ori and art

7/28/2019 ori and art

1/14

Ori: The Significance of the Head in Yoruba Sculpture

Author(s): Babatunde LawalSource: Journal of Anthropological Research, Vol. 41, No. 1 (Spring, 1985), pp. 91-103Published by: University of New MexicoStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3630272

Accessed: 11/12/2009 11:06

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless

you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you

may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained athttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=unm.

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed

page of such transmission.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of

content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms

of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

University of New Mexico is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access toJournal of

Anthropological Research.

http://www.jstor.org
http://www.jstor.org/stable/3630272?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=unmhttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=unmhttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/stable/3630272?origin=JSTOR-pdf


2/14

ORI: THE SIGNIFICANCEOF THE HEAD IN YORUBA SCULPTUREBabatunde Lawal

Departmentof FineArts,Universityof Ife, Ile-Ife,NigeriaThis paper discusses why the head (ori) is the most prominent part of Yoruba sculpture. Ananalysis of Yoruba ontology of the person reveals that the Yoruba regard the head as the locus ofthe ase (divine power) of the Supreme Being (Oloduimare) in the individual, constituting theperson's life-source and controlling personality and destiny. Three different modes of representingthe head are identified in Yoruba sculpture: the naturalistic, which refers to the external, orphysical, head (ori bde); the stylized, which hints at the inner, or spiritual, head (ori ini); andthe abstract, which symbolizes the primeval material (6ke ipori) of which the inner head wasmade. Although the fate of each individual is believed to have been predetermined in heavenbefore birth "into" the earth, a good or bad destiny is no more than a potentiality for success orfalure; a successful life depends on how well one makes use of one's head here on earth. Theprominence given to the head in Yoruba sculpture is thus a reflection of its sociobiological im-portance as the coordinating center of human existential struggles.LIKE MANY OTHER AFRICAN PEOPLES, the Yoruba of western Nigeria regardthe human head (orz) as the most vital part of a person.1 Hence it is the biggest andthe most elaborately finished part of Yoruba figure sculpture. The prominence givento the head in Yoruba culture derives from two factors, the physical and the meta-physical. At the physical level, it is an index of individual identification and thelocus of important organs such as the brain (opolo), the seat of wisdom and reason;the eyes (oju), the lamps that guide a person through the dark jungle of life, thenose (imu), the source of ventilation for the soul; the mouth (enu), the source ofnourishment for the body; and the ears (eti), the sound detectors. Needless to saylife cannot be sustained without these organs, and no matter how seriously a personmay be injured, hope is not lost as long as the head remains intact. The Yorubaconcentrate their attempts to revive an unconscious person on the head; incantationsmay be recited into the ears or medicinal substances poured into the mouth. But noone would attempt to revive a decapitated body. Human sanity implies a normallyfunctioning head (ori pipe), insanity a disturbed one (or' didarur).It must be noted, however, that while the Yoruba recognize the physiological im-portance of the head, they place a higher premium on its metaphysical significanceas the source of life and the essence of human personality (Abimbola 1971:73-89;Idowu 1970:170-75). The physical head is thought of as no more than an outershell, ori ode (lit. "outer head"), concealing the ori inu, the "inner head." Thelatter determines the existence and fate of the individual on the earth.

According to Yoruba ontology, whenever the Supreme Being, Olo6dmare, wantsto create a person, he asks one of the brisa (lesser divinities) known as Obtaila tomold the physical body from divine clay. Once Obatala finishes molding the image,Olo6dmare breathes life (emz') into it through the head (Ajanaku 1972:13), thusmaking it a living human being. The newly created human being is then directed toanother orisa, called Ajala Alamo, the potter, whose special responsibility is to moldthe inner head. Many completed inner heads, each containing ase, the divine powerof Olodumare, are already on display in Ajala Alamo's workshop; the newly createdperson simply has to choose one of them. Although all the inner heads look alike,each is intrinsically different from the others; the one chosen by an individual91


3/14

JOURNALOF ANTHROPOLOGICALRESEARCHautomatically determines the person's lot on earth (Abimbola 1971:80). The personwho has chosen a good inner head will be lucky and prosperous in life as olorirere, the possessor of a good head. The person who is persistently unlucky in lifeis simply assumed to be an olori buriuku, the possessor of a bad inner head. Oncechosen, a bad or cannot be altered. Hence the saying:Ori burukuti b gb '6seAyinm6 kb gb'6giin.

A badhead cannotbe washedcleanHumandestinycannotbe alteredwith charms.Nevertheless the adverse effects of a bad ori can be minimized through rituals

prescribed by Orumila, the divination orisa, the only one (apart from the SupremeBeing) who knows all the secrets of the universe.2 The mere possession of a goodori will not automatically guarantee success in life, however. An individual mustwork hard for it and consult Oruinmila regularly for divine guidance; otherwisethe vicissitudes of life are such that one can easily miss the path already laid outand "wander about the bush."

ORIAS AN ASPECTOF THESUPREMEBEINGThat the ori (both in its physical and metaphysical aspects) signifies much morethan personal destiny is hinted at in the popular Yoruba saying (Alade 1972:8): Orieni l'eledd eni ("a person's head is his or her creator"). The fact that the wordeledd (creator) refers almost exclusively to Olodumare would seem to suggest thatthe orf is one of his aspects. In other words, Olodumare is the head-source (or'sun)of the universe, just as the ori (both outer and inner) of an individual constitutesthe personal life-source. Hence the saying (Alade 1972:8): Ori eni, isese eni ("aperson's head is his source of origin").There is an interesting story in the If6 divination verse (Ejiogbe) that throwsfurther light on the connection between ori and Olodumare. The latter is reportedto have summoned all the orisa in heaven to his presence one day, in order to findout which of them was powerful enough to split the sacred kola nut (obi obre)into its main cotyledons. All the orisa present attempted to break the sacred kolanut but failed. Then The Very First Head (Ori Atetekose) rolled into the arena,took the sacred kola nut, and split it with ease, to the amazement of all the otherorisa. Apparently taunting them, Olodumare remarked, "Verily, only you, Or', arepowerful enough to split the sacred kola nut." The orisa were provoked and theyattacked Ori, but the latter subjugated them one by one (Lijadu 1972:14; Sowandeand Ajanaku 1969:21-22).Evidently Ori has been used in this story to illustrate the absolute supremacyof Olodumare as the head of the Yoruba pantheon. It is significant to note thatOri figuratively subdued the orisa in the towns where their principal shrines arelocated (Lijadu 1972:14):Ori da Olota si'le AdoO da Erinmi s'bde bwbO da Peepee s'ode AsinO da Orisa s'tapaO da Ogtin s'Ile-Ire

92


4/14

THE HEAD IN YORUBA SCULPTUREO da Obalifbn s'IyindeO da Orunmila s'ile-Ife.Ori subdued Orisa Olota at Ad6It subdued Erinmi at OwbIt subdued Peepee at Ode AsinIt subdued Orisa at ItapaIt subdued Ogun at Ie-IreIt subdued Obalufbn at IyindeIt subdued Orunmila at Ile-If.The symbolism of the above story becomes clearer once it is realized that theYoruba word da can mean "subdue" and "create" at the same time, depending onthe context. Thus, being the ultimate head, Olodumare created all beings:3Ori nii d niEnikan 6 id'Ori.Ori created usNobody created Ori:A second story from the Ifa divination verse, "Irosuin Osa," relates how seven-teen hundred orisa once conspired against Olodumare, asking him to abdicate thethrone. Olodumare agreed to do so only on condition that they should first of allgo and rule the earth by themselves for sixteen days. But no sooner did the deities

disperse than Olo6dmare switched off the machinery of the universe, as it were,bringing everything to a halt. Things became extremely difficult on earth, and soonthe brisa were at their wits' end. Shamefacedly they returned to Olodumare toacknowledge his supreme authority (Idowu 1970:55):

Ol6rt 'af'ori finL'6 ddfin erinl6oj obrisaNt'gbati nwon ko esin odun re odo Olo6dumare.The Head should be accorded his dueThis is the oracle's charge to seventeen hundred brisdWho must render annual tribute to Olo6dmare.Not only do these two divination stories underscore the position of Olodumareas the ultimate or the universal Ori, they also point to the fact that nothing ispossible in the universe without his divine power. As already mentioned, one aspectof this ase resides in the ori of individuals, motivating them toward their destinies.

Since Olo6dmare is considered as too sublime to be worshipped directly, he isapproached through the orisa, each of which has a specific responsibility. Yet it isthe general belief among the Yoruba that no orisa can assist an individual withoutthe consent of his own ori (ko s'brisa tii da niz gbe lehin orz'eni) (Abimbola 1971:81). And to the extent that an individual might entertain the question, nje orzI'a bd bo ti a bd f'brisa sz'le? ("couldn't one worship one's ori alone and ignorethe orisa?" (Idowu 1970:72; see also Alade 1972:8), it is apparent that the ori isconsidered (even if subconsciously) to be more powerful than all the orisa, and mayvery well symbolize the godhead in the individual. In other words the orisa canassist a person only within the possibilities already willed by Olodumare, that is,within one's innate endowments.The ori of the individual shares the attributes of Olodumare in another im-portant way. Just as Olo6dmare is said to be the first being created (although heis self-created), the human head is believed to be the first part of the body to be

93


5/14

JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICALRESEARCHmolded by Obatala, the other parts being fashioned in such a way as to put the headin a supremeposition. According to Chief Fagbemi Ajanaku, the other parts of thehuman body areno more than servantsaccompanying the head to the earth (Ajanaku1972:11). This belief is widely held by the Yoruba and is often supported by thefact that in most cases a baby is born head first, so that the other members of thebody can literally be said to follow the head to the earth (Ajuwon, personal com-munication, 1976; Awolalu 1972:104).4 Even in sculpture the traditional carverbegins with and emphasizes the head, the other parts of the human body beingdrasticallyabbreviated,as if to stress their physical and metaphysicalsubservience.

ARTISTIC REPRESENTATIONSThere are three principal modes of representingthe head in Yoruba art: namelythe naturalistic,the stylized, and the abstract.The naturalistic mode is exemplified by Ife terra cotta and bronze heads (seeWillett 1967:pls. I, II), as well as wooden effigies (ako, ajeje, and ipade) (see Lawal1977:pl. I; Willett 1965:figs. 2, 3) used in second-burialceremonies. (See Figures1and 2.) Though idealized, facial features are markedly individualized,to recall theimage of a particular person. The reference here is to the external head, orl de. Itsorigin can be traced to Obatatla, he orisa of artistry who molds a person's physicalbody from clay and who is fondly addressed as eni s'ojzi, se'mu, "molder of eyes andnose" (Idowu 1970:72). Obatala's nterest in individualpeculiaritiessometimes leadshim to create cripples, hunchbacks, albinos, and other abnormal beings;hence hisepithet a ddni b'6ti ri, "he who makes humansas he pleases" (Idowu 1970:72).In any case the features and physical peculiaritiesof an individualmay either beunique or may resemble those of the person's parents or grandparents.Although afather will still accept the paternity of a child even if it does not resemble him,physical likenessof any sort is highly valued by the Yoruba. Not only does it confirmthe legitimacy of a child, it can also be taken as evidence of the reincarnationof anancestor, especially if the child is born soon after the death of one of its parents,grandparents,or anyone else in the extended family, and is of the same sex. Thecutting of special marks on the face, apartfrom relatingan individual to the father'slineage, allows for easy identification within and outside his community. Such facialpeculiarities are highlighted in the effigy used in second-burialceremonies.But since

the effigy is always costumed, only the head is given an elaborate finish; the restof the body is either blocked out or simply left undone. Sometimes, as FrankWillett(1966:34-45) has pointed out with regardto the Ife bronzes, only the portraitheadis made and then nailed to a wooden armaturethat is covered by the costume. Moreoften the effigy is givena hat to enhance physical resemblanceto the deceased.A naturalisticportrait is used duringsecond-burialceremonies to symbolize thelast earthly appearance of deceased persons before they proceed to the "Landof the Dead" (see Abiodun 1976:4-20; Lawal 1977:54). However, given the factthat the ceremony is performedmainly for individualswho have attained respectablepositions in life and who have been survived by children prosperous enough tosponsor such an expensive undertaking, the second-burialceremony could also beseen as an indirect celebration of a destiny fulfilled, an indication that the deceasedhad chosen a good ori.

94


6/14

THE HEAD IN YORUBASCULPTUREOf course the external head (ori ode) is only the outer shell of the inner one(ori inu); hence the veneration accorded the latter is automatically extended to theformer. Even when a full figure is rendered in the naturalisticmode, the head stilldominates (see Willett 1971:pl. 42.)The stylized mode of renderingthe head (and indeed the whole body) is foundmainly in woodcarvings, bronzecastings,and masks associated with the worship ofthe orisa and deified ancestors, where the allusion is to the spiritual.(See Figures3and 4.) Yorubareligion regardsOlodumareand the orisa as havingessentially humanattributes, even though they are noncorporeal. The brisa assume corporeal humanforms only when sent by Oloduimareon special missions to the earth, after whichthey return to their noncorporeal state again. Since death is not regardedas the endof life, but rathera translationfrom earthly to spiritualexistence, deceased ancestorsare venerated like the orisa. Special masks are created for them, to dramatizetheirperiodic returnsto the earthto visit their living descendants.Having been dematerialized,both the orisa and the deified ancestors are repre-sented either by abstract symbols or (sometimes) in person. Whenrepresented inperson, human features are stylized in a special way to hint at humankind'sspiritualessence. The head is rendered, as it were, in embryo: eyes, nose, mouth, and earsare enlarged and schematized as if to convey a return to primordial spirituality(Lawal 1977:59). These features arenot peculiarto any individual,but only suggesta 'human potential,' the realization of which on the earthly plane depends on thenature of the formative elements. We are here reminded of the ori inu, the innerheads molded by Ajala Alamo, the heavenly potter. To Ajlai Alamo, the moldingofan inner head is a routine affair; the fact that he produces stereotypes makes itdifficult for the newly created human beings to differentiate a good or' from a badone. Both have identical "visible" features (Abimbola 1971:87):Or' burku ki 'iwu tuluA ki i da ese asiwere mb l'6jtinaiA ki i m 'ori oloy lI'dwujo.A bad ori is not necessarilydisfiguredNobody can identify the footprintsof a mad manon the roadNobody candistinguish he headdestinedto weara crown in a gathering.Ajala Alamo's lack of interest in physical peculiaritiescan be corroboratedwiththe fact that he stayed behind in heaven, while Obatala, the maker of "flesh andbone," followed the first generationof humanbeings to the earthand is worshippedto this day as an orisa and a deified ancestor. Ajala Alamo, by contrast, remains adistant and virtually forgotten orisa in the Yoruba pantheon. He is mentioned onlyin the Ifa divination literature and is often described as an elusiveand irresponsibledebtor who always goes into hiding whenever clients arrive to choose their ori(Abimbola 1971:80). If he is found in the workshop by accident and given a tip, hemight offer some assistance; if given nothing, he will not ask (dos Santos and dosSantos 1971a:50). He is as unpredictableas the destiny concealed in his products.In any event the facial similarity, or rather the stylistic unity, observable in the

generality of Yoruba art is certainly due to the stabilization of the artistic canonsforrepresenting he spiritual.These canons have since become an index for projectingthe spiritual oneness of the Yoruba as descendants of Oduiduwa,the mythical

95


7/14

,- ~~~~~~~~~~~~z

Figure 1. Ipdde for Chief Akinyemi of Osog'n Compound, Ile-Ife, Figure 2. Life-size portrait head (bronze)Nigeria. Collected by the Nigerian Museum in 1964. The figure in the neck could very well be the pointsis about 3 feet high. Only the head and neck are carved, while originally nailed to a wooden armature.the trunk is left as a rough cylinder. 12th/15th Cent. A.D. Nigerian Museum, Il

::!:?1I

the trunk s left as a roughcylinder. 12th/15th Cent. A.D. NigerianMuseum,


8/14

?':rF: ':. ?'.!:?u???? ??:"-ia Ir?;..$jl.:?:ijiB, ::"ii"i:???.. fi;b;""ai. i?: ??el. ?!9if.?%:?:ai d;F

". ? ill t;: .:?i:;??i?"*'':'

Figure 3. Ere Orisa (Image for communicating with the gods).The stylized face alludes to the dematerialized state of the gods.University of Ife Museum Collection.Figure 4. Egungun Mask representingancestor who has returned to the eartdescendants. Ipetumodu, Nigeria. 1972.

tu".


9/14

98 JOURNALOF ANTHROPOLOGICALRESEARCHancestor to whom every Yoruba oba ("king") traces his divine right to wear abeaded crown. Facial marks are added to the stylized head to identify the sculpturewith a lineage rather than with a particular individual.The abstract mode of representing the head is to be found in the ibori, theshrine for worshipping the or. This is a small, cone-shaped object wrapped in leatherand adorned with cowries. It is always kept in a crown-like container called ile or'(lit. "house of the head") and brought out only when sacrifices are to be offeredto it. The ile or is also adorned with cowries.The word ibori is a contraction of ibo ori, meaning "altar (of the) head." Inthe traditional past, many an adult Yoruba offered sacrifices and prayers to his headthrough the ibori every morning before worshipping any other orisa. An individualcommissions his ibori through a babalawo, an Ifi divination priest. Consecrateddivination powder (iyerosun), into which the spirit of one's ori has been invoked,is poured into a small leather bag and sealed (Ajanaku, personal communication,1972). This represents the primeval clayey element (oke ipbri) with which AjilaAlamo molded the inner head of that person. The sealed, cone-shaped bag is thengiven to a leatherworker to adorn with cowries (owo eyo).5 After that the ile ori isprovided.The abstract form of the ibori alludes to the concealed ase that controls one'slife and that can be made to work in one's favor through regular propitiation. Itslavish decoration with cowries, the ancient form of Yoruba currency, underlines itsfunction as the source of its owner's well-being and prosperity. Indeed the moresuccessful individuals are in life, the costlier the sacrifices they offer to their orland the more elaborate they make the container for their ibori, in appreciation ofthe favors received. The death of an important man in the community provides hischildren with an opportunity to display the deceased's ile-ori in a public processionalong with the corpse. An ile-ori in the Katherine White Collection of the SeattleArt Museum is decorated with an equestrian figure to communicate the high statusof its owner (see Thompson 1974:pl. 135).The ibori and ile-ori of the Yoruba oba ("king") are certainly the most elaboratein a given community, as they are richly adorned with multicolored beads. As thehead of the community, the oba is regarded not only as a sacred person by virtueof his direct descent from Odiuduwa, the mythical ancestor, but the quality of hisor determines the fate of his subjects and his entire kingdom during his reign. Thepropitiation of his or is thus attended with elaborate rituals and public ceremonies,as can be observed during the 016jo and Orun festivals in Ile-Ife and Oyo, respective-ly. The physical head of the oba, sacralized during the installation rituals, mustthereafter not be uncovered in public. It is concealed under a beaded crown (ade)that veils his face from direct public view (Thompson 1970:8-17), functioning likean ile-orl. A stylized face is often depicted in front of the crown, to emphasize theposition of the oba as the living representative of the ancestors.

ORIAND BIRDSYMBOLISMAccording to Chief Fagbemi Ajanaku, the apex of many iborl is shaped like thebeak of a bird, alluding to the fact that the divine power (ase) of Olo6dmare entersthe human body through the head and flies out of it (at death) like a bird (Ajanaku1972:13). Although most of the divination priests I interviewed simply said that


10/14

THE HEAD IN YORUBA SCULPTUREthe ibori represents oke ipori (the primordialclayey element), there was a generalconsensus that birds play a prominent role in rituals associated with the ori.6 Forinstance in some rites aimed at cleansing an afflicted head, certainparts of the bird,obbe, are used to prepare a medicinal soap, which is then used to wash the patient'shead (J.O. Elewude, personal communication). In one case a live dove was used likea sponge to wash the head of a woman who had just recovered from a psychoticepisode. The dove was later thrown into the river and allowed to drift away (Prince1974:101). In yet another example, a bird helped a man called Ajiffkarajeko torealize his destiny. According to the story, Ajifakarajekowas a pauper who hadoffered sacrifices to his ori (on the advice of Oruinmila)and expected his life tochange for the better within a few days. After waiting in vain for fifteen days, hedecided to commit suicide. But as he attempted to do so, a pigeon perched on hishead, flapping its wings frantically. Ajifakarajeko was frightened. He took to hisheels, only to be pursued by severalpigeons, some pecking at his head. While run-ning, Ajifak'arajekotumbled and fell down. On recoveringhe discoveredthat he hadfallen into a gravethat contained a lot of treasure,where an oba had been buried.Ajifakarajekodug up all the treasures and eventually became a wealthy man, thanksto the pigeons (Alade 1972:9-10).Although the choice of a particularbird for a given ritual is determined by itsmystical associations, in general the belief is that birds are celestial messengers,since they dwell on both land and sky and fly great distances across the water. Thussacrifices consumed by birds (especially by vultures) are seen as being collected fordelivery to the appropriate quarters.7 In considering the relationship between oriand birds, cognizance must be taken of the fact that the latter are also directlyassociated with ase. For instance it was a five-toed chicken (given by Olodumareto Odiuduwa)that spread the divine sand over the primordialwaters at Ile-Ife (thecradle of Yoruba civilization), thus creating solid earth (Idowu 1970:19). Whenthefounder of witchcraft (Odui)was leaving heaven for the earth, Oloduimaregave hera special ase in the form of a bird enclosed in a calabash (Verger 1965). And thebirds represented on the beaded crown of the Yoruba oba are said to symbolizease, his power of life and death over his subjects. To the Yorubaase is invisible andimmaterial;when activated it flies like a mysterious bird. As the seat of the soul (thease of the individual) the or is also capableof flight, and this occurs duringdreams,trances, or when a witch "changes into a bird inside her body and flies out of themouth" to attack victims (Prince 1974:92). Nowhere is this metaphor more apparentthan in the statement, ori mifb lo (lit. "my head flew off"), which describesa fright-ful moment.

ORI AND ESUNo treatment of ori would be complete without a consideration of the natureof its connection with Esiu, he principle of dynamism in the Yorubacosmos and thecoordinator of the activities of all the orisa, on the one hand, and the link betweenthem and humans, on the other. Esui s the keeper of Olodumare'sase, and as such

he wields considerablepower in the Yoruba pantheon, so much so that he is oftenunpredictable. As Wande Abimbola (personal communications, 1976) has pointedout, "he is a friend and a foe at the same time." He is thus associatedwith orderand

99


11/14

JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICALRESEARCHdisorder, certainty and uncertainty. Little wonder that his cooperation is enlisted bythe priest at the beginning of a divinationprocess to ensurea fairly accuratepredic-tion. It is important to note that many divination trays have carved on them aprominent face identified with Esu, because he acts as a spy for Orunmila.

According to Babalawo Ifatoogiun of Ilobui (a highly knowledgeable divina-tion priest), there is an aspect of Esui n every person; otherwise one would not beconscious of one's own existence (dos Santos and dos Santos 1971a:16-17). Esiuis therefore a catalyst who not only helps Orunmila to unravel the mysteries ofhuman destiny, but who also propels individuals toward the realization of theirfate (see also dos Santos and dos Santos 1971b:120).ORIAS A LOCUSOF COMMUNICATION

Apart from providing the individual with a source of inspiration and hope,ori symbolism offers the Yoruba a means of interacting more closely with thesupernatural.This is most evident in the prolific use of anthropomorphicimagesinthe worship of the orisa. Since most of the orisa are no more than personificationsof supernaturalforces, they are seldom representedin person. Frequently the princi-pal shrine symbol is a nonfigurativeobject in which the ase of the orisa is thoughtto dwell. For instance Sango (the orisa of lightning and thunder) is representedonthe altar by thunderbolts, which he is believed to hurl down from the sky duringthunder-storms;Oruinmilaby palm kernels used in divination; and Erinle (a riverdeity) by stones from the river of the same name. The altar is called oju tgtin (lit."face of the spirit") or oju'bo (lit. "face for worshipping the spirit"). But moreoften the principal shrine symbol is kept in a container on which a stylized humanhead or face is carved. Alternatively the sacred symbol of the orisa may be buriedin the ground or hidden behind a screen of anthropomorphic images. Libationsarepoured both on the principal shrine symbol and the images. On the other hand,if solid food is offered as sacrifice, a symbolic feeding of the carved face on thecontainer may suffice; otherwise the offering may simply be left on the floor infront of the sculptures.These instances should be enough to show that the sculpturalrepresentationsonan altar are considered to be part of the "face" of the orisa, notwithstandingtheirindividual thematic values. Especially if the principal shrine symbol is concealed,the carved face on the container not only communicates the human essence of theorisa, but also provides a focus for the devotee, thereby facilitatinga more intimatedialoguewith the orisa (Lawal1974:243). Worshipnormally begins with the chantingof the orzki (lit. "head praise") of the brisa, which is tantamount to invoking itsinner head to descend to the altar (Sowande and Ajanaku 1969:25). Thereforethecarved, stylized human head on the container seems to serve as a "facial outlet,"vivifying the presence of the orisa at the moment of invocation. Similarly thecarved face of Esuion the divination tray is activated momentarily to "spy" forOrunmila.

Apart from personifying the abstract symbol of an orisa, the sculptured face(or the anthropomorphic altar image in general) provides a protective watch overthe devotee and his or her household. In consequence of regularface-to-face con-versations, the devotee and the orisa become familiar with one another's faces.

100


12/14

THE HEAD IN YORUBASCULPTUREAdmittedly it is a sign of disrespect for a Yoruba youth to stare an elder in the facewhen addressing him, and a Yoruba oba wears a beaded crown that veils his facefrom direct public gaze. But on the altar, the devotee is only dealing with thebrisa through a surrogatethat "masks"the actual presence of the orisa, just as thebeaded crown conceals the face of the oba.In addition to its communicative functions, the face (oju) connotes access. Thuswhat can be solved "has a face" (o '6jzu); he unsolvable "has no face" (kob'6ju);an entanglement "has a blocked face" (o di'jz). To tame or pacify is to "cool theface" (tui l'6jzi). Therefore providing the symbol of an orisa with a face facilitatesthe pacification of that 6risa; for what has a face is controllable (Lawal 1976:362).If the world "hasa face," the path of happinesswill be accessible to everyone;hencethe prayer, k'dye 6 r'6jz (lit. "may the world have a face"). Human progress isregardedas blijzi (lit. "cutting a face on the earth").

CONCLUSIONSBy and large the main thrust of the Yoruba conception of the or is that humanphysical, spiritual, and material well-being depends for the most part on how wellpeople can make use of their head. The choice of a good or bad or is no more thana potentiality for success or failure. To achieve anything in life, a person muststruggle. This point is clear in the following Ifa divination verse (Abimbola 1976:146-47):B'6 bd se wipeGbogbo origbogbo nit sun posiIr6kb gbogbo iba titdn nsgboA dia fun igba eniTi ntikole orun bb wd s' tdyeBi o b' se wi peGbogbo or gbogbo nit sun postIroko gbogbo ibd ti tdn ntgboA bui in OwereTi ntikole orun bb wd si tdyeOwere la njaGbogbo waOwere la njiEn i yanrit're t w6pbbwere ld njaGbogbo waOwere li nia.If all heads are destinedTo be buried with coffins,All the irokb trees in the forest would have been exhaustedIfa divination was performed for two hundred personsWho were leaving heaven for the earth.If all heads are destinedTo be buried with coffinsAll the irokb trees in the forest would have been exhaustedIfa divination was performed for 'Struggle'Who was leaving heaven for the earth.All of usWe are just struggling

101


13/14

JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCHThose who chose good destinies are not manyWe are just strugglingAll of usWe are just struggling.The prominence given to the head in Yoruba sculpture is a reflection of its

sociobiological importance as the coordinating center for human existential struggles.Highly elaborate, honorific headgear reinforces this vital role. In some sculptures, likethose associated with Esu (the divine messenger) and Sango (the brisa of lightningand thunder), there are special projections from the head to hint at the latent energycontained within (see Thompson 1970:ch.4/4, pl. 9; ch.12/6, pl. 2). Perhaps themost striking feature of a typical Yoruba sculptured head are the bulging, almond-shaped eyes, gazing with hope into the future.

NOTES1. This is a revised version of a paper firstpresented at a Seminar on Religion and Art,organized by the Center for the Study ofWorld Religions, HarvardUniversity, Cambridge,Massachusetts, 22 April 1975. I wish to expressmy gratitude to Preston Williams, Acting Deanof the Divinity School; John Carman, Director,Center for the Study of World Relgions; andJohn Rosenfield, Chairman, Department ofFine Arts (all of HarvardUniversity) for jointlyinviting me to serve as a Visiting Lecturer inTraditional African Art and Religion duringspring semester, 1975. I am also grateful toChief M.A. Fabunmi, the Odole Atobase ofIle-Ife, Chief Fagbemi Ajanaku, the Araba ofLagos, Mr. J.A. Elewude and Professor WandeAbimbola, both of the University of Ife, Ile-Ife,Nigeria, with all of whom I have had usefuldiscussions.2. Orinmila is the brisa in charge of thedivination system known as Ifa, which isbelieved to contain all the secrets of the uni-verse. Orunmila is called eldrin ipin ("witnessof human destiny") because he was the onlyone present at the moment of creation and whoalso knows the quality of each of the innerheads produced by Ajila Alamo. The corpus ofIfa divination verses is called Odui;the preceptsgiven in each verse are used to solve humanproblems. For more on Ifi, see Abimbola

(1976); Bascom (1969); and Epega (n.d.:14).3. These lines are taken from a long divina-tion verse rendered by Babalawo Ifatoogun ofIlobui; quoted by dos Santos and dos Santos,1971, p. 49.4. A child born legs-first is called Ige. It isbelieved that those bearing this name areusually unlucky and must struggle very hard toachieve something in life.5. As a rule the number of cowries that canbe used to adorn the ibor is restricted to forty-one; the quantity for decorating the ile-ori isnot limited. Depending on his or her socialstatus, an individual could have the il-oriadorned with as much as six heads (twelvethousand) cowries; but then the leatherworkermust be paid the same amount as for decoratingboth the ibori and ile ori (see Johnson 1969:27). 7. The importance of birds in Yorubadivination and sacrifices is underlined in thepopular saying;Bi a 6 ri igun, a o gbodo s'ebo

Bi a 6 ri dkald, a o gbodb s'orb.If there is no sign of the vulture, sacrificesshould not be offeredIf there is no sign of the hornbill, therituals of the bull roarer must not beperformed.

REFERENCES CITEDAbimbola, W., 1971, The Yoruba Concept Abimbola, W., 1976, Ifa: An Exposition ofof Human Personality. Pp. 73-89 in La notion Ifa Literary Corpus. Ibadan: Oxford University

de personne en Afrique noire. Paris: Colloques Press.Internationaux du Centre National de la Re- Ajanaku, F., 1972, Ori, Ipin ati Kadara,cherche Scientifique, no. 544. Apa Keji. Olokun 10:11-13.

102


14/14

THE HEAD IN YORUBA SCULPTUREAlade, M., 1972, Ori, Ipin ati Kadara, ApaKini. Olokun 10:8-10.Awolalu, J.O., 1972, The African Tradi-tional View of Man. Orita: Ibadan Journal of

Religious Studies 6(2):101-17.Bascom, W., 1969, Ifa Divination: Com-munication between Gods and Men in WestAfrica. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.dos Santos, J.E., and D.M. dos Santos,1971a, Esu Bara, Principle of Individual Life inthe Nago System. Pp. 45-60 in La notion depersonne en Afrique noire. Paris: ColloquesInternationaux du Centre National de la Re-cherche Scientifique, no. 544.dos Santos, J.E., and D.M. dos Santos,197 b, Esiu Bara Laaroye: A ComparativeStudy. Ibadan: Institute of African Studies,University of Ibadan.Epega, D.O., n.d., The Basis of YorubaReligion. Ibadan: Ijamido Printers.Idowu, E.B., 1970, Olodumare, God inYoruba Belief. London: Longmans.Johnson, S., 1969[1921], The History ofthe Yorubas. Lagos: C.S.S. Bookshops.Lawal, B., 1974, Some Aspects of YorubaAesthetics. British Journal of Aesthetics 15(3):239-49.Lawal, B., 1976, The Significance of

Yoruba Sculpture. Pp. 356-63 in Proceedings ofthe Conference on Yoruba Civilization (ed. byI.A. Akinjogbin and G.O. Ekemode). Ile-Ife:Department of History, University of Ife.Lawal, B., 1977, The Living Dead: Art and

Immortality among the Yoruba of Nigeria.Africa 47(1):5 0-61.Lijadu, E.M., 1972, Orunmila. Ado-Ekiti,Nigeria: Omolayo Standard Press.Prince, R., 1974, Indigenous YorubaPsychiatry. Pp. 84-120 in Magic, Faith andHealing. New York: Free Press.Sowande, F., and F. Ajanaku, 1969, OrukoAmutorunwa. Ibadan: Oxford University Press.Thompson, R.F., 1970, The Sign of theDivine King: An Essay on Yoruba Bead-Em-broidered Crowns with Veil and Bird Decora-tions. African Arts 3(3):8-17, 74-80.Thompson, R.F., 1971, Black Gods andKings: Yoruba Art at UCLA. Los Angeles:University of California Press.

Thompson, R.F., 1974, African Art inMotion. Los Angeles: University of CaliforniaPress.Verger, P., 1965, Grandeur et decadence duculte de Iyami Osoronga (ma mere la sorciere)chez les Yoruba. Journal de la Societe desAfricanistes 35(1):141-243.Willett, F., 1965, A Further Shrine for aYoruba Hunter. Man 45:82-83.Willett, F., 1966, On the Funeral Effigiesof Owo and Benin and the Interpretation of theLife-Size Bronze Heads from Ife. Man(n.s.)l:34-

45. Willett, F., 1967, Ife in the History of WestAfrican Sculpture. New York: McGraw-Hill.Willett, F., 1971, African Art: An Intro-duction. New York: Praeger.

103

ori and art

Documents