Orí: The Significance of the Head in Yoruba Sculpture

Babatunde Lawal

Journal of Anthropological Research, Vol. 41, No. 1. (Spring, 1985), pp. 91-103.

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OR^: THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE HEAD IN YORUBA SCULPTURE

Babatunde Lawal Department o f Fine Arts, University o f I fe , Ile-Ife, Nigeria

This paper discusses why the head (ori) is the most prominent part of Yoruba sculpture. A n analysis of Yoruba ontology of the person reveals that the Yoruba regard the head as the locus of the i se (divine power) of the Supreme Being (Olddicmar;) in the individual, constituting the person's life-source and controlling personality and destiny. Three different modes of representing the head are identified in I'oruba sculpture: the naturalistic, which refers to the external, or physical, head (ori bde); the stylized, which hints at the inner, or spiritual, head (ori in&); and the abstract, which symbolizes the primeval material ( b k i ipbri) of which the inner head was made. Although the fate of each individual is believed t o have been predetermined in heaven before birth "into" the earth, a good or bad destiny is no more than a potentiality for success or falure; a successful life depends on how well one makes use of one's head here on earth. The prominence given to the head in Yoruba sculpture is thus a reflection of its sociobiological im- portance as the coordinating center of human existential struggles.

LIKE MANY OTHER AFRICAN PEOPLES, the Yoruba of western Nigeria regard the human head (orz') as the most vital part of a Hence it is the biggest and the most elaborately finished part of Yoruba figure sculpture. The prominence given to the head in Yoruba culture derives from two factors, the physical and the meta- physical. At the physical level, it is an index of individual identification and the locus of important organs such as the brain (opolo), the seat of wisdom and reason; the eyes (ojh), the lamps that guide a person through the dark jungle of life, the nose (imzi), the source of ventilation for the soul; the mouth (enu), the source of nourishment for the body; and the ears (etz'), the sound detectors. Needless to say life cannot be sustained without these organs, and no matter how seriously a person may be injured, hope is not lost as long as the head remains intact. The Yoruba concentrate their attempts to revive an unconscious person on the head; incantations may be recited into the ears or medicinal substances poured into the mouth. But no one would attempt to revive a decapitated body. Human sanity implies a normally functioning head (oripipk), insanity a disturbed one (orididirzi).

It must be noted, however, that while the Yoruba recognize the physiological im- portance of the head, they place a higher premium on its metaphysical significance as the source of life and the essence of human personality (Abimbola 1971:73-89; Idowu 1970:170-75). The physical head is thought of as no more than an outer shell, o r i 6de (lit. "outer head"), concealing the o r i inzi, the "inner head." The latter determines the existence and fate of the individual on the earth.

According to Yoruba ontology, whenever the Supreme Being, 016dhmar6, wants to create a person, he asks one of the b i s i (lesser divinities) known as b b i t a i to mold the physical body from divine clay. Once b b i t i l i finishes molding the image, 016dhmark breathes life (Bmz') into it through the head (Ajanaku 1972:13), thus making it a living human being. The newly created human being is then directed to another brish, called kjhli Alimb, the potter, whose special responsibility is to mold the inner head. Many completed inner heads, each containing lise, the divine power of 016dhmar6, are already on display in k j i l i Alimb's workshop; the newly created person simply has to choose one of them. Although all the inner heads look alike, each is intrinsically different from the others; the one chosen by an individual

91

92 JOURNAL O F ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH

automatically determines the person's lot on earth (Abimbola 197 1:80). The person who has chosen a good inner head will be lucky and prosperous in life as olhri rere, the possessor of a good head. The person who is persistently unlucky in life is simply assumed to be an olhri burhku, the possessor of a bad inner head. Once chosen, a bad ori cannot be altered. Hence the saying:

Ori burdku kA gb'dse k y i n m d k6 gb'dgiin.

A bad head cannot be washed clean Human destiny cannot be altered with charms.

Nevertheless the adverse effects of a bad ori can be minimized through rituals prescribed by Or6mili, the divination brisi, the only one (apart from the Supreme Being) who knows all the secrets of the un iver~e .~ The mere possession of a good ori will not automatically guarantee success in life, however. An individual must work hard for it and consult Orhnmili regularly for divine guidance; otherwise the vicissitudes of life are such that one can easily miss the path already laid out and "wander about the bush."

ORI AS A N ASPECT OF THE SUPREME BEING

That the or i (both in its physical and metaphysical aspects) signifies much more than personal destiny is hinted at in the popular Yoruba saying (Alade 1972:8): Ori eni l'ele'da' eni ("a person's head is his or her creator"). The fact that the word elida' (creator) refers almost exclusively to 016dhmarP would seem to suggest that the or i is one of his aspects. In other words, 016dhmari: is the head-source (orisun) of the universe, just as the ori (both outer and inner) of an individual constitutes the personal life-source. Hence the saying (Alade 1972:8): Ori eni, isd.se eni ("a person's head is his source of origin").

There is an interesting story in the I f i divination verse (Ejiogbd.) that throws further light on the connection between ori and 016dhmarP. The latter is reported to have summoned all the brisi in heaven to his presence one day, in order to find out which of them was powerful enough to split the sacred kola nut (obi o h ? ) into its main cotyledons. All the brisi present attempted to break the sacred kola nut but failed. Then The Very First Head (Ori ~ t d t k k b s e ) rolled into the arena, took the sacred kola nut, and split it with ease, to the amazement of all the other brisi. Apparently taunting them, 016dumarP remarked, "Verily, only you, Ori, are powerful enough to split the sacred kola nut." The brisi were provoked and they attacked Ori, but the latter subjugated them one by one (Iijadu 1972:14; Sowande and Ajanaku 1969:21-22).

Evidently Ori has been used in this story to illustrate the absolute supremacy of 016dhmari: as the head of the Yoruba pantheon. It is significant to note that Ori figuratively subdued the brisi in the towns where their principal shrines are located (Lijadu 1972: 14):

Ori da' Oldta si'li Add 0 da' Erinmi s'Ade O w ; 0 da' Peepee sZJdde Asin 0da' OrW s'ltapci 0 da' O&n s'IlbZr.4

THE HEAD I N YORUBA SCULPTURE

0 dd 066licfbn sTyinde 0 dd 0runmiki s51cLIfB.

Ori subdued brisk 016ta at Ad6 It subdued Erinmi at ?wb It subdued Peepee af Ode Asin It subdued Y s i at Itapi It subdued Oghn at 116-Irk I t subdued ObBlhfon at lyinde It subdued Orunmilh at I16IG.

The symbolism of the above story becomes clearer once it is realized that the Yoruba word dd can mean "subdue" and "create" at the same time, depending on the context. Thus, being the ultimate head, 016dhmark created all beings:3

Ori n i i dd ni Enikan 6 id'bri.

Ori created us Nobody created Ori.

A second story from the If; divination verse, "Irosun Osa," relates how seven- teen hundred brisa once conspired against Olbdhmark, asking him to abdicate the throne. 016dumark agreed to do so only on condition that they should first of all go and rule the earth by themselves for sixteen days. But no sooner did the deities disperse than Olbdumar~ switched off the machinery of the universe, as it were, bringing everything to a halt. Things became extremely difficult on earth, and soon the brish were at their wits' end. Shamefacedly they returned to Ol6dumark to acknowledge his supreme authority (Idowu 1970:5 5):

Oldri 1% f'orifiin L'd da ' f i n erzinldjb 6risi Nigba t i nwon ko esin odlin re odo OlddlimarB.

The Head should be accorded his due This is the oracle's charge to seventeen hundred brisci Who must render annual tribute to Olodumari..

Not only do these two divination stories underscore the position of Ol6dhmark as the ultimate or the universal Ori, they also point to the fact that nothing is possible in the universe without his divine power. As already mentioned, one aspect of this ase resides in the ori of individuals, motivating them toward their destinies. Since Olbdumari: is considered as too sublime to be worshipped directly, he is approached through the b r id , each of which has a specific responsibility. Yet it is the general belief among the Yoruba that no brisa can assist an individual without the consent of his own ori (k6 s'6risri tii da ni i gb2 ldhin o r i eni) (Abimbola 197 1: 81). And to the extent that an individual might entertain the question, nje' o r i 1% ba bo ti 2 bh f'brisci sil;? ("couldn't one worship one's ori alone and ignore the orisa?" (Idowu 1970:72; see also Alade 1972:8), it is apparent that the ori is considered (even if subconsciously) to be more powerful than all the brisa, and may very well symbolize the godhead in the individual. In other words the brisa can assist a person only within the possibilities already willed by 016dumar6, that is, within one's innate endowments.

The ori of the individual shares the attributes of 016dumark in another im- portant way. Just as 016dumari. is said to be the first being created (although he is self-created), the human head is believed to be the first part of the body to be

94 JOURNAL O F A N 7 HROYOLOGICAL RESEARCH

molded by Obi t i l i , the other parts being fashioned in such a way as to put the head in a supreme position. According to Chief Fagbemi Ajanaku, the other parts of the human body are no more than servants accompanying the head to the earth (Ajanaku 1972: l l ) . This belief is widely held by the Yoruba and is often supported by the fact that in most cases a baby is born head first, so that the other members of the body can literally be said to follow the head t o the earth (Ajuwon, personal com- munication, 1976; Awolalu 1972: 1 0 4 ) . ~ Even in sculpture the traditional carver begins with and emphasizes the head, the other parts of the human body being drastically abbreviated, as if to stress their physical and metaphysical subservience.

ARTISTIC REPKESENTATIONS

There are three principal modes of representing the head in Yoruba art: namely the naturalistic, the stylized, and the abstract.

The naturalistic mode is exemplified by Ife terra cotta and bronze heads (see Willett 1967:pls. I, 11), as well as wooden effigies (dkb , ij2j2, and ipade) (see Lawal 1977:pl. 1; Willett 1965:figs. 2, 3) used in second-burial ceremonies. (See Figures 1 and 2.) Though idealized, facial features are markedly individualized, t o recall the image of a particular person. The reference here is to the external head, o r i bde. Its origin can be traced to Obi t i l i , the brisa of artistry who molds a person's physical body from clay and who is fondly addressed as enis'ojzi, se'mu, "molder of eyes and nose" (Idowu 1970:72). Obatili's interest in individual peculiarities sometimes leads him to create cripples, hunchbacks, albinos, and other abnormal beings; hence his epithet a da' ni b'bti ri, "he who makes humans as he pleases" (Idowu 1970:72).

In any case the features and physical peculiarities of an individual may either be unique or may resemble those of the person's parents or grandparents. Although a father will still accept the paternity of a child even if it does not resemble him, physical likeness of any sort is highly valued by the Yoruba. Not only does it confirm the legitimacy of a child, it can also be taken as evidence of the reincarnation of an ancestor, especially if the child is born soon after the death of one of its parents, grandparents, or anyone else in the extended family, and is of the same sex. 'The cutting of special marks on the face, apart from relating an individual to the father's lineage, allows for easy identification within and outside his community. Such facial peculiarities are highlighted in the effigy used in second-burial ceremonies. But since the effigy is always costumed, only the head is given an elaborate finish; the rest of the body is either blocked out or simply left undone. Sometimes, as Frank Willett (1966:34-45) has pointed out with regard to the Ife bronzes, only the portrait head is made and then nailed to a wooden armature that is covered by the costume. More often the effigy is given a hat to enhance physical resemblance to the deceased.

A naturalistic portrait is used during second-burial ceremonies to symbolize the last earthly appearance of deceased persons before they proceed to the "Land of the Dead" (see Abiodun 1976:4-20; 1,awal 1977 :54). However, given the fact that the ceremony is performed mainly for individuals who have attained respectable positions in life and who have been survived by children prosperous enough to sponsor such an expensive undertaking, the second-burial ceremony could also be seen as an indirect celebration of a destiny fulfilled, an indication that the deceased had chosen a good ori.

95 THE HEAD IN YORUBA SCULPTURE

Of course the external head (ori bde) is only the outer shell of the inner one (ori inu); hence the veneration accorded the latter is automatically extended to the former. Even when a full figure is rendered in the naturalistic mode, the head still dominates (see Willett 197 1:pl. 42.)

The stylized mode of rendering the head (and indeed the whole body) is found mainly in woodcarvings, bronzecastings, and masks associated with the worship of the b r i d and deified ancestors, where the allusion is to the spiritual. (See Figures 3 and 4.) Yoruba religion regards 016dCmark and the brisi as having essentially human attributes, even though they are noncorporeal. The brisi assume corporeal human forms only when sent by Ol6dhmark on special missions to the earth, after which they return to their noncorporeal state again. Since death is not regarded as the end of life, but rather a translation from earthly to spiritual existence, deceased ancestors are venerated like the brisi. Special masks are created for them, to dramatize their periodic returns to the earth to visit their living descendants.

Having been dematerialized, both the brisi and the deified ancestors are repre- sented either by abstract symbols or (sometimes) in person. When represented in person, human features are stylized in a special way to hint at humankind's spiritual essence. The head is rendered, as it were, in embryo: eyes, nose, mouth, and ears are enlarged and schematized as if to convey a return to primordial spirituality (Latval 1977:59). These features are not peculiar to any individual, but only suggest a 'human potential,' the realization of which on the earthly plane depends on the nature of the formative elements. We are here reminded of .the or i in&, the inner heads molded by Ajili Alimb, the heavenly potter. To Aj3i Alhmb, the molding of an inner head is a routine affair; the fact that he produces stereotypes makes it difficult for the newly created human beings to differentiate a good ori from a bad one. Both have identical "visible" features (Abimbola 1971:87):

Oriburukzi ki i w u tulu A ki i da ese asiw2rh mi,1'6jzi 6ni A ki i m'ori ol6yB l'ciwujo.

A bad ori is not necessarily disfigured Nobody can identify the footprints of a mad man on the road Nobody can distinguish the head destined to wear a crown in a gathering.

i j i l i Alimb's lack of interest in physical peculiarities can be corroborated with the fact that he stayed behind in heaven, while Obit&, the maker of "flesh and bone," followed the first generation of human beings to the earth and is worshipped to this day as an brisi and a deified ancestor. kjdi A l h b , by contrast, remains a distant and virtually forgotten &is$ in the Yoruba pantheon. He is mentioned only in the If i divination literature and is often described as an elusive and irresponsible debtor who always goes into hiding whenever clients arrive to choose their ori (Abimbola 1971:80). If he is found in the workshop by accident and given a tip, he might offer some assistance; if given nothing, he will not ask (dos Santos and dos Santos 197 la : 50). He is as unpredictable as the destiny concealed in his products.

In any event the facial similarity, or rather the stylistic unity, observable in the generality of Yoruba art is certainly due to the stabilization of the artistic canons for representing the spiritual. These canons have since become an index for projecting the spiritual oneness of the Yoruba as descendants of bdhduwi, the mythical

Figure 1. Ipcide for Chief Akinyemi of 0 d S ; n Compound, Ile-Ife, Figure 2. Life-size portrait head (bronze) from IlcIfe. The holes Nigeria. Collected by the Nigerian Museum in 1964. The figure in the neck could very well be the points at which this head was is about 3 feet high. Only the head and neck are cawed, whle originally nailed to a wooden armature. Height: ca. 12 inches. the trunk is left as a rough cylinder. 12th115th Cent. A.D. Nigerian Museum, IlcIfe, Nigeria.

Figure 3. En On'sa (Image for communicating with the gods). The stylized face alludes to the dematerialized state of the gods. University of Ife Museum Collection.

F&re 4. Epngrn Mask representing the spirit of a deceased ancestor who haa returned to the earth to visit with his living descendants. Ipetumodu, Nigeria. 1972.

ancestor to whom every Yoruba oba ("king") traces his divine right to wear a beaded crown. Facial marks are added to the stylized head to identify the sculpture with a lineage rather than with a particular individual.

The abstract mode of representing the head is to be found in the ibori, the shrine for worshipping the ori. This is a small, cone-shaped object wrapped in leather and adorned with cowries. It is always kept in a crown-like container called ili o r i (lit. "house of the head") and brought out only when sacrifices are to be offered to it. The ilk or i is also adorned with cowries.

The word ibori is a contraction of ibo ori, meaning "altar (of the) head." In the traditional past, many an adult Yoruba offered sacrifices and prayers to his head through the ibori every morning before worshipping any other brisi. An individual commissions his ibori through a babaliwo, an If5 divination priest. Consecrated divination powder (iy?rosGn), into which the spirit of one's o r i has been invoked, is poured into a small leather bag and sealed (Ajanaku, personal communica;ion, 1972). This represents the primeval clayey element (;kt? ipbrz') with which .4jAli Xlimb molded the inner head of that person. The sealed, cone-shaped bag is then given to a leatherworker to adorn with cowries (ow0 eyo).5 After that the ilk ori is provided.

The abstract form of the ibori alludes to the concealed ise that controls one's life and that can be made to work in one's favor through regular propitiation. Its lavish decoration with cowries, the ancient form of Yoruba currency, underlines its function as the source of its owner's well-being and prosperity. Indeed the more successful individuals are in life, the costlier the sacrifices they offer to their or i and the more elaborate they make the container for their ibori, in appreciation of the favors received. The death of an important man in the community providcs his children with an opportunity to display the deceased's ilk-ori in a public procession along with the corpse. 12n ilk-ori in the Katherine White Collection of the Seattle Art hluseum is decorated with an equestrian figure to communicate the high status of its owner (see Thompson 1974:pI. 135).

The ibori and ilk-ori of the Yoruba oba ("king") are certainly the most elaborate in a given community, as they are richly adorned with multicolored beads. As the head of the community, the oba is regarded not only as a sacred person by virtue of his direct descent from Oduduwi, the mythical ancestor, but the quality of his or i determines 'the fate of his subjects and his entire kingdom during his reign. The propitiation of his ori is thus attended with elaborate rituals and public ceremonies, as can be observed during the 016jb and b run festivals in 116-If6 and Oy6, respective- ly. The physical head of the oba, sacralized during the installation rituals, must thereafter not be uncovered in public. It is concealed under a beaded crown (ad;) that veils his face from direct public view (Thompson 1970:8-17), functioning like an ilb-ori. A stylized face is often depicted in front of the crown, to emphasize the position of the oba as the living representative of the ancestors.

iZccording to Chief Fagbemi Ajanaku, the apex of many ibori is shaped like the beak of a bird, alluding t o the fact that the divine power (ise) of 016dumark enters the human body throush the head and flies out of it (at death) like a bird (.4janaku 1972:13). .i\lthough most of the divination priests I interviewed simply said that

99 T H E HEAD IN YORUBA SCULPTURE

the ibori represents b k t ipbri (the primordial clayey element), there was a general consensus that birds play a prominent role in rituals associated with the ~ r i . ~ For instance in some rites aimed at cleansing an afflicted head, certain parts of the bird, hbb8, are used to prepare a medicinal soap, which is then used to wash the patient's head 0.0. Elewude, personal communication). In one case a live dove was used like a sponge to wash the head of a woman who had just recovered from a psychotic episode. The dove was later thrown into the river and allowed to drift away (Prince 1974:lOl). In yet another example, a bird helped a man called Ajifikirijkko t o realize his destiny. According to the story, AjifhkArajPko was a pauper who had offered sacrifices to his o r i (on the advice of Or6nmild) and expected his life to change for the better within a few days. After waiting in vain for fifteen days, he decided t o commit suicide. But as he attempted to do so, a pigeon perched on his head, flapping its wings frantically. Ajifhkirhjtko was frightened. He took to his heels, only to be pursued by several pigeons, some pecking at his head. While run- ning, AjifhkBrhjkko stumbled and fell down. On recovering he discovered that he had fallen into a grave that contained a lot of treasure, where an oba had been buried. Ajifdkirajkko dug up all the treasures and eventually became a wealthy man, thanks to the pigeons (Alade 1972 :9-10).

Although the choice of a particular bird for a given ritual is determined by its mystical associations, in general the belief is that birds are celestial messengers, since they dwell on both land and sky and fly great distances across the water. Thus sacrifices consumed by birds (especially by vultures) are seen as being collected for delivery to the appropriate quarters.7 In considering the relationship between or i and birds, cognizance must be taken of the fact that the latter are also directly associated with dse. For instance it was a five-toed chicken (given by 016dumark to bduduwh) that spread the divine sand over the primordial waters at 116-Ift (the cradle of Yoruba civilization), thus creating solid earth (Idowu 1970:19). When the founder of witchcraft (Odu) was leaving heaven for the earth, 016dumart gave her a special ase in the form of a bird enclosed in a calabash (Verger 1965). And the birds represented on the beaded crown of the Yoruba oba are said to symbolize hse, his power of life and death over his subjects. To the Yoruba ase is invisible and immaterial; when activated it flies like a mysterious bird. As the seat of the soul ( the i se of the individual) the ori is also capable of flight, and this occurs during dreams, trances, or when a witch "changes into a bird inside her body and hies out of the mouth" to attack victims (Prince 1974:92). Nowhere is this metaphor more apparent than in the statement, orim ifi, lo (lit. "my head flew off"), which describes a fright- ful moment.

OR^ AND ESU

No treatment of or i would be complete without a consideration of the nature of its connection with E S ~ , the principle of dynamism in the Yoruba cosmos and the coordinator of the activities of all the brisi, on the one hand, and the link between them and humans, on the other. E S ~is the keeper of 016dbmart7s ise, and as such he wields considerable power in the Yoruba pantheon, so much so that he is often unpredictable. As Wande Abimbola (personal communications, 1976) has pointed out, "he is a friend and a foe at the same time." He is thus associated with order and

100 J O U R N A L O F A N T H R O P O L O G I C A L RESEARCH

disorder, certainty and uncertainty. Little wonder that his cooperation is enlisted by the priest at the beginning of a divination process to ensure a fairly accurate predic- tion. It is important to note ?hat many divination trays have carved on them a prominent face identified with Esu, because he acts as a spy for Orfinmila.

According to Babaliwo Ifitobgun of Ilobu (a highly knowledgeable divina-tion priest), there is an aspect of Esu in every person; otherwise one would not be conscious of one's own existence (dos Santps and dos Santos 1971a:16-17). Esu is therefore a catalyst who not only helps Orfinmila to unravel the mysteries of human destiny, but who also propels individuals toward the realization of their fate (see also dos Santos and dos Santos 1971b:120).

ORI AS A LOCUS O F COMMUNICATION

Apart from providing the individual with a source of inspiration and hope, or i symbolism offers the Yoruba a means of interacting more closely with the supernatural. This is most evident in the prolific use of anthropomorphic images in the worship of the orisa. Since most of the orisa are no more than personifications of supernatural forces, they are seldom represented in person. Frequently the princi- pal shrine symbol is a nonfigurative object in which the ase of the &is; is thought to dwell. For instance Sang6 (the brisa of lightning and thunder) is represented on the altar by thunderbolts, which he is believed to hurl down from the sky during thunder-storms; Orunmila by palm kernels used in divination; and Erinli (a river deity) by stones from the river of the same name. The altar is called ojzi 89;n (lit. "face of the spirit") or ojzi'bo (lit. "face for worshipping the spirit"). But more often the principal shrine symbol is kept in a container on which a stylized human head o r face is carved. Alternatively the sacred symbol of the brisa may be buried in the <ground or hidden behind a screen of anthropomorphic images. Libations are poured both on the principal shrine symbol and the images. On the other hand, if solid food is offered as sacrifice, a symbolic feeding of the carved face on the container may suffice; otherwise the offering may simply be left on the floor in front of the sculptures.

These instances should be enough to show that the sculptural representations on an altar are considered to be part of the "face" of the brisa, notwithstanding their individual thematic values. Especially if the principal shrine symbol is concealed, the carved face on the container not only communicates the human essence of the brisa, but also provides a focus for the devotee, thereby facilitating a more intimate d ia l~~guewith the brisi (Lawal 1974:243). Worship normally begins with the chanting of the oriki (lit. "head praise") of the orisa, which is tantamount to invoking its inner head to descend to the altar (Sowande and Ajanaku 1969:25). Therefore the carved, stylized human head on the container seems to serve as a "facial outlet," vivifying the presence of the orisa at the moment of invocation. Similarly the carved face of Esu on the divination tray is activated momentarily to "spy" for Oninmila.

Apart from personifying the abstract symbol of an brisi, the sculptured face (or the anthropomorphic altar image in general) provides a protective watch over the devotee and his or her household. In consequence of regular face-to-face con- versations, the devotee and the brisa become familiar with one another's faces.

101 T H E HEAD IN YORUBA SCULPTURE

Admittedly it is a sign of disrespect for a Yoruba youth to stare an elder in the face when addressing him, and a Yoruba oba wears a beaded crown that veils his face from direct public gaze. But on the altar, the devotee is only dealing with the brisi through a surrogate that "masks" the actual presence of the brisi, just as the beaded crown conceals the face of the oba.

In addition to its communicative functions, the face (oju) connotes access. Thus what can be solved "has a face" (o 15jzi); the unsolvable "has no face" (ki,E'bjzi); an entanglement "has a blocked face" (o di'jzi). To tame or pacify is to "cool the face" (th l'hjzi). Therefore providing the symbol of an brisi with a face facilitates the pacification of that brisi; for what has a face is controllable (Lawal 1976:362). If the world "has a face," the path of happiness will be accessible to everyone; hence the prayer, k'riyt b r'bjh (lit. "may the world have a face"). Human progress is regarded as bEjh (lit. "cutting a face on the earth").

CONCLUSIONS

By and large the main thrust of the Yoruba conception of the ori is that human physical, spiritual, and material well-being depends for the most part on how well people can make use of their head. The choice of a good or bad ori is no more than a potentiality for success or failure. To achieve anything in life, a person must struggle. This point is clear in the following If6 divination verse (Abimbola 1976: 146-47):

B i d bn'se wipe' Cbogbo origbogbo niisun pdsi Irdkb gbogbo iba t i t i n nigbd A dia fhn igba eni Ti ntikolk orun bb wa' si ta'y k B i o ba'se w i p k Gbogbo orr'gbogbo niisun pdsi Irdkb gbogbo ibn' ti ta'n nigbd A bh f i n O w k h Ti ntikolk orun bb wa' sr' tiye' Ow hrh la njh Gbogbo wa Owhk la njh Enid yanriirk b wdpi, bwkrt? la' nji Gbogbo wa bwir2. ki nji.

If all heads are destined To be buried with coffins, All the irdki, trees in the forest would have been exhausted Ifi divination was performed for two hundred persons Who were leaving heaven for the earth. If all heads are destined To be buried with coffins All the iro'kb trees in the forest would have been exhausted Ifi divination was performed for 'Struggle' Who was leaving heaven for the earth. All of us We are just stmggling

102 IOURNAL O F AKTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH

Those who chose good destinies are not many We are just struggling All of us We are just struggling.

The prominence given to the head in Yoruba sculpture is a reflection of its sociobiological importance as the coordinating center for human existential struggles. Highly elaborate, hono$fic headgear reinforces this vital role. In some sculptures, like those associated with Esu (the divine messenger) and Sango (the brisa of lightning and thunder), there are special projections from the head to hint at the latent energy contained within (see Thompson 1970:ch.4/4, pl. 9 ; ch.1216, pl. 2). Perhaps the most striking feature of a typical Yoruba sculptured head are the bulging, almond- shaped eyes, gazing with hope into the future.

NOTES

1. This is a revised version of a paper first presented at a Seminar on Religion and Art , organized by the Center for the Study of World Religions, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 22 April 1975. I wish to express my gratitude to Preston Williams, Acting Dean of the Divinity School; John Carman, Director, Center for the Study of World Relgions; and John Rosenfield, Chairman, Department of Fine Arts (all of Harvard University) for jointly inviting me to serve as a Visiting Lecturer in Traditional African Art and Religion during spring semester, 1975. I am also grateful to Chief M.A. Fabunmi, the Odole At6base of Ile-Ife, Chief Fagbemi Ajanaku, the Araba of Lagos, Mr. J.A. Elewude and Professor Wande Abimbola, both of the University of Ife, Ile-Ife, Nigeria, with all of whom I have had useful discussions.

2. brhnmili is the b r i d in charge of the divination system known as Ifa, which is believed t o contain all the secrets of the uni- verse. brhnmili is called elh in ipin ("witness of human destiny") because he was the only one present a t the moment of creation and who also knows the quality of each of the inner heads produced by Ajila .41amo. The corpus of Ifa divination verses is called Odh; the precepts given in each verse are used to solve human problems. For more on Ifi , see Abimbola

(1976); Bascom (1969); and Epega (n.d.:14). 3 . These lines are taken from a long divina-

tion verse rendered by Babalawo Ifatoogun of Ilobh; quoted by dos Santos and dos Santos, 1971, p. 49.

4. A child born legs-first is called igk. It is believed that those bearing this name are usually unlucky and must struggle very hard to achieve something in life.

5. As a rule the number of cowries that can be used to adorn the ibori is restricted to forty- one; the quantity for decorating the ilk-ori is not limited. Depending on his or her social status, an individual could have the ilt-ori adorned with as much as six heads (twelve thousand) cowries; but then the leatherworker must be paid the same amount as for decorating both the ibori and ilC or i (see Johnson 1969: 27).

7. The importance of birds in Yoruba divination and sacrifices is underlined in the popular saying;

Bi a b r i i&n, a b gbodb s'ebo Bi a b ri i k i l i , a b gbodb s'orb.

If there is no sign of the vulture, sacrifices should not be offered If there is no sign of the hornbill, the rituals of the bull roarer must not be performed.

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Ajanaku, F., 1972, Ori, Ipin ati Kadara, Apa Keji. Olokun 10:ll-13.

103 THE HEAD IN YORUBA SCULPTURE

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