continued to give it his full support, not least through the provision ofour building, the Casina Pio IV, and other resources. In addition, all of us atthe Academy would to thank the Foundation for the Promotion of the

Social Science, and in particular its President, Herbert Batliner, and itsCouncil Members, for the funds made available to us to carry on our work.Special thanks are also due to the President of the Pontifical Academy ofSocial Sciences, Prof. Edmond Malinvaud, for having followed the prepara-tions for the meeting of the workshop, whose proceedings are publishedhere with that espri t de finesse which is characteristic of the French tradi-tion. I would also like to acknowledge the vital help of the organiser of themeeting and the editor of this publication, Prof. Louis Sabourin. Lastly, anexpression of gratitude to Dr. Matthew Fforde, who revised the whole textfor publication.

The importance and topical relevance of this volume clearly emerge

from its title. Perhaps this is the first time that a number of eminent scho-lars and authorities have sought to address themselves to the subject of glo-balisation by concentrating on the social dimensions of this increasinglydiscussed phenomenon. A variety of perspectives and solutions are offeredbecause the authors of these essays represent different geographical regionsof the world and different disciplines belonging to the social sciences (aprominent characteristic of the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences). Thiswork will be of interest to all those who are concerned with the manyhuman ramifications of a process which is seen by some commentators asbeing highly positive but by others as a development which is full of dan-gers. As the third millennium begins, this small book is offered as a contri-

bution to our understanding of what globalisation really is and what it reallymeans. lt is also intended to serve as a preliminary approach to a subjectwhich will be examined in greater detail by the Pontifical Academy ofSocial Sciences over the next few years.

Marcelo Snchez Sorondo,Chancellor of the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences


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PROGRAMME OF THE WORKSHOP ON THESOCIAL DIMENSIONS OF GLOBALISATION

Monday, 21 February

9.00: Word of Welcome: The President of the Academy and the Chairmanof the Committee on Developing Countries

9.15: First Session: Chair: Prof. J.G. Zubrzycki, member of the Academy

The Meaning of Globalisati onProf. L. Sabourin, member of the Academy

Comments by Prof. P. Morand Court, member of the Academy

Discussion: 11.0011.00: Break

11.15:The Evolving Nature of Development in the Light of Globali sati onProf. Denis Goulet, ONeil Chair, University of Notre-Dame

Comments by: Prof. J .A. Ziolkowski, member of the Academy

Discussion

13.00: Lunch

15.00: Second Session: Chair: Judge N. McNally, member of the Academy

Human Development and G lobal isati on: Challenges and I ndicatorsMr. Hakan M. Bjorkman, UNDP, co-author of the Human DevelopmentReport


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9THE SOCIAL DIMENSIONS OF GLOBALI SATION

Comments by Prof. M.M. Ramirez, member of the Academy

Discussion

16.45: Break

17.00:Social, Poli ti cal and Cultural Dimensions of Globalisati onProf. Sergio Bernal Restrepo S.J., Pontifical Gregorian University

Comments by Prof. W.V. Villacorta, member of the Academy

18.30: Holy Mass

19.30: Dinner

Tuesday, 22 February

9.00: Third Session: Chair: Prof. Bony, member of the Academy

The Economic Aspects of Global isation

Prof. Stefano Zamagni, University of Bologna

Comments by Prof. H. Tietmeyer, member of the Academy, and Prof. D.Goulet

11.00: Break

11.30:The Social Doctri ne of the Church and G lobalisati onMsgr. Diarmuid Martin, Secretary of the Pontifical Council of Justice andPeace

Comments and discussion

13.00: Lunch

15.00: Fourth Session: Chair: Prof. Sabourin

Globalisati on: H uman Perspecti ves


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The purpose of the round-table is:

1. To raise other related issues and

2. To make suggestions about the organisation of the next general assemblyof the Academy in 2001.

17.00: Break17.30: Holy Mass19.30: Dinner

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LIST OF PARTICIPANTS

Professor Edmond MALINVAUD (President of the Pontifical Academy ofSocial Sciences)Centre de Recherche en Economie et Statistique15, boulevard Gabriel Pri

F-92245 Malakoff Cedex (France)Tel : 0033 1 41176030 Fax : 0033 1 41176046E-mail: Hyperlink mailto:[email protected]; [email protected]

Msgr.Marcelo SNCHEZ SORONDO (Chancellor of the PontificalAcademy of Social Sciences)Casina Pio IV00120 Vatican City

Tel: 0039 0669881441 Fax: 0039 0669885218E-mail: Hyperlink mailto:[email protected];[email protected]

Professor Louis SABOURIN (Chairman of the Committee and PontificalAcademician)Universit du Quebec (Gerfi) Ecole Nationale dAdministration Publique4750 rue Henri-JulienMontral, Qubec H2T 3E5 (Canada)

Tel : 001 514 8493989 fax : 001 514 8493369E-mail: Hyperlink mailto:[email protected];[email protected]

Professor Belisario BETANCUR (Pontifical Academician)Fundacion Santillana Para IberoAmricaCalle 80, N9 75, Apartado Aereo 3974Bogot (Colombia)

Tel: 0057 1 2573300 2571039 - Fax: 0057 1 2366324E-mail: Hyperlink mailto:[email protected];[email protected]


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Professor Joachim BONY (Pontifical Academician)Conseil dAdministration de la Radiodiffusion Tlvision Ivoirienne (RTI)20 BP 1638Abidjan 20 (Cote dIvoire)

Tel : 00225 213701 Fax : 00225 213702

Hon. Justice Nicholas John McNALLY (Pontifical Academician)Supreme Court of Zimbabwe

Third Street/Union Ave.Harare (Zimbabwe)

Tel: 00263 4 721501 Fax: 00263 4 731867E-mail: Hyperlink mailto:[email protected];[email protected]

H.E.R. Msgr. Diarmuid MARTIN (Secretary of the Pontifical Council forJustice and Peace)Palazzo San Calisto 00120 Vatican City

Tel: 0039 0669887191 Fax: 0039 0669887205E-mail: Hyperlink mailto:[email protected];[email protected]

Professor Pedro MORAND COURT (Pontifical Academician)Decano de la Facultad de Ciencias SocialesPontificia Universidad Catlica de ChileAv. Vicuna Mackenna 4860 Casilla 306, Correo 22Santiago (Chile)

Tel/Fax: 0056 2 5525700

Professor Mina Magpantay RAMIREZ (Pontifical Academician)Asian Social InstituteGraduate School of Social Transformative Praxis1518 Leon Guinto, Malate

Manila 1004 (Philippines)Tel: 0063 2 5233483 Fax: 0063 2 5266155E-mail: Hyperlink mailto:[email protected];[email protected]

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Professor Hans TIETMEYER (Pontifical Academician)Deutsche BundesbankWilhelm-Epstein-Strasse 14-16D-60431 Frankfurt Am Main (Federal Republic of Germany)

Tel: 0049 69 95662125 fax: 0049 69 5604242

Professor Janusz ZIOLKOWSKI (Pontifical Academician)Ul. Skarbka 23PL-60-348 Poznan (Poland)

Tel: 0048 61 8673143 Fax: 0048 61 8475383

Professor Jerzy G. ZUBRZYCKI (Pontifical Academician)68 Schlich Street

Yarralumla ACT2600 Canberra (Australia)

Tel: 0061 2 6281136 Fax: 0061 2 62823556

Professor Paulus ZULU (Pontifical Academician)University of NatalCentre for Social and Development StudiesKing George V Avenue

4041 Durban , Natal (South Africa)Tel: 0027 31 2602344 Fax: 0027 31 2601189E-mail: Hyperlink mailto:[email protected];[email protected]: Hyperlink mailto:[email protected];[email protected]

INVITED PROFESSORS

Professor M. Hakan BJORKMANUNDP OfficeMidtermolinCopenaghen (Denmark)

Tel.: 0045 35467158 - Fax 0045 35467095E-mail: Hyperlink mailto:[email protected];[email protected]


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Professor Denis GOULETONeill Chair of Education for JusticeHesburg Centre, University of Notre DameNotre Dame, Indiana 46556-5677 (U.S.A.)

Tel: 001 219 631 5250 Fax: 001 219 631 6973E-mail: Hyperlink mailto:[email protected];[email protected]

Professor Sergio BERNAL RESTREPO, S.J.Pontifico Collegio Pio Latino Americano

Via Aurelia Antica, 40800165 RomaFax: 0039 06666931/06 67015206E-mail: Hyperlink mailto:[email protected];[email protected]

Professor Stefano ZAMAGNIUniversit degli Studi di BolognaDipartimento di Scienze EconomichePiazza Scaravilli, 240126 Bologna

Tel.:+39 051 258665 Fax +39 051 258040E-mail: Hyperlink mailto:[email protected];[email protected]

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LES DIMENSIONS SOCIALES DE LA GLOBALISATION

LOUIS SABOURIN

Cette note introductive a deux objectifs principaux. Dabord, prciser

les paramtres et la porte de la mondialisation et de la globalisation dans lebut damorcer les travaux de latelier sur les dimensions sociales de la globa-lisation. En second lieu, faire des recommandations concrtes, devantmener au terme de latelier, au choix de thmes qui seront retenus par leComit sur les rapports avec les pays en voie de dveloppement et soumisau Conseil pour tablir le programme de la prochaine Assemble gnralede lAcadmie, en avril 2001.

MONDIALISATION

Bien que le phnomne de la mondialisation tire ses origines de lpoquede la Renaissance, son impact direct sur les citoyens est beaucoup plusrcent. Effectivement, ses sources concident avec lapparition de ltatmoderne et lexpansion de la socit internationale. Grce aux progrsscientifiques de la Renaissance, lEurope des tats naissants dcouvre lancessit daller au-del des frontires nationales. Les explorateurs ayantrvl les possibilits immenses de la plante, les savants ayant affirm laprcision des lois qui rgissent lunivers, la navigation maritime ayant connudes progrs, les conqutes coloniales pouvaient alors bouleverser la go-graphie du monde.

Les ambitions politiques, conomiques et culturelles, de mme que lesprogrs scientifiques servirent jeter les bases de la mondialisation, toutcomme les doctrines religieuses et idologiques portant sur l uni tdu genrehumain. Lglise catholiquechercha ainsi confirmer son caractreuniversel, tout comme le souhaitrent plus tard dautres religions. De leurct, les fondateurs du droit international, notamment Suarez et Vitoria,mirent de lavant la notion dune communautinternationaleet traitrent de


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limportance de la l ibertdu commerce internationalainsi que de la ncessitde rglementer les relations entre les sujets dujus gent ium.

Progressivement, les rapports internationaux se dvelopprent avec lamonte de nouveaux tats, en particulier au lendemain des traits deWestphalie de 1648, lesquels marqurent la reconnaissance de la souverai-netdes tats. Celle-ci dbouchera sur les rivalits et la concurrence entreces tats non seulement dans le cadre europen, mais aussi au-del desmers, marquant ainsi les dbuts du colonialisme moderne dans lesAmriques, en Afrique et en Asie.

La transformation des structures sociales et conomiques, dcoulant de

lindustrialisation, des mouvements migratoires, de la multiplication deschanges commerciaux, des vastes progrs technologiques, notamment deltablissement des chemins de fer et de la modernisation des transportsmaritimes, furent dautres lments qui favorisrent la monte de la mon-dialisation.

En 1848, dans le Manifeste du Parti communiste, Karl Marx etFrederich Engels ncrivent-ils pas:

La grande industr ie a crle marchmondial les vieil les industr iesnationales sont supplantes par de nouvelles industries qui nemploientplus de mat ire indi gne, mais des matires premires venues des rgionsles plus lointaines, et dont les produi ts se consomment non seulement

dans le pays mme, mais dans toutes les part ies du globe. la place desanciens besoins, satisfai ts par les produits nationaux, naissent des besoinsnouveaux rclamant pour leur sati sfaction, les produits des cont res et descl imats les plus lointains. la place de lancien i solement des provinces etdes nations se suffisant elles-mmes, se dveloppent des relations uni-versell es, une interdpendance universell e des nations.

Ds cette poque, la mondialisation conomique tait un processusavanc; seules les grandes guerres mondiales, la monte des protectionni-smes conomiques et la Crise de 1929 allaient en retarder la pousse.

Sur le plan technique, les tats commencrent tablir, au milieu du 19e

sicle, des insti tut ions intertatiquespour grer certains de leurs changes

dans des domaines aussi divers que la tlgraphie, les transports fluviaux, lasant, lagriculture. Certaines de ces entits allaient devenir plus tard desinstitutions spcialises de lONU.

La cration de la Socit des Nations, en 1919, puis du systme delONU et de la signature des accords de Bretton Woods, tablissant leFonds montaire international et la Banque mondiale la fin de la Secondeguerre mondiale, devaient consacrer lessor dorganismes dont ladhsion

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tait ouverte en principe tous les tats de la plante. Si ces institutions, demme que le GATT, ont caractris et favoris la monte de la mondialisa-tion, dautres forces et phnomnes lont davantage mise en lumire, com-mencer par la contracti on du tempset de l espaceet l largi ssement du mondeet de lunivers. La conqute de lespace et la mise en place de satellites per-mirent aux populations dtre lcoute et de voir en direct ce qui se passaitailleurs dans le monde. On assista alors la monte dune opinion publiquemondiale, laquelle on se rfre de plus en plus, notamment lors de crises,de conflits, de grands vnements sportifs comme les Olympiques ou dautres occasions heureuses ou malheureuses.

La mondialisation contemporaine, dont linternetest devenu une dimen-sion marquante, sexprime donc par un ensemble de phnomnes dcritsdans le tableau que lon trouvera en annexe. Mais, dune faon particulire,

je mentionnerai ici dix lments saillants qui caractrisent la mondialisation:

1. lexplosion de la communication, du savoir, de la science et de linfor-mation, qui a suivi les progrs dans les moyens de transport;

2. linternationalisation des marchs financiers acclre par les nouvellestechnologies, en particulier par linformatique;

3. lessor fulgurant des firmes multinationales, des entreprises-rseau etdes managers aux visions et ambitions plantaires;

4. le dveloppement exponentiel du commerce mondial et des investisse-ments ltranger;

5. laccroissement gnralis des interdpendances entre les conomiesnationales favorisant les intgrations rgionales et la constitution dunvaste march unique et autorgulateur;

6. la monte de cultures trans-frontalires, propages surtout par la tlvision;7. la multiplication dorganismes et de programmes caractre universel;8. le pril atomique plantaire et linternationalisation progressive des con-

flits locaux et rgionaux ainsi que la recherche de solutions, en particu-lier par les oprations de lONU pour le maintien de la paix et par lamise en place daides humanitaires et de programmes largis de coop-

ration internationale;9. les proccupations globales en matire cologique ainsi quau chapitredes droits humains, du dveloppement et de la dmocratie partout dansle monde.

10. Les fusions dentits de plus en plus vastes aux ramifications plantairesdans presque tous les domaines, des matires premires aux technolo-gies de pointe en passant par lindustrie automobile et les services.



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Si la mondialisation a dabord eu pour origine les progrs dans les tran-sports, elle tient davantage aujourdhui des technologiesdans les domainesde linformatiqueet des tlcommunicat ionsqui crent la nouvelle conomie.Sa croissance a t accentue par la l ibral isation des flux de capi tauxet demarchandises, intervenue ds le dbut des annes 60, ainsi que par laban-don de ltalon or, en 1971, qui ont ouvert pratiquement tous les secteursindustriels la comptition internationale. Les crises du ptrole de 1973 et1979, suivies de celle de lendettement au dbut des annes 80, ont mis enlumire la place grandissante des entreprises multinationales et des institu-tions financires. Par le biais des multinationales, les acteurs conomiques

ont pu alors considrablement renforcer leur puissance sur le plan mondial.Une multiplication rapide des changes de biens et de services sen est sui-vie. La libralisation des marchs, la privatisation de pans entiers de lco-nomie eurent pour but de drglementer le fonctionnement de lconomieet dintgrer les conomies nationales dans lconomie mondiale. Lchec desngociat i ons gl obalesentre les tats du Nord et du Sud, lors de laConfrence de Cancun de 1981, acclra ce processus et mit en sourdine lesrclamations formules en 1974 par les pays du Tiers monde en vue de l-tablissement dun Nouvel Ordre conomique international.

De nombreuses mutations politiques, en particulier leffondrement dumur de Berlin, limplosion de lex-URSS, la fin du conflit Est-Ouest ont

incit de nombreux tats sintgrer au march international et ainsi con-tribu ltablissement dune nouvell e configuration polit ique mondiale. Or,ni le Conseil de scurit de lONU, ni le G-7, devenu le G-8 la suite deladhsion partielle de la Fdration de Russie, nont russi assurer ladirection de ce que daucuns appellent le nouveau dsordre internati onal .

Face lincapacit de mettre en place un vritable gouvernement mon-dialdot des pouvoirs lgislatif, excutif et judiciaire ou mme tablir unNouvel Ordre poli ti que in ternati onal projet formul par le PrsidentGeorge Bush, au lendemain de la Guerre du Golfe, en 1991 plusieurs ontcru en vainquil serait possible de rformer le Systme onusien notam-ment loccasion de son 50e anniversaire et les accords de Bretton Woods,

rgissant le FMI et la Banque mondiale.Mais, ce ne sont pas uniquement lconomie et la technologie qui ampli-

fient et caractrisent la mondialisation. En fait, presque tous les aspects de lavie, depuis lagriculture jusqu la culture, de la musique llectronique, ontt affects par la mondialisation croissante et ont contribu en mme temps son extension. Pour daucuns, la mondialisation est identifie une certaineculture internationale lie de nouvelles faons de se vtir, de consommer, de

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se divertir. Les modes et les styles promus par Coca Cola, McDonalds,Disney, Pokemon, nen sont que quelques exemples ct de ceux rpanduspar desstarsdu monde dusportet de lachanson, du cinma, de la tlvisionetde lapublicitqui transcendent maintenant les frontires gographiques et lin-guistiques.

La mondialisation exerce dj une influence profonde sur les faons depenser et de se comporter, bien que des pans entiers de population y sou-scrivent peu ou nen profitent pas. Ainsi, prs dun tiers de la populationmondiale na pas encore accs au tlphone. Mais, de plus en plus, cesmmes populations sont directement ou indirectement affectes par le tou-

risme, les forces du march, les dlocalisations, les fluctuations des prix, lesinvestissements et les d-investissements et, videmment, par les mdias.Si plusieurs personnes saccommodent assez bien de la mondialisation et

y peroivent un tri omphe de la modernit, dautres voient dans ses mfai tsdes raisons de sinquiteret de sindigner contre un mouvement qui, au nomde la comptitivit, engendre non seulement de nouveaux types de pauvretet dexclusion, mais entrane surtout un recul de ltat, des droits des tra-vailleurs, des abus contre lenvironnement, une remise en cause du filetsocial et un dmantlement des ressources et des patrimoines communs.

Plusieurs ont limpression que le monde de demain est fait dincertitudeset que toutes les cert itudes daujourdhuirisquent dtre remises en question

par une course dbride vers un matrialisme croissantdes modes de vie etpar un savoirqui transforment leurs traditions et leurs convictions. Cestcomme sil ny avait plus de zone tampon entre eux et une mondialisationqui les dpasse. Lhomme deviendrait, dans cette perspective, domin parce quil a lui-mme cr; il ne pourrait plus arrter une machine quil a con-struite lui-mme.

La mondialisation est un phnomne et un processus par lesquels plu-sieurs forceset dynamiquesstalent gographiquement dans le monde. Lestats et les organismes intertatiques sont coincs et de plus en plusinfluencs par deux types dacteurs: Dun ct, par les firmes multinationa-les, les mdias et les dtenteurs de nouvelles technologies de communica-

tion qui alimentent et soutiennent le processus de la globalisation. Dunautre ct, par des associations, glises, intellectuels, syndicats, artistes, co-logistes, agriculteurs, ONG et autres entits diverses qui dnoncent les abusde la globalisation. Ces mouvements se structurent et agissent de plus enplus eux-mmes sur une base mondiale pour crer et reprsenter ce quilappellent la nouvelle socitcivile internati onale seule capable de favoriserltablissement dune dmocratie mondiale. I ls sont inquiets et insatisfaits



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devant ce quils appellent linaptitude des tats dmocratiques faire faceaux problmes internationaux. I ls dnoncent principalement les forces quiveulent tablir un one world market domin par des firmes multinatio-nales qui tablissent, selon eux, avec laccord des tats et de plusieurs orga-nismes internationaux, un no-colonialisme corporati f. I ls accusent enfin lesgrands organismes internationaux dtre devenus des monstres bureaucrati-ques peu transparents et peu reprsentatifs.

GLOBALISATION

Souvent confondue la mondialisation, la globalisationest plutt unemondiali sation en voie daccompli ssement. Elle est le stade le plus avancdela mondiali sati oncar elle suppose que les diffrentes forces et dynamiquessappliquent demble lensemble de la plante, ce qui est videmmentrserv certains domaines, mais est en voie dexpansion rapide.

Lexpression globalization a t forge en 1983, par lconomisteamricain Theodore Levitt , et popularise, quelques annes plus tard, par leconsultant japonais Kenechi Ohmaedans ses travaux sur la stratgie plan-taire des firmes multinationales. La globalisation a connu depuis une pro-gression foudroyante, en particulier dans les domaines conomique et finan-

cier, scientifique, technologique et culturel.En effet, la globalisation ressemblerait, selon daucuns, une boule defeu qui se dplace rapidement et sur laquelle on semblerait avoir peu decontrle. Mme les tats sont dpasss par le phnomne. La redistributiondes cartes semble devenue permanente. En consquence, on a limpressiondvoluer vers un vi l lage globalo les mouvements ascendants et descen-dants sont extrmement rapides et o on na pas dautres choix que desajusteret sadapterde manire continue. Lajustement structurelest devenule concept et linstrument la mode pour acclrer la d-tat isat ion et la pri -vatisation. Cette socit ouverte et globale, base sur l image instantane,sur le rendement et l efficacitimmdiate, voudrait que tout ce qui ne passe

pas par lemarchsoit limin ou marginalis.Ainsi, les marchs financiers non cont rlsrejettent tout ce qui est

susceptible de les perturber et de les brouiller, do leur volont de rcla-mer toujours une intervention plus rduite de la part de ltat. La cons-quence est que dans beaucoup de pays, ltat, dj sur-endett, recule.Ltat-providence fait marche arrire et, lindividu, dans beaucoup dedomaines, est pri de prendre ses propres responsabilits. Nombreux sont

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ceux qui acceptent le dfi, mais un nombre croissant de gens ny arriventpas. Ceci pose de nouveaux problmes sociaux, aussi bien dans les pays du

Tiers monde que dans les tats industrialiss. Ceci pousse plusieurs obser-vateurs sinterroger sur les aspects thiques de la mondialisation.

La contre-attaque aux plans national et international commence sarti-culer, comme on la vu lors du retrait du projet de l Accord multi nati onal surles invest i ssement s (AMI ), en 1998, et loccasion des confrences delOrganisation mondiale du Commerce (OMC) de Seattle, au dbut dedcembre 1999, de Davos et de la CNUCED, Bangkok, tout rcemment.Il est utile de signaler qu la veille de la confrence de lOMC, le Conseil

Pontifical Justice et Paix, a publi un document de rflexion intitulTrade, Development and the Fight Against PovertyEn prsence de ces rassemblements hautement mdiatiss o saffirment

et saffrontent des intrtset des valeurscontradictoires, les appels en vuedune gestion alternative de la mondialisation, se font entendre dans plu-sieurs endroits, notamment sous limpulsion dONG.

De telles contestations, qui risquent de dstabiliser certaines institutionsinternationales, deviendront de plus en plus courantes, sous limpulsion degroupes de mieux en mieux structurs et informs grce Internetet dau-tres moyens de concertation. La mondialisation et la globalisation entrentdonc dans une priode de turbulence dont on ne peut prvoir avec prci-

sion les consquences au cours des prochaines annes. Mais, une chose estcertaine, la mondialisation est un phnomne incontournable quil fautapprendre mieux grer et de faon quitable.

CONCLUSION: PROPOSITIONS

Ainsi que je viens de le souligner, et comme nos travaux le montreront,la mondialisation et la globalisation soulvent de nombreux dfis qui doi-vent tre ncessairement relevs, commencer par la qute de la paix, dudveloppement durable, de la rduction de la pauvret et des ingalits, de

mme que de la dmocratie et des droits humains.Or, comme de tels dfis, ainsi que les dimensions financires et technolo-

giques de la mondialisation, font rgulirement lobjet danalyses et dediscussions dans de nombreux forums nationaux et internationaux, nousavons souhait, de notre ct, examiner les aspects humains et sociaux de laglobalisation dans le but prcis de faire des propositions concrtes relativesaux thmes qui devraient tre retenus pour les dlibrations de 2001.



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Compte tenu de la spcificit de lAcadmie et des proccupationsactuelles de lglise, je me permettrai, en terminant, de soumettre votrerflexion trois propositions, pour la prochaine assemble, savoir:

1. Les aspects thiques de la globalisation, dans la perspective de laDoctrine Sociale de lglise;

2. La mondialisation, telle quelle est perue et vcue par les pays en dve-loppement;

3. Le type dautorit internationale indispensable pour faire face la crois-sance de la globalisation.

22 MISCELLANEA - 2


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LMENTS BIBLIOGRAPHIQUES

BADIE, Bertrand,Un monde sans souverainet, Paris, Fayard, 1999.BEAUD, Michel, Le basculement du monde: de la terre, des hommes et du capit alisme, Paris, La

Dcouverte, 1997.BHALLA, S. H. (dir) Mondiali sation, croissance, marginalisation, Ottawa, CRDI, 1998.DOLFUS, Olivier, La mondiali sation, Paris, Presses de la Fondation nationale de Sciences

politiques, 1997.GROUPE DE LISBONNE, Limi tes la comptitivi t, Vers un nouveau cont rat mondial, Montral,

Boral, 1995.HELD, David,Democracy and the Gl obal Order, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1995.LAIDI, Zaki, LOrdre mondi al relch. Sens et pui ssance de la Guerre Froide, Paris, Presses de

la Fondation Nationale de Sciences Politiques, 1993.

LEVITT, Theodore, Imagination au servi ce du marketing, Paris, Economica, 1985.MENY , Yves, La Mondialisation ne se fera pas sur le modle des dmocraties nationales,

Le Monde, 14 dcembre 1999, Paris, p. 16.MINC, Alain, La Mondiali sation heureuse,Paris, PUF, 1997. Mondialisation et gouvernance mondiale, Problmes conomiques, Paris. La documenta-

tion franaise, No 2.611 2.612, avril 1999.MOREAU DEFARGE, Philippe, La M ondiali sati on, Paris, PUF, 1997.OHMAE, Kenechi, En t repri se sans fr ont ire: nouveaux imprati fs str atgiques, Paris,

Interditions, 1991.PAPINI, Roberto, PAVAN, Antonio, ZAMAGNI, Stfano, Livi ng in t he Gl obal Society, Aldershot,

Ashgate, 1997.PAULET, Jean-Pierre,La M ondiali sation, Paris, Armand Colin, 1998.PONTIFICAL COUNCIL FORJUSTICE AND PEACE, Trade Development and the Fight Against

Poverty, Vatican City, 1999.SABOURIN, Louis, La mondialisation en qute de gouvernance dmocratique dans

Democracy, Some Acute Questions, Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences, Vatican, 1999,pp. 371-405.

SABOURIN, Louis, Ltude des relations internationales et lmergence dune nouvelle inh-rence mondiale, Montral, ENAP, Les Cahiers du GERFI, No1, 1994.



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MISCELLANEA - 224

PHASES

PHASE 1:INTERNATIONALISATION(jusqu la fin des annes 60:conomie internationale)

PHASE 2:MONDIALISATION(1960-milieu de la dcennie 80:conomie mondiale)

PHASE 3:GLOBALISATION(milieu de la dcennie 80 nos

jours: conomie globale)

PHASE 4:UNIVERSALISME(vers un nouveau millnaire*:conomie universelle)

VOLUTION DU SYSTME ET RLE DE LTAT-NATION

- Souverainet des tats-nations- Barrires idologiques, confrontation Est-Ouest- Mise en place du GATT- Hgmonie conomique, technologique et politique des Etats-Unis- Dominance des flux commerciaux entre pays- Production et consommation domestiques de services- Recherche de lavantage comparatif des pays- Dbut du processus dintgration rgionale en Europe

- Libralisation des flux commerciaux, sous limpulsion du GATT- Intensification des flux de capitaux, de technologie et de services- mergence des NPI- Changement dans la DIT: concept de la NDIT- Prolifration daccords sectoriaux de commerce- Effondrement du systme de changes fixes- Crise de lendettement- laboration de codes de conduite pour les firmes multinationales

(OCDE et Nations unies)- Approfondissement et largissement du processus dintgration en Europe

- Chute du mur de Berlin et fin de la guerre froide- Capitalisme mondial- Technoglobalisme

- Convergence des modles de consommation- Intensification de lintgration rgionale- mergence de la Triade et miracle asiatique- Nombreux accords bilatraux de commerce entre les pays- Intgration des marchs financiers nationaux- Accroissement sans prcdent des flux dinvestissements- Politique stratgique des tats- Recherche de lavantage comptitif- Tensions profondes au sein du GATT, cration de lOMC- Acuit des problmes de dveloppement et denvironnement

(dfis relever)- Monte de nouveaux pouvoirs et de nouveaux rgionalismes- Recherche dun quilibre entre ltat providence et le libralisme- Implosion des tats et trous noirs**- Dsir de sauvegarde des identits nationales- Conflit potentiel des civilisations***- Institutions de gouvernance supranationale- Importance croissante des secteurs de haute technologie- Restructuration industrielle acclre- Possibilit dune grave crise de lemploi- Intgration des PVD en tant que partenaires gaux dans le systme

multilatral dchanges- Rsolution des problmes environnementaux

ANNEXE: Cadre conceptuel:volution systmique mondiale


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THE SOCIAL DIMENSIONS OF GLOBALI SATION 25

RLE DESFIRMESMULTINATIONALES

- Internationalisation des oprations des firmesmultinationales amricaines

- Prdominance du modle dorganisation indu-strielle amricain

- Mondialisation des oprations des firmes amri-caines, europennes, puis japonaises

- Apparitions de firmes multinationales en prove-nance de NPI et de certains PVD

- Structuration de lespace mondial hirarchis- Modles dorganisation industrielle hybrides

- Adoption de stratgies de coopration/concur-rence par les firmes transnationales

- Alliances de firmes lintrieur de la Triade

- Multinationalisation importante des entreprisesde services

- Inter Internationalisation des PME, parfois sous-traitantes des firmes multinationales

- Renforcement des codes de conduite internes desfirmes et noncs de mission

- Attention porte aux aspirations et aux pressionsdes groupes de consommateurs et dcologistes

- Intensification de la course comptitive et de lacourse technologique

- Recherche davantages concurrentiels sur unebase locale, nationale, rgionale et mondiale

DYNAMIQUE DESRAPPORTSENTRE FIRMESET TATS

- Expansion des firmes multinationales en Europe:mergence du dfiamricain

- Dgradation des termes de lchange pour lespays en voie de dveloppement

- Conflits entre pays daccueil et firmes multinatio-nales trangres

- Dsirs de protection de la souverainet nationaledes tats

- Agences nationales de contrle de lIDE et desactivits des firmes multinationales

- Dveloppement de zones franches dexportationsdans les NPI dAsie et dAmrique latine

- Politiques douverture et incitations lIDE- Politiques de concurrence favorables la concen-tration dentreprises nationales et rgionales

- Alliances renforces entre tats-nations et firmesnationales vocation mondiale (pour conqurirles marchs)

- Conflits potentiels entre firmes transnationales etpays dimplantation ( lchelle nationale, rgio-nale et mondiale)

* Selon notre propre grille de lecture du nouveau paradigme socio-technico-conomico-politique.** Par rfrence la thorie des chaos: la dsintgration de ltat-nation cre un vide de pouvoir com-bl soit par la violence, soit par une quelconque intervention extrieure.*** Samuel P. Huntington (1993).

B. Levy, International Management, Montreal, Vol 1, No 2, 1997, p. 64


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THE EVOLVING NATURE OF DEVELOPMENTIN THE LIGHT OF GLOBALIZATION

DENIS GOULET

INTRODUCTION HOW TO VIEW DEVELOPMENT?

After World War II development was viewed as a straightforward econo-mic issue: identifying and quantifying the composition of economic growthpackages. The Marshall Plan1 aid programs to reconstruct Europe, alongwith the Bretton Woods institutions (IMF, IBRD) created to guide interna-tional economic policy, reflected that view. Over time it came to be recogni-zed that numerous social, political, geographical, historical, cultural, psy-chological and environmental, determinants affect a nations prospects forsuccessful development. Most early theorists and practitioners, however,took it as self-evident that economic development is, everywhere and foreveryone, a good thing; that technology should be harnessed to all humanactivities because it boosts productivity; and that specialized institutions areneeded to foster modernization. The study of development was seen, not asa philosophical inquiry into value change or a search for new institutionsand rules of global governance, but as technical examination of how tomobilize resources most efficiently and build the infrastructures best suitedto growth. Development, in short, was the proper object of study for econo-mics. Moreover, within the economic discipline it was the value-free engi-

neering stream of theory, methodology, and analysis which prevailed. AsAmartya Sen notes:economics has had two rather different origins, both related to politics,but related in rather different ways, concerned respectively with

1 Roy Jenkins, Walt Rostow, Helmut Schmidt, James Chace, Charles Kindleberger, TheMarshall Plan and Its Legacy: 50 Years Later Foreign A ffairs, Jay/June 1997, pp. 157-220.


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ethics, on the one hand, and with what may be called engineering,on the other... The engineering approach is characterized by beingconcerned with primarily logistic issues rather than with ultimate endsand such questions as what may foster the good of man or howshould one live. The ends are taken as fairly straightforwardly given,and the object of the exercise is to find the appropriate means to servethem. 2

Sen traces the ethics-related tradition to Aristotle, for whom, [T]hestudy of economics, though related immediately to the pursuit of wealth, isat a deeper level linked up with other studies, involving the assessment and

enhancement of more basic goals...Economics relates ultimately to thestudy of ethics. 3 Sen judges that [T]he methodology of so-called positiveeconomics has not only shunned normative analysis in economics, it hasalso had the effect of ignoring a variety of complex ethical considerationswhich affect actual human behavior and which, from the point of view ofthe economists studying such behavior, are primarily matters of fact ratherthan of normative judgement.4

Development is above all else a question of human values and attitudes,goals self-defined by societies, and criteria for determining what are tolera-ble costs to be borne, and by whom, in the course of change. These are farmore important than modeling optimal resource allocations, upgrading skil-

ls, or rationalizing of administrative procedures. Nor is development a har-monious process, but a traumatic one full of contradictions and conflicts.Development is an ambiguous adventure born of tensions between whatgoods are sought, forwhom, and howthese are obtained. Innovations crea-te strains between new demands for information, material goods, services,and freedom, and the effective capacity of societies to meet these newdemands.

Ethical judgements as to the good life, the just society, and the quality ofrelations of people among themselves and with nature always serve, explici-tly or implicitly, as operational criteria for development planners and resear-chers. Development ethics is the inter-disciplinary ex professostudy of such

value-laden issues.5

2 Amartya Sen,On Ethics and Economics, Oxford: Basil Blackwell Ltd., 1987, pp. 2-3.3 Ibidem., p. 3.4 Ibid., p. 7.5 Denis Goulet, Development Ethics: A New Discipline, I nternati onal Journal of SocialEconomics, 24:11, 1997, 1160-1171.


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28 MISCELLANEA - 2

The editors of a book series on Development and Underdevelopmentin Historical Perspective consider that:

[T]he nature of the subject matter has forced both scholars and practi-tioners to transcend the boundaries of their own disciplines whetherthese be social sciences, like economics, human geography or sociology,or applied sciences such as agronomy, plant biology or civil enginee-ring. It is now a conventional wisdom of development studies thatdevelopment problems are so multi-faceted and complex that nosinglediscipline can hope to encompass them, let alone offer solutions. 6

Development generates value conflicts over the meaning of the good life.

Competing models of the good life are proposed in such works as psycholo-gist Eric Fromms To Have Or To Be?, the French novelist George PerencsLes Choses, (Thi ngs)or Ursula K. LeGuins science fiction novel TheDispossessed. 7 In the latter work two models of community vie for the loyal-ties of people. One is a society which prizes solidarity, political friendship,health and a high degree of equality achievable only in a disciplined colla-borative regime of resource use. The other model prizes individual comfortand enrichment and relies on competition and abundant material resourcesas its social motors.

A second set of value questions central to the development debate bearson the foundations of justice in society. Should civil and political rights

assuring individual freedoms enjoy primacy over collective socio-economicrights to have needs met and the common good of society pursued? Arehuman rights themselves but instrumental goods, or end-values worthy fortheir own sake?

A third value question embedded in development decision-making cen-ters on the criteria to adopt toward nature. Should humans view naturesimply as raw material for Promethean exploitation by them, or as the lar-ger womb of life in which humans live, move, and have their being, andwhose rhythms and laws they must respect? Should the dominant humanstance toward nature to be extractive and manipulative or harmony-seeking?

6 Ray Bromley and Gavin K itching, Series editors Preface to Gavin K itching,Development and Underdevelopment in H istor ical Perspecti ve, London: Methuen, 1982, p.vii.

7 Erich Fromm, To Have or to Be?, New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1976; GeorgesPerenc, L es Choses, Paris: Les Lettres Nouvelles, 1965; Ursula K. LeGuin, TheDispossessed, New York: Avon Books, 1975, p. 20.


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I. IS DEVELOPMENT SUSTAINABLE?

For the World Bank the achievement of sustained and equitable deve-lopment remains the greatest challenge facing the human race. 8 It is evi-dent, however, that equitable development has not been achieved: dispari-ties are widening and new poverty is being produced faster than new wealthby economic growth. Clearly, therefore, the kind of development presentlypursued must not be sustained.

The World Commission on Environment and Development definessustainable development as development that meets the needs of the pre-

sent without compromising the ability of future generations to meet theirown needs. 9The economist Paul Streeten, a former policy advisor to theWorld Bank, observes however that it is unclear whether one should:

be concerned with sustaining the constituents of well-being or its deter-minants, whether with the means or the ends. Clearly, what ought tomatter are the constituents: the health, welfare and prosperity of thepeople, and not so many tons of minerals, so many trees, or so manyanimal species. Yet, some of the writings on the subject confuse thetwo. I f, in the process of curing ovarian and other forms of cancer, thePacific yew trees (or even the spotted owl) had to be reduced in num-ber, in order to produce the drug taxol, peoples health must be given

priority over trees.10

Matters are still more complex, Streeten adds, because the term sustai-nable development has at least six different meanings. I t can signify the 1)maintenance, replacement and growth of capital assets, both physical andhuman; 2) maintaining the physical environmental conditions for theconstituents of well-being; 3) the resilience of a system, enabling it toadjust to shocks and crises; 4) avoiding burdening future generations withinternal and external debts; 5) fiscal, administrative and political sustaina-bility. A policy must be credible and acceptable to the citizens, so that thereis sufficient consent to carry it out; and 6) the ability to hand over8

World Bank,World Development Report 1992, Oxford University Press, 1992, Overview,p. 1.9 World Commission on Environment and Development, Our Common Future, New York:Oxford University Press, 1987, p. 89.

10 Paul Streeten, Future Generations and Socio-Economic Development Introducing theLong-Term Perspective, unpublished ms. dated January 1991, p. 3. A shorter publishedversion does not contain the citation given. I t appears as Des institutions pour un dve-loppement durable, inRevue Tiers-Monde, Tome XXXIII No. 130 (Avril-Juin 1992), pp.455-469.


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30 MISCELLANEA - 2

projects to the management by citizens of the developing country in whichthey are carried out, so that foreign experts can withdraw without jeopardi-zing their success. 11

Whether sustainability and development are compatible is itself a dispu-ted question. The economist Paul Ekins argues that:

the dominant trajectory of economic development since the industrialrevolution has been patently unsustainable. There is literally no expe-rience of an environmentally sustainable industrial economy, anywherein the world, where such sustainability refers to a non-depleting stockof environmental capital. 12

Sustainability seems to require simple living in which consumption is limi-ted. As presently conceived, however, development calls for endless econo-mic growth, which may render sustainability impossible by depletingresources and polluting the biosphere beyond recovery.

No consensus exists as to how development can be rendered sustaina-ble. And no consensus exists as to what strategies are best suited to achievedevelopment. The economist Keith Griffin has evaluated six developmentstrategies pursued before the advent of globalization: monetarism, openeconomy, industrialization, green revolution, redistribution, and socialism.Griffin assesses empirical results yielded by each strategy in different coun-tries on six registers: 1) resource utilization and income level; 2) savings,

investment, and growth; 3) human capital formation; 4) poverty and ine-quality; 5) role of the state; and 6) participation, democracy and freedom.The indecisive results lead Griffin to conclude that: [T]here is no bestpath to development. 13

What grows increasingly clear, however, is that regardless of the deve-lopment path or strategy adopted sustainability must be assured in fivedomains: economic, political, social, environmental, and cultural. Long-term economic viability depends on a use of resources which does notdeplete them irreversibly. Political viability rests on creating for all membersof society a stake in its survival: this cannot be achieved unless all enjoyfreedom, inviolable personal rights, and believe that the political system

within which they live pursues some common good and not mere particularinterests. Environmental sustainability requires the maintenance of abun-

11 Ibidem, pp. 1-2.12 Paul Ekins, Sustainability First, in Paul Ekins and Manfred Max-Neef, editors, Real-LifeEconomics, London and New York: Routledge, 1992, p. 412.

13 Keith Griffin, A l ternati ve Str ategies for Economic Development, London: MacmillanAcademic and Professional Ltd., 1989, p. 242.


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dant diversity of life-forms and bio-systems, a restorative mode of resourceuse, and disposal of wastes within natures absorptive limits. And if deve-lopment is to be socially and culturally sustainable, the foundations of com-munity and symbolic meaning systems must be protected. Otherwise, theywill be steamrolled into oblivion under the pretext of submitting to therequirements of scientific and technological rationality.

Providing satisfactory conceptual, institutional, and behavioral answersto the three value questions listed earlier the good life, the just society, thesound relation to nature is what constitutes authentic development. I t fol-lows, therefore, that not every nation with a high per capita income is truly

developed. and only authentic development ought to be sustainable.

II . WHAT ISAUTHENTIC HUMAN DEVELOPMENT?

In a penetrating study of the evolution of the development idea theSwiss historian Gilbert Rist observes that:

the period from the end of the Second World War to the end of theSoviet empire was marked by two forms of development: the first keptup the stock belief that inspired the extension of market society and itscolonial expression; while the second was more akin to religious mes-

sianism in its voluntarist enthusiasm to establish at once the ideal of ajust and affluent society. Two parall el mechanisms were thus supposed tohasten the coming of a new era: the Wel fare State in the North, anddevelopment strategies in t he South.

These messianic stirrings died down in the early nineties; the globaliza-tion that took their place may be considered a new manifestation ofthe same belief (adapted to postmodern culture) in which the real andthe virtual merge into one. Development now w it hdraws behind i tsappearances, and persists only in the form of an as if, a trompe-l oei lwhose verisimilitude is enough to make us forget its lack of reality. Forthe banished object is so important that it must be preserved for the

time being, if only in the form of a delusion. 14Later in this essay it will be seen that, in surprising and paradoxical fashion,the convergence of critical streams of assault upon globalization has resur-rected what Rist terms these messianic stirrings.

One early voice in defense of ethically-based development is that of14 Gilbert Rist, The H istory of Development: f rom Western Origins to Gl obal Fait h, London

and New York: Zed Books, 1997, pp. 212-213. Italics are the authors.


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Louis-Joseph Lebret, founder of the ECONOMY AND H UMA NISMmovement 15 and an influential voice in the crafting of Populorum Progressioand other papal documents on development. Lebret defines developmentas the series of transitions, for a given population and all the populationgroups which comprise it, from a less human to a more human pattern ofexistence, at the speediest rhythm possible, at the lowest possible cost,while taking into account all the bonds of solidarity which exist (or ought toexist) amongst these populations and population groups. 16

Normative expressions such as more human and less human are tobe understood in the light of Lebrets distinction between plus avoir(to

have more) and plus tre(to be more). A society is more human or deve-loped, not when its citizens have more, but when all are enabled, orendowed with capabilities, to be more. Material growth and quantitativeincrease are doubtless needed for genuine human development, but not anykind of growth nor increase obtained at any price. In Lebrets view, theworld as a whole remains underdeveloped or falls prey to an illusory antide-velopment so long as a small number of nations or privileged groups remainalienated in an abundance of luxury (facility) goods at the expense of themany who are deprived thereby of their essential (subsistence) goods.When such situations prevail, rich and poor societies alike suffer from aninsufficient satisfaction of their enhancement needs.

Lebrets formulation of the requirements of authentic development what Rist calls real development 17 although outlined decades ago,remains useful. This is due largely to Lebrets insistence on basing his theoriesof development on observed empirical conditions and facts in widely diversesettings. Although Lebret died in 1966, he has left a development legacywhich holds several important lessons for todays globalized world setting. 18

15 L-.J . Lebret and R. Moreux, Economie et H umanisme, Numro Spcial, Fvrier/Mars,1942.

16 L-.J. Lebret, Editorial, Dveloppement et Civi l isations, No. 1 (March 1960), p. 3. Cf.Also Lebret, Dveloppement -Rvolut ion Sol idaire, Paris: Les Editions Ouvrires, 1967, p.82, translation mine.

17

Our starting point here will be the dual meaning that development immediately assumesin any debate. Why do supporters of cooperation always counterpose real developmentto development tout court? Are they just stressing that the promise of happiness remainseven if it has not yet been kept, and arguing that new methods on offer discredit the onespreviously thought up? Or do the two meanings reflect two kinds of belief in develop-ment? Rist, Ibidem, p. 212.

18 Denis Goulet, Une sagesse pour encadrer nos sciences, Lconomie H umaine et l aDynamique du Dveloppement a l heure de la Mondiali sation, Centre L.-J . Lebret, eds.,Paris: UNESCO, 1998, 38-42.


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The first lesson is that development decision-makers must study theexpressed needs of populations in whose benefit they profess to work.Otherwise decisions are elitist, over-abstract, and risk being reductionist. Asearly as 1962 the late Max Millikan, a practitioner of econometric analysisin preparing development plans, had noted the importance of consultingthe interested populace as to what value sacrifices it was prepared to acceptunder alternative courses of action. Writing in the US position paper prepa-red for United Nations Conference on the Application of Science and

Technology for the Benefit of the Less Developed Areas, Millikan declaresthat:

[T]he process of arriving at a national plan should be one in which theplanners present to the community for discussion a variety of criticalchoices showing for each alternative the consequences for the society ofpursuing that value choice consistently and efficiently. I t is only by thisprocess that the community can clarify its individual and social goals. 19

Lebrets pre-planning studies offer a systematic way to engage in preciselysuch consultation. 20

Lebret likewise insisted on linking micro issues to macro questions. Hismethod of conducting overall surveys in multiple domains (geography, phy-sical infrastructure, use of space, administrative and institutional arrange-ments, etc.) followed by micro and macro analyses led to arbitration among

competing alternatives which protected experts from viewing developmentas simple, discrete, unconnected actions.A third lesson from Lebret for the age of globalization, is the priority of

needs over wants or preferences (expressed by effective purchasing power).Like Mannheim, Barbara Ward, and Galbraith, Lebret understood that theneeds of the numerous poor cannot be met by the free play of markets.Markets respond to purchasing power.

A market system, wholly uncorrected by institutions of justice,. sharing,and solidarity, makes the strong stronger and the weak weaker. Markets asuseful tools in a functioning social order have a positive and decentralizing

19 Max. F. Millikan, Planning Process and Planning Objectives in Developing Countries, inOrganizati on, Planning and Programming for Economic Development, US Paper for the UNConference on the Application of Science and Technology for the Benefit of the LessDeveloped Areas, Vol. VIII, Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1962, pp.33-34.

20 A typical specimen is the study prepared by Lebret and his team for the Ministre du Plan,Republique Libanaise, Besoins et Possibi li ts de Dveloppement du L iban, Liban: MissionIRFED, 1960-61, 3 volumes.


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role to play. Markets as masters of society enrich the rich and pauperize thepoor. 21

Lebret subscribed to Mannheims distinction between an organizingprinciple and a social mechanism. In Mannheims words:

Competition or cooperation as mechanisms may exist and serve diverseends in any society, pre-literate, capitalist, and non-capitalist. But inspeaking of the capitalist phase of rugged individualism and competi-tion, we think of an all-pervasive structural principle of social organiza-tion. This distinction may help to clarify the question whether capitalistcompetition allegedly basic to our social structure need be maintai-

ned as a presumably indispensable motivating force. Now, one maywell eliminate competition as the organi zing principleof the socialstructure and replace it by planning without eliminating competitionsas asocial mechanismto serve desirable ends. 22

There is today a growing recognition that markets are embedded, as a sub-system, in a larger societal system. It is this larger societal system whichmust provide the organizing principle of economic activity and the rules ofgovernance for making market competition function as a social mechanismat the service of that organizing principle.

A fourth lesson drawn from Lebret is that development is multi-dimensional: it embraces economic, social, political, cultural, environmen-

tal, and spiritual components of human well-being. Hence his insistenceon achieving balanced development. All dimensions of human flouri-shing (the term favored by present-day philosophers when speaking ofdevelopment) must be realized, even if tactical or strategic (and tempo-rary) imbalances may need to be pursued along the way. Lebret nevertired of insisting that development was for every person and the wholeperson (tous les hommes et tout l homme). As did the UNDP in itsearly annual H uman Development Reports, Lebret regarded economicgrowth as the means and human development as the end. Things gowrong when these are inverted: when economic growth is pursued asthough it were the end and not the means. This inversion leads to distor-

ted development and to excessive costs in human suffering and culturaldestruction.

The fifth lesson coming in Lebrets legacy is the need to globalize solida-

21Barbara Ward, Foreword, in Mahbub ul Haq, The Poverty Curtain , Choices for t he ThirdWorld, New York: Columbia University Press, 1976, p. xii.

22 Karl Mannheim, Freedom, Power and Democrati c Planni ng, London: Routledge & KeganPaul, 1951, p. 151.


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rity. His last book, published posthumously, bore the titleDveloppement =Rvolut ion Sol idaire(Development = A Revolution of Solidarity).

Decades ago another development theorist, the economist J ohnKenneth Galbraith argued that the final requirement of modern develop-ment planning is that it have a theory of consumptiona view of what theproduction is ultimately forMore important, what kind of consumpti onshould be planned? 23 A theory of consumption presupposes a theory ofneeds. And a sound theory of needs posits a hierarchy of importance andurgency around such categories as: needs of the first order, enhancementneeds, and luxury needs. 24 Authentic development does not exist when

first-order needs of the many are sacrificed in favor of luxury needs of a few.For this reason Erich Fromm judges that affluent alienation is no lessdehumanizing than impoverished alienation. 25 Nor is sound developmentpresent when enhancement needs are not widely met. For in this casenumerous essential capabilities, in Sens terms, needed for human flouri-shing are absent.

In 1986 (September 15-19) some sixty governmental planners, projectmanagers, and social scientists met at a workshop on Ethical Issues inDevelopment at the Marga Institute (Sri Lanka Institute for DevelopmentStudies) in Colombo, Sri Lanka. They reached a consensus that any adequa-te definition of development must include the following dimensions: 26

An economic componentdealing with the creation of wealth and impro-ved conditions of material life, equitably distributed;A social ingredientmeasured as well-being in health, education, hou-

sing, and employment;A poli ti cal dimensionembracing such values as human rights, political

freedom, legal enfranchisement of persons, and some form of democracy;A cultural elementin recognition of the fact that cultures confer iden-

tity and self-worth to people (although ecological soundness was not listedseparately this was encompassed under the cultural element as an essen-tial component of sound development);

A final dimension one may call the ful l-l if e paradigm, which refers to23John Kenneth Galbraith, Economic Development in Perspecti ve, Harvard University Press,

1962, p. 43. Italics are Galbraiths.24 For a detailed presentation and justification of this typology of needs see Denis Goulet,The Cruel Choice, New York: University Press of America, 1985, pp. 236-249.

25 Introduction to Erich Fromm, ed., Social ist H umanism: An I nternati onal Symposium,New York: Anchor Books, p. ix.

26 No documents issued from the Marga seminar. This list is based on notes taken by theauthor at the Seminar.


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meaning systems, symbols, and beliefs concerning the ultimate meaning oflife and history.

What is suggested here is that a sound development strategies will beoriented toward forms of economic growth whose production package cen-ters on basic needs, job-creation (largely through the adoption ofAppropriate Technologies), 27 decentralized public infrastructure invest-ment aimed at producing multiple poles of development, an adequatesocial allocation ratio of public expenditures devoted to what the UNDPcalls human priority concerns, 28 an incentives policy to favor increasedproductivity in low-productivity sectors, and selective linkage and de-linka-

ge with global markets, with primary emphasis on domestic markets.

29

In its report on North-South: A Program for Survi valthe BrandtCommission asserted that:

Mankind has never before had such ample technical and financialresources for coping with hunger and poverty. The immense task canbe tackled once the necessary collective will is mobilizedSolidarityamong men must go beyond national boundaries: we cannot allow it tobe reduced to a meaningless phrase. International solidarity must stemboth from strong mutual interests in cooperation andfrom compassionfor the hungry. 30

II I. AFTER POST-MODERNISM: DEFINING ONESOWN DEVELOPMENT

The French novelist Lon Bloy (1846-1917) laments that, when thosewho love God try to talk about Him, their words are blind lions looking forsprings in the desert. 31 Although those who would speak intelligently andsensitively about development are not reduced to such total blindness, theyare, nonetheless, saddled with a heavy linguistic burden. For development

27 For a detailed analysis of how technologies favor, or impede, employment creation, seeRaphael Kaplinski, The Economies of Small , Appropriate Technology in a Changing Worl d,

London: Appropriate Technology International, 1990.28 United Nations Development Programme, Human Development Report 1991, New York:Oxford University Press, 1991, pp. 5-6.

29For detailed justification and illustration see Denis Goulet and Kwan S. Kim,Estrategias deDessarrol lo para el Futuro de Mexico,Guadalajara, Mexico: ITESO, 1989.

30 Willy Brandt, Nort h-South: A Programme for Survi val, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1980,p. 16.

31 Leon Bloy, cited in Thomas Merton, Frontispiece, The Tears of the Bli nd L ions, NewYork: New Directions, 1949.


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is both an ambiguous term and an ambiguous practice. And the term isused either descriptivelyor normatively: to depict a present condition or toproject a desirable alternative. Descriptive usage prevails in the growingbody of testimonial writings on development, 32 in statistical and policyreports issued by international financing agencies and in the voluminousacademic literature now appearing in myriad disciplines. Normative usageof the term is found in works of criticism and alternative advocacy, 33 whoseauthors employ value-laden language to criticize development as now con-ducted or to advocate a different vision deemed ethnically or politicallysuperior. Moreover, the identical word development refers either to the

ends or to the means of social change. Development is simultaneously thevision of a better life a life materially richer, institutionally moremodern, and technologically more efficient and an array of means toachieve that vision. These means range from economic planning to propa-ganda campaigns, from comprehensive social engineering to sectoral inter-ventions of all sorts, with a view to altering values, behaviors, and socialstructures.

It is not only the terminology of development that is fraught with ambi-valence, however, but its practice as well. A bewildering assortment ofpolicy prescriptions parade under the single banner of development, amongthem: rapid and aggressive integration into competitive global markets; the

adoption of Western social and political institutions and practices; the repu-diation of Westernization in pursuit of endogenous models of change; thestructural adjustment of macro policies to favor private investment andliberalization; strategies based on small, locally controlled projects.

32 Carolina Maria de Jesus, Child of the Dark, New York: E.P. Dutton & Co., Inc., 1962;Domitila Barrios de Chungara with Moema Viezzer, Let Me Speak!, New York: MonthlyReview Press, 1978; Hazel Johnson and Henry Bernstein with Raul Hernan Ampuero andBen Crow, Thi rd World L ives of Struggle, Ibadan: Heinemann Educational Books Ltd.,1982; and James D. Sexton, Campesino: The Di ary of a Guatemalan Indian, Tucson:University of Arizona Press, 1985; Nancy Scheper-Hughes, Death Wit hout Weeping: TheViolence of Everyday Li fe in Brazil, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1992.

33

Marshall Wolfe, Elusi ve Development, London and New Jersey: Zed Books, 1996;Justinian F. Rweyemamu, Third World Options, Dar es Salaam: Tanzania PublishingHouse, 1992; Rosemary E. Galli, et. al., editors, Rethinki ng the Thi rd World, New York:Crane Russak, 1992; James Manor, editor, Rethinki ng Thi rd World Polit ics, London andNew York: Longman, 1991; James H. Mittelman, Out From Underdevelopment, New

York: St. Martins Press, 1988; Nigel Dower,Worl d Poverty, Challenge and Response, York,England: William Sessions Limited, The Ebor Press, 1983; David H. Pollock and A.R.M.Ritter, eds., What Ki nds of Development?3 Vols., Ottawa: Norman Paterson School ofInternational Affairs, Carleton University, 1980.


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Both as a VISION of a better life comprised of material well-being,technological efficiency, and institutional modernity, and as a PROCESS bywhich societies advance towards that vision, development is tightly boundto modernity, usually considered as a desirable (if not obligatory) conditionto be sought by all societies.

Post-modern thinking, operating both as epistemological norm and asexegetical study, repudiates modernity and challenges the legitimacy ofdevelopment by denying the existence of universal values, and the primacyof goals over processes.

Dominant development thinking has long argued the universal objective

desirability of its vision of the good life and its model of the good society.Post-modernism provides a powerful critique of one-dimensional, economi-cist reductionism in societal goal-setting; elitist paradigms of research,analysis, and policy-prescription, and ethnocentric valuations of modes oflife based on Western historical experiences.

Since developments early days, however, there have existed alternativestreams of thinking, prescription, and modeling which promoted diversevisions and strategies of development in a non-reductionist, non-elitist, non-ethnocentric mode. Post-modernist critiques have resurrected interest inthese alternative paradigms which stressed the establishment of develop-ment goals from within tradition and culture, non-elite participation in

development decision-making and action, and multiple specifications of thecontents of the good life and the desirable society. 34 New images of thegood life and the desirable society have also arisen which, like the earlieralternatives, contest the still regnant mainstream development paradigm.

For new paradigms to emerge, authentic development now occurring innumerous micro arenas must gain purchase on the criteria of decision-making which prevail in macro arenas. This they must do in a worldconjuncture radically different from that prevailing in developmentsinfancy after World War I I. That altered conjuncture is characterized byglobalization.

IV. DEVELOPMENT DEBATES IN THE AGE OF GLOBALIZATION

Under the single banner of globalization are to be found multiple inter-

34 Denis Goulet, Que es el desarrollo despus del posmodernismo? Revista de CienciasSociales, Nueva poca, 6, Enero de 1999, 42-62.


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connected phenomena which provide the basic conjunctural setting for pre-sent-day debates on development. Although no agreement exists as to theprecise definition of globalization, its importance is not questioned. Nor isit disputed that globalization connects all societies and individual personson the globe to a degree and in registers never previously experienced. Oneperceptive analyst, Thomas Friedman, sees globalization as having its ownlogic: it is not viewed as a mere phenomenon or passing trend, but a newinternational system. In his words:

Today it is the overarching international system shaping the domesticpolitics and foreign relations of virtually every country, and we need to

understand it as suchTodays era of globalization, which replaced theCold War, is a similar international system, with its own unique attributes.To begin with, the globalization system, unlike the Cold War system, isnot static, but a dynamic ongoing process: globalization involves theinexorable integration of markets, nation-states and technologies to adegree never witnessed before in a way that is enabling individuals,corporations and nation-states to reach around the world farther, faster,deeper and cheaper than ever before, and in a way that is also produ-cing a powerful backlash from those brutalized or left behind by thisnew system.

The driving idea behind globalization is free-market capitalism the

more you let market forces rule and the more you open your economyto free trade and competition, the more efficient and flourishing youreconomy will be. Globalization means the spread of free-market capita-lism to virtually every country in the world. Globalization also has itsown set of economic rules rules that revolve around opening, deregu-lating and privatizing your economy.35

Globalization extends its reach into diverse realms: economics, finance,culture, technology, information, and governance. Economics is nowviewed more in international than in national terms. And trade, investment,money, technology, ideas, consumer practices, recreational images, indivi-dual persons, organized group actions, and cultural goods of all sorts circu-

late across national borders with ever fewer restrictions and in rapidlyincreasing volumes.

Globalization is a two-edged sword whose observable results are mixed.Previously unimagined advances have been secured in numerous domains:wealth has been created, technology diffused, political solidarities around35Thomas L. Friedman, The Lexus and the Ol ive Tree, New York: Farrar Straus Giroux,

1999, pp. 7-8.


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issues of human rights, womens equality, the defense of indigenous culturalcommunities, and ecological health have been consolidated. But globaliza-tion has also exacted a high price in the form of new and large inequities,the dilution of effective national sovereignty, and multiple insecurities.Among threats to human security arising from globalization the UNDPlists: economic insecurity, job and income insecurity, health insecurity, cul-tural insecurity, personal insecurity, environmental security, political andcommunity insecurity. 36The highly visible nature of these threats and ine-quities has given rise to powerful criticism, which recently found organizedexpression at public protests against the WTO (World Trade Organization)

meeting in Seattle, WA (November 30-December 3, 1999).Protesters included disparate environmental, labor, and consumer grou-ps. European and U.S. consumer groups argued that governments shouldput concerns about food safety above free trade. 37 In this complaint theywere joined by environmentalists, who see free trade as blocking the institu-tion of necessary environmental regulations worldwide. Other groupsexpressed a more explicitly political concern over the absence of democra-tic voices in the institutions of globalization representing interests otherthan those of large corporations or powerful governments. In Seattle theyprotested the closed-door nature of W.T.O.s decision-making, as well aswhat they see as its tendency to ride roughshod over the legislative process

of local and national governments.38

Similar resistance to elite internatio-nal bureaucratic decision-making had led, in 1998 to the postponement ofMAI (Multilateral Agreement on Investment) at the OECD (Paris). Laborunion groups, in turn, accused the W.T.O., which in Seattle served as thetargeted culprit symbolizing the general workings of globalization, ofencouraging dumping (which, unions claim, destroy jobs at home) and offailing to set international labor standards that would prevent poor coun-tries from using child labor, or lax labor laws, to lure jobs away fromwealthy countries. 39

Environmental irresponsibility, favoritism toward rich and powerful eliteinstitutions, placing higher value on profitable trade over consumer safety

and health, the destruction of jobs, the dilution of state sovereignty (in par-ticular, control over the national economy and financial system) these

36UNDP, Human Development Report 1999, New York: Oxford University Press, 1999.37 Seattle Is Under Curfew After Disruptions, New York Times, December 1, 1999, p. A

14.38 Ibid.39 Ibid.


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markets be promoted, or is selective integration around locally/ regional-ly/nationally/trans-regionally specific forms of endogenous (or autocentric)development be sought? 44 Widening economic, financial, and technologicalintegration into competitive global markets has adversely affected not onlycountries which have been the direct victims of financial collapse but seve-ral developed countries as well, notably in their ability to create remunerati-ve employment and to provide governmental welfare services at an accepta-ble level.

Should rapid and high levels of economic growth continue to be pur-sued, on the assumption that it is necessary for development, or should

growth be restrained, or qualitatively altered, in order to assure environ-mental and social sustainability over the long-term? The dividing line, ineconomic theory, lies between advocates of environmental economics andthose who see this (merely internalizing, and costing, what previously weretreated as environmental externalities) as a palliative, and who plead for amore biological, system ecological economics in which inter-relational vita-lity (nature, humans, animals, technology) is the goal to be sought and notmaximum economic enrichment (which they view as not a fully genuineform of wealth).45

Should investment and resource transfer strategies be guided by globalmacro-economic concerns, or should more alternative, bottom-up develop-

ment be pursued, in recognition that these must not be confined to microarenas but must gain purchase (in harmony with its values and institutionalcreations) on criteria of decision-making at work in meso and macro arenas?

The question here is analogous to that raised by the British economistRaphael Kaplinsky, when studying what conditions are required for AT(appropriate technology) policies to be economically efficient as well associally, politically, culturally, and environmentally appropriate. Kaplinskyconcluded that state macro policies must themselves be AT-enhancing forthe more micro AT actions to yield proper developmental effects.46

Something analogous is required here: macro-economic policies which pro-

44 Christiane Gagnon, La Recomposit ion des Terr i toires: Dveloppement local viable, Paris:ditions LHarmattan, 1994; Bernard Dumas and Michel Sguier, Construi re des acti onscollecti ves: Dvelopper les soldarits, Lyon: Cronique Sociale, 1997.

45 Anil Markandya and Julie Richardson, Environmental Economics: A Reader, New York: St.Martins Press, 1992; Rajaram Krishnan, Jonathan M. Harris, and Neva R. Goodwin, edi-tors, A Survey of Ecological Economics, Washington, DC: Island Press, 1995.

46 Raphael Kaplinsky, The Economies of Small : Appropri ate Technology in a Changing World,Washington, DC: Appropriate Technology International, 1990.


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mote integral sustainable human development, and not merely economicdevelopment, which may well prove to be not only unsustainable buthumanly damaging beyond tolerable bounds. Macro-policies, including glo-bal policies, ought to be designed to be micro-developmental enhancing,where the premium can (in the right conditions) be placed on local defini-tion of needs and control in ways that are economically and socially efficient.

Should internationally operating business corporations be viewed as themain agent or institutional actor in development, with governments, civilsociety organizations, and even international financial institutions viewed astheir subordinate partners or facilitators? Or are novel constellations of

horizontal partnerships engaging NGOs, business firms, international agen-cies, and governments at several levels, and diverse civil society groups, theactors best suited to promote authentic sustainable development? 47 It is farfrom certain that even the ethically responsible conduct of business, evenwere it to become the general practice, can produce sound development.Profit-seeking and selecting the basket of goods and services to produceshould be utilized by societal systems as stimulating and regulatory socialmechanisms, not as organizing principles of economic activity. The entirerealm of economic activity is instrumentally related to the goal of qualitati-ve, multi-faceted human development.

It lies beyond the scope of this single essay to formulate extended

answers to these four dyadic interrogations. They are listed here to suggestwhat are the contours and the content of development debates in the pre-sent era of globalization. For purposes of greater clarity, one may frame thekey development questions in simple terms as follows.

Is globalization good for development?And how much globalization, and operating under what rules of gover-

nance, and in the pursuit of what ends?What kind of development does globalization, on the present model,

generate: elitist, dependency-inducing, culturally destructive, sociallydisruptive, personally alienating, environmentally damaging development?

Or, conversely, is it development which is participatory, emancipating

and liberating for the many, serving as a dynamic catalyst of regeneratedcultural vitalities, conducive to social cooperation if not placid harmony,and environmentally sound for the long-term?

47Denis Goulet, Authentic Development: Is it Sustainable? in Buil din g SustainableSocieties, Dennis C. Pirages, editor, Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, Inc., 1996, 189-205;Defining Wealth, Rethinking Development, Achieving Sustainability, Humanomics, 1999,15:2/3, 42-59.


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CONCLUSION

Over the five and a half decades in which development has served as apropelling myth (in Sorels 48 sense of a galvanizing idea which mobilizespeople and institutions to make sacrifices in pursuit of it), the nature ofdevelopment has evolved away from the quest for maximum economicgrowth, via targeted investment (public and private) and resource transfers.Investments and transfers were energized by state actions to plan, to provi-de incentives, and to create infrastructure around a threefold general goal:to modernize, to technologize, to specialize. Initially there was at least an

implicit assumption that wealth would be created rapidly and that it wouldtrickle down in accord with the later dictum that a rising tide raises allships.

Eventually it was learned that wealth does not trickle down and thatrising tides sink small boats. Moreover, even economic growth itself did notoccur everywhere (because social and political conditions were not propi-tious, because cultural and psychological determinants were absent orweak, because population pressure on resources was too great). In addition,institutional and political modernization, and even technologically-driveneconomic growth did not necessarily create employment. Worse still, eco-nomic and social (and qualitative human) disparities became more pro-

nounced. Nor was poverty eliminated, notwithstanding significant advancesin some countries, some sectors, some classes, some population groups.Quite predictably, as the learning curve for development brought to lightever more numerous and ever more complex variables in the developmentequation social, cultural, environmental, political, ethical powerfulassaults were launched on the very conception, the very project of develop-ment. Assaults were led in the name of post-modernism, of deep ecology, ofliberation ideologies rejecting neo-forms of dependency attendant uponglobalization, of ethically-based resistance to injustices and inequalitieswhich seemed inseparable from the growth of some economic units.Notwithstanding the early rationales for growing inequalities provided by

certain economic theorists, it became empirically evident over time that ine-qualities were not only durable but were growing wider. The most recentassaults on globalization have come from cultural voices troubled by theapparent ineluctability with which globalization, and its attendant standar-dization, destroys cultural diversity and vitality, and the possibility for

48Georges Sorel,Reflections on Violence, New York: Collier Books, 1961.

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