opening future scenarios for the …€¦ · · 2017-03-21key words: general problem, specific...

Interdisplinary Journal of Research and Development “Aleksandër Moisiu“ University, Durrës, Albania Vol (IV), No.2, 2017 ________________________________________________________________________________________

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Paper presented in 1-st International Scientific Conference on Professional Sciences, “Alexander Moisiu” University, Durres November 2016 OPENING FUTURE SCENARIOS FOR THE URBANIZATION, INTEGRATION

OF INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS IN ALBANIA

ARTAN KACANI Department of Environment, Faculty of Urban Planning and Environmental Management, POLIS University

Abstract The fall of the old regime, the civil war of 1997, the war in Kosovo, and finally the process of joining the European Union, have generated a strong dynamic of social, cultural and economic change ever seen so far, if we think about the Ottoman occupation or the Communist Regime. This fast political process, both internally and externally, has left little space for an academic reflection on social/territorial impact and has distorted the Political orientation. Beside this fast process problems related to informality has been concentrated in the suburbs of the main Albanian cities - generating territorial and administrative problems. The policy to legalize, urbanize and integrate the informal settlements is a program approved by un large number of laws and articles that has changed in almost 10 years - since 2004. And as we know from various authors, public policies often fail or only partially succeed and this is more evident in territorial planning policies. It is therefore necessary to evaluate public policies in order to understand if and why they did not succeed. This paper will follow a process of policy evaluation through a structured list of questions from the moment that the law on Legalization started, which will be considered (t1), to now-days (t2). Conflictual Policy on 'Specific Goals' among actors. This research is a first attempt to read the policy development for the legalization of informal settlements in Albania after 10 years of open process and to the integration of disadvantaged populations to urban contexts in Albanian cities. From that moment few projects have had the possibility to design and collaborate with regional offices charged with the implementation of this policy. Key words: General Problem, Specific Goal, Program, Resources, Output, Outcome.

Introduction Why to apply policy evaluation in Albania This paper starts form a survey done by first person on the program of legalization, urbanization and integration of informal settlements in Albania after a working period of nearly six months in the Regional Agencies. According to data provided by this agency (ALUIZNI Agency, 2016) and the parliamentary report it seems that the legalization process it has really started - after a period of nearly 10 years of slow and inefficient bureaucracy. But what it really happened? Are we dealing with some innovative process such are human resource, organizational aspect, technological or simply the opening of new policies for adoption? If we look at the data of legalized settlements we see that only on 2014 it has been legalized 15, 295 informal settlement, more or less the total amount that it has been legalized during 2006 to 2013,

increasing progressively 21,748 in 2015 and 29,529 in 2016 (from January to September). If we maintain this annual increasing rate, mathematically the legalization processes it would end on 2020, for a total of 320,000 informal settlements declared. At the same times if we see the number of settlements that have applied for legalization since 2004 the number has increased by 6x times, regardless of the periods in which the self-declaration processes were closed. If we maintain this last indicator to confront it with the 2020, the year estimated above as the last year where legalization process will finish, we must add other 3-4 years. On one hand we know that the processes of construction of informal settlements is not linked

Opening future scenarios for… A. Kacani ________________________________________________________________________________________________

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directly by A.L.U.I.Z.N.I 1 political-will or other public institutions, but rather by economic, social and cultural background and historical events, that are closely related to urbanization and inclusion policies. (Aliaj, et al., 2010) From this perspective, there are two main lines that has occurred in this process. One is related to the positive aspect of the Regional Agency to increase the efficiency in order to have for each year an progressive increase of informal settlements legalized, from the other hand there's the increasing number of self declarations2 of informal settlements. From these data there's also to add that in the self declarations are only those who has applied to the Regional Agency for the Legalization process. Others who for one reason or another has not applied are out of this total amount to legalize. Quantifying this process, in order to make a qualitative analysis of the reasons that brings inhabitants to use informal practices in the building sector is a social, economical and cultural challenge and there will be needed an interdisciplinary survey. This research offers an analytical study of the a) Institutional Decisional Arena process, and an analysis on 2) Actor’s network and their resources - in order to find policies that has helped the informal practices to continue till now days. Policy evaluation on the institutional decisional arena in this case is useful also to not only to understand why informal practices continue but also the shifting policies3 - a term that can guide us to a first description on how in 10 years policies has changed. A half assumption is that where urbanization and integration policies has failed the number ofinformal settlements (or informal practices of building) has rapidly increased - including informal areas4 defined by the Council of Ministries5 (V.K.M)6 .

1 A.L.U.I.Z.N.I is the acronym of Agjensia e Legalizimeve, Urbanizimit, IntegrimittëZonaveInformale. A national program aiming the public capacity to the tax collection from informal areas in order to reward the old landowners before the and after the dictatorship. (for more information see Albanian history after WWII) 2self declarations are statements that the householders makes in authorized public institutions by sending pictures of the building and a declaration about the neighboring settlements or landmarks, such as streets, open water canals etc). 3shifting policies is a key concept to introduce to a specific decisional arena, in which public policies are the subject of the survey. 4 Informal Areas are homogenous legal statement of settlements and neighborhoods defined as 'informal areas'. In 2016 are reported by law to be 277 informal for a total of 205 ha spread around the outskirts of the big cities such as Tirana, Durrës, Shkodëretc, including around 300.000 families. For more details

Shifting policies and an introduction to a institutional decisonal arena In order to understand the shifting policies that has occurred in a historical process of legalization program by the Regional Agencies and by the National Territory Council 7 (K.K.T) it has been chosen to work on two anchor times, one (t1) in 2006 and the other (t2) in 2016. General Problem, Specific Goal (what), Program (how), Resources (with what), Output and Outcome, are going to create a main based matrix to read A.L.U.Z.N.I general program - and from the other an axis of matrix of actors involved in the three administrative levels; the first (government, national territory council, council of ministries and other various ministries; second administrative level (Qarku, Regional Agencies); third administrative level (Municipalities). See Table 1. According to possible classification of the decisional arenas we can highlight (Dente, et al., 1998), which distinguishes among actors four arenas: technical arenas8, political arenas9, social arenas10 and the Institutional arenas11 : where public bureaucracies interact among each other considering the distribution of legal competences to intervene in the matter. According to the limitations of the research, the description given above on the decisional arenas, this paper will focus on Institutional arena - specifically on the legalization, urbanization and integration Program of informal settlements in Albania.

on 'informal areas' and their legal status see law. 9482 (03.4.2006). article nr.13. 5 Council of Ministries it is made by members of ministries and the prime minister, which by proposal of lower public institutions approves the 'Informal Areas'. 6 V.K.M acronym of a Decision taken by the Council of Ministries, usually it is related to the each specific 'informal areas', it defines the perimeter and the number of settlements included, by law from 1 to 5ha. 7 National Territory Council or K.K.T is made representative of five ministries: Environment, Transport, Urban Planning, Energy and Finance. 7National Territory Council or K.K.T is made representative of five ministries: Environment, Transport, Urban Planning, Energy and Finance. 8 Technical Arenas where experts and professionals act and the debate focuses on substantial and technical aspects of the solution 9 Political Arenas in which participants are mainly political actors who use the consensus they can move as a resource. 10 Social Arenas where interaction involves social and economic groups and where, as in the previous case, the mass media and public opinion have a very important role 11 Institutional Arenas where public bureaucracies interact among each other considering the distribution of legal competences to intervene in the matter


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Table 1. 'Institutional' Decisional Arena (Case study A.L.U.I.Z.N.I Program in Albania) First Administrative Level Second Administrative L. Third Administrative L.

General

Problem

Specific Goal (what?)

Program (how?)

Resources

(with what?) Output

Outcom

e

In a such complex environment, where actors are supposed to play, the decisional model it can’t be unnoticed, actually we know since the beginning of the research that at the second administrative level Agencies works in a devolution12 process from the first administrative level, which are the various ministries. The rationality of a such vertical public cooperation can have various forms, and it can be analyzed in the decisional arena, but what remains doubtful in a process of 10 years of legalization program are precisely the assessments in policy evaluation. Effectiveness is one of those, as efficiency, relevance and utility. By making a confrontation in a timeline of almost 10 years it would be possible to understand also if any assessment in policy evaluation has increased or decreased. From this perspective this paper shows its research limitation on collecting data, but at the same time offers a clear matrix13 on what to monitor or make future survey on empiric data.According to some authors, such as (Balducci, 1991),policy

12 Devolution the transfer of power from a central government to sub national (e.g., state, regional, or local) authorities. Devolution usually occurs through conventional statutes rather than through a change in a country’s constitution; thus, unitary systems of government that have devolved powers in this manner are still considered unitary rather than federal systems, because the powers of the sub national authorities can be withdrawn by the central government at any time. 13 Matrix in this case is referred to the 'institutional' decisional arena.

evaluation should give an particular attention toeffectiveness,otherwisethe results (Outcome and Output assessments) of an entire project or program could be at risk. Examples has been illustrated in typical caseswhen: a) there's an animated path by different actors, each bringing its own interest; b) by a road marked by discontinuity, recursive moments, stall phases; c) a track of knowledge is limited and has insufficient knowledge called to interact; d) a journey in which the definition of the solution turns out to be part of the process, partial results, never definitive.Although effectiveness remains only a part of the policy evaluation a further research will be done in the next chapter of this paper. Methodology Actors involved and resources engaged; centrality and density An another analysis will take place at the same time in order to understand the actors network in order to suggest new insights for future policies on urbanization and integration program of A.L.U.Z.N.I. This analysis stands as a way to understand the level of centrality of the policies and the density of actors involved. According to various authors, such as (Dente, 2014) this measurement can come through a process of counting the number of relationships in exit and the total number of actors involved. Table 2 Actors Network (Four different actor's network)

It is also possible to measure two, centrality and density. The final result has a range from 0 to 1.

Centality

=highest number of relations in exit by the main actor who has more relations

𝑡𝑜𝑡𝑎𝑙 𝑟𝑒𝑙𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛𝑠 𝑖𝑛 𝑒𝑥𝑖𝑡 𝑏𝑦 𝑎𝑙𝑙 𝑡�𝑒 𝑎𝑐𝑡𝑜𝑟𝑠

Density =

𝑡𝑜𝑡𝑎𝑙𝑟𝑒𝑙𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛𝑠𝑖𝑛𝑒𝑥𝑖𝑡𝑏𝑦𝑎𝑙𝑙𝑡�𝑒𝑎𝑐𝑡𝑜𝑟𝑠𝑛𝑢𝑚𝑏𝑒𝑟𝑜𝑓𝑎𝑐𝑡𝑜𝑟𝑠! − 𝑛𝑢𝑚𝑏𝑒𝑟𝑜𝑓𝑎𝑐𝑡𝑜𝑟𝑠)


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For those interested in local and publicinstitutions empowerment and capability approach, the study of actor's network and of their resources, creates a crucial analytical opportunity to draw future policies. Indeed for (Coleman, 1956), the existence of multiple centers of power and avenues of status attainment is central ingredient in maintaining the freedom-order balance among actors. Local empowerment to reshape the decisional arena, is only half of the theory on capability approach that many actors has written about, such is (Sen, 1998), the other half is focused on public institutions and the study of their cooperation, considering as well their resources. For resources in this paper it would be considered the contribution of Dente in "Policy decision, how to take them, how to study them" on 2010 and later on (Dente, 2014);Economic and financial resources14 Political resources 15 Legal resources 16 cognitive resources17. Analyzing the 'institutional' decisional arena, and actors network and resources engaged. As defined from the beginning this paper is going to evaluate two anchor moments, one in t118 in 2006 and the other t219 in 2016. By following this timeline (table 2 and 3), it is possible to those shifting policies that has changed in 10 years on legalization process. Policy evaluation on relevance, effectiveness, efficiency, utility and their outputs and outcomes. Relevance from (t1) to (t2): The answers that can rise to measure the relevance can be various, such;Are we doing the right things? What is the relevance or significance of theintervention regarding local and national requirements and priorities?

14 Economic and financial resources consist of the ability to mobilize money or any form of wealth in order to modify other actors’ behavior. meaning the availability of important information or conceptual models for the decisional process. 15 Political resources are the amount of consensus an actor is able to get. It can refer to the whole population or to specific social groups involved in the various public policies. 16 Legal resources can be seen as advantages or disadvantages, attributed to particular subjects by legal regulations and in general by legislative and administrative authority’s decisions. 17 cognitive resources meaning the availability of important information or conceptual models for the decisional process. 18t1 correspond to 2006 (table 2) 19 t2 correspond to 2016 (table 3)

According to the survey conducted by Hermine De Sotofor the World Bank -the legalization of informal settlements shows un unique way to value and activate the 'dead capital' invested by the locals(Soto, et al., 2002). Actually what (Aliaj, et al., 2010) explains in his book 'Between vacuum and Energy' is that this historical moment is strongly related with the high immigration from the rural areas to the main cities of Albania. Setting the general problem on this frame it had its legal obstacles, such are the old land owners before the dictatorial regime, but for the sure that the process of legalization shows a strong interest to be designed in the most comprehensive point of view. An another question it can be: To what extent does the intervention comply with development policy andplanning? Many plans has taken on 'de facto' the informal settlements and public interventions has been adopted on existing physical conditions. Other has experienced participatory planning process, such is the case study ofBathore20 developed by Co-Plan21. According to(Aliaj, 2008) the role of NGOs and CBOs22 in channeling local city planning processes during stages of early development for post-traumatic and transitional economies is not only essential but often becomes the origin of change in itself. In any way different specific goals divided by different actors has left non only a fertile opportunity but also a complementary decision making context among actors. Effectiveness from (t1) to (t2) Some of the questions that rises regarding effectiveness are related to the specific goals that each actor had from the starting point (t1) to (t2) in order to understand if outputs and outcomes have changed or not. If we consider in it complexity all specific goals for all the actor involved we can highlight that those of the Municipal Urban Planning department had conflictual goals in (t1), if not in clear disadvantage - from one side the K.K.T that has specific goal to legalize and from the other the social and political local pressure to offer public services and urbanization in an uncontrolled sprawl. Indeed local public authorities has been accused for being passive on two laws which calls their responsibility, respectively the first (Ligji 8378, 20Bathore is an informal area on the north of Tirana. 21 Co-Plan is non-governmental institute for habitat development. 22 CBOs It can represent both community-based organizations, operating as civil society non-profits, and also as a function of organizing within communities defined by geographical location, shared work space, and/or shared experience or concerns.


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22.07.1998)- to stop informal practices in 'informal areas' and (Ligji 9482, 03.04.2006), article 6 - to start the urbanization process right after the legalization process. If we will see again on (Balducci, 1991) definitions cited above on why effectiveness can threat in an irreversible way the final outputs designed since from the beginning of a policy, of the A.L.U.I.Z.N.I program in our case, probably it would be because there's an animated path by different actors, where each bringing its own interest. In fact, what we're going to see in the efficiency analysis, is thatto the municipalities it has been removed also those little resources that they had before. This conflictual statement can bring to explanations also to the continuity of informal practices, mentioned in the first chapter, not only inside the 'informal areas' but also inside the city and around it. At the end, on this analysis we can add that further empiric data can lead to future research regarding effectiveness failure - but it remains crucial to underline that complementary policies distributed to different actors can bring to breaking processes on effectiveness.There's also to say that the lack of given timeline as process of legalization, urbanization and integration by A.L.U.Z.N.I program is one of the reasons of the failure on the effectiveness, but it would be difficult to measure it since it has been opened and closed several times by the political will and by the elections pressure by actors out by the matrix of A.L.U.Z.N.I program and policies, described in the institutionaldecisional arena - such is the Primeminister. Some of the processes that has broken the network pattern from 2014 come when the Albanian PM made changes on(nr.50/2014, Ligji) by adding article 6 - charging Regional Agencies to make legalizations on those ordinary settlement that has made extensions on the legal land. On this point there's to underline that 'informal areas' are informal settlements on national land, usually on agricultural land, instead 'extensions on legal land' are policies more on the physical shape of the city and its local development criteria. This last process can explain also the increasing number of settlements on legalization process and those who has presented a self declaration. By doing the legalization process in a such vast field it brinks not only the risk to neglect the 'informal area' as a concept but can put also in serious risk the Local General Plans (L.G.P23 ) of the new born municipalities - even if the it can bring high economical resources for the first administrative level. Outcomes certainly has increased on this 23 L.G.P are General Plans on municipal scale. From 2016, 26 G.L.P has been supported and financed by USAID to design plans for the new born municipalities.

issues, such are tax collection and land privatization mostly, or other forms, but the output are more related to territory planning and land consumption related toQarku24 competences. Efficiency from (t1) to (t2) Some of the questions that rises on efficiency are related to the objectives and to the question on how they achieved? Do they are archived in a cost-efficient manner by the development intervention? This question is crucial to underline because it can bring to the explanations on why the Regional Agencies caught the competences on Technical Surveys from the local municipalities(ligji nr.141/2013, 02.05.2013). If we see Table 02 we can understand the central roleof the Regional Agencies. Approval from the Municipalities, Qarku and K.K.T where coordinated from this Regional Agencies. Although those roles were as a facilitator between different administrative levels a high level of devolution shaped the policies of the rural areas that the municipalities couldn't handle or plan. An another explanation on this central role can be given by the research conducted by (Co-Plan, 2014) on the second administrative level - which showed that even if there's a high level of devolution process from the first administrative level to the second there's a high level of bureaucracy.There would be many other reasons on why the municipalities withdraw from the technical survey on 'informal areas' and this has it consequenceson the outcomes and outputs. The new born municipalities on this context has lose the ability to handle on cognitive resources,even if new L.G.P can be designed. It would be difficult to estimate the political will and as well it remains hard to understand on how it can be in a decisional context without the cognitive resources. The Municipal Council can take decisions only on those settlements which are signed on its map. - according to table 02 and (Aliaj, 2008) this map is older than the updated one of the Regional Agencies. Legal resources are the one that the municipalities can handle for the moment. Actually what happens is that municipalities gives approvals to the Regional Agencies with the only criteria on 'National Road Code'.If we try to get back and give an answer to the questions that explains on why the Regional Agencies caught the competences on Technical Surveys we can say that we have arrived to some conclusions, such are i)Central role to the Regional Agencies, that created ii) an advancedmap related

24Qarku is created thank to the public international cooperation engaged to design a second administrative level in Albania.


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oncognitive resources, and on theiii)administrative capabilityto work on a vast area. bigger than municipalities. Certainly that this advanced process had its innovative processes but at the same time it left a deep public vacuum on the Third Administrative Level - the new born municipalities.At the end, we can say that by accelerating policies on legalization process has create a disproportional growth of the city and unmanageable for the third administrative level, the municipalities. To get to the output and outcomes on the efficiency analysis we should take the considerations above and give a cost -benefit analysis. From this perspective with the withdraw of the municipalities there are less cost on bureaucracy for the A.L.U.I.Z.N.I program. And at the same time the financial incomes for the program of legalization, urbanization and integrations has increased due to the land privatization in informal areas and in the city inside, or by other forms of tax collection. On 'cost-benefit' there's to say that the increasing of economical resources on the second and first administrative level has brought other cost, closely on cognitive and economical resources for the new born municipalities. Utility from (t1) to (t2) Some of the questions that rises from the utility are related to the 'general problem' and to the outcomes and outputs - so to the ability of the program to solve the designed problem from the promoter of the program.The land consumption defined as outputs has created not only problems related to the territorial planning but also to the financial or physical recompense of the old land owners expropriated during the 50 years of communist regime in Albania, from WWII to the '90. An another critical issue rises from the building and housing sector and itsreal estate market harmed inside the city. In same neighborhood can find legal and informal settlements as well - seeing that the 'informal area' has withdraw from the existing as un exclusive tool to manage informal practices where the local municipalities in charge with. An another issue are those who are living in ex industrial building from the early '90, actually no process for housing is designed for those, such areas are in Kombinat 25 at the city outskirts of Tirana or Shkozet26 at Durrës. (3)

25Kombinat ex industrial area in the south west of Tirana. 26Shkozet industrial area outside the city of Durres

Although utility can be measured by the diversity of the various priorities of the national strategic plans, on the legalization program it shows its utility only for the National Territory Council (K.K.T). On this consideration we can add that there's a stronger need to see the legalization process as a comprehensive approach, by considering it's opportunities to solve others, rather than e continue bureaucratic process on public administration. Informal settlements on areas that for one reason or another can't be legalized, mostly of them in hazardous environment, river floods, coastal erosion, - can be subject of target groups. Future public housing policies can address further the social emergency. What they have in common is that all thesetarget groups shows that how much consideration it has been given to the legal frame of the informal settlements rather than to the social integration. On this consideration we can add that there's a stronger need to see the legalization process as a comprehensive approach, by considering it's opportunities to solve others, rather than e continue bureaucratic process on public administration. Table 2. 'Institutional' Decisional Arena' Policies (Case study A.L.U.I.Z.N.I Program in Albania) Arrows shows the 'central role' of the Regional Agencies


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Table 3. 'Institutional' Decisional Arena' Policies (Case study A.L.U.I.Z.N.I Program in Albania

Actor's network This analytical frame came as a process to open new scenarios on the future policies of legalization process. Figure 1 and 2 below show the relation among actors, and on each of these relation we can define the resources that actors change between them. From the relations and direction it's possible to measure the centrality, and density. Instead by analysis on the resources we have to see again the A.L.U.I.Z.N.I program and the to find those policies that has changed the process. If we follow the methodology defined above we can say that the centrality on t1 is polarized27 on two public administrative levels, from one side the National Territory Control Council and from the other the municipalities - both with two relations on exit. (For centrality we should not confound with the 'central role' of the single actor, related to the 27 Polarized in this paper is referring to the statement of two main actors, central level and municipal.

role of the Regional Agencies and defined on Table 2 and 3. By the theory of actor's network, are the relations in exit and not in entrance those who defines the centrality level). From this perspective, on t2 centrality goes exclusively to the first administrative level, after the withdraw of the Urbanism Department at the municipal level. The growth of the centrality in this case, from t1 to t2, is not relevant in its own assessment rather than as a system that reduces the resources of the other actors, and as we saw before on complementary programs, specific goals are crucial to have desired outcomes and outputs. The increase of density, from t1 to t2, shows as well the positioning of the central level after a polarized situation among actors.

Figure 1. Actors and Networks on T1 (2006) (The arrow shows the direction of the responsability, if there are two arrows between two actors it means that there's a reciprocal collaboration).

Figure 2. Actors and Networks on T1 (2016) (with the green colors are signed new networks and actors, and with red the removed network and actors from the A.L.U.I.Z.N.I program) Conclusions from the decisional arena and actors network Policies, designed from the central administrative level, which tends to find complementary agreements (laws, and regulations) with the public


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institutions of a lower administrative levels; such are Qarku, Regional Agencies or the municipalities, ends to create a conflicting decision making context, about who's responsibility. The shifting policies, designed by A.L.U.I.Z.N.I program in a timeline of 10 years, has focused more on efficiency assessment (cost - benefit) rather than in effectiveness, by creating a deeper fragmentation of the network, limiting the cognitive, political and economical resources of the lower administrative levels, such are the new born municipalities. On this aspect, two problems rise on this process; 1) One on the direction of the territorial planning and city administration/governance, the other 2) On the legal frame - Article 13 of the Constitution of the Republic of Albania, and Article 3. According to the first 'city administration and governance 28 ' the problems are related to those showed at the effectiveness analysis, where outputs of the legalization process for the new municipalities continues to take de facto the development size of the city. Without cognitive resources on real estate market it would be impossible to address housing policies from the institutional level. Other problems are related to the function of the informal settlements, where not all of them are for housing purposes - there's another part for commercial and activity purposes. Such distinction is crucial to divide cognitive resources with the economical one that can generate outcomes for the municipalities. Both resources are strictly connected with the decisional arena and to the ability of the municipalities to act on urbanization and integration process. This last processes are closely related to public services such as transportation and urban waste management. The legal frame and the unconstitutional success of A.L.U.I.Z.N.I program, shifting policies, stand on public autonomy frame. Criticalities that holds the principles of local autonomy has been withdrawn in order to accelerate the process of legalization. Without cognitive and economical resources it could not be a political will and so on political resources will be scarce. (article 13, 1998)in the Albanian Constitution: "Local government in the Republic of Albania is based on the principle of decentralization

28 Governance describes how public institutions conduct public affair and manage public resources.

government and carried according to the principle of local autonomy". Another question rises from the analysis of the utility; four target groups has been defined as in a high risk condition, on social, economical and policy vacuum. Criticalities addressed from the analysis on the utility shows that there's animmediate need to work on target groups that are not involved in the legalization, urbanization and integration program. Social, environmental and economical vulnerability shows the peculiarities on the (article 3, 1998): "The independence and integrity of its territory, human dignity, rights and freedoms, social justice, constitutional order, pluralism, national identity and heritage national, religious coexistence, as well as coexistence and understanding of Albanians minorities are the bases of this state, which has the duty to respect and protect." Opening future scenarios for the urbanization, integration of informal settlements in albania According to various authors that had studied the decisional models we can highlight four models of them in a schematic way. The first model is the Synoptic Rationalism Model, and it represents the highest level of influencing the decision making by one main actors that supposes that knows how, what and when to take the decision. In our case where there are different actors with different specific goals and the rational model seems to away from the decision making. Bounded Rationality is the decisional model that can describe our decision making model. Designed to understand the administrative behavior, it has been published right after the end of the Second World War. According to (Simon, 1947), this model is characterized by a strong diversity when the main actors has limited knowledge and for this reason different actors are called to fill the competences needed in order to have the desired outcomes and outputs. Actually this decisional model, as (Simon, 1947) explains, follows a satisfactory criteria because there's a limited knowledge on cognitive resources. Incremental approach/model follows a different way from the rational or the bounded one. The incremental model allows a larger interaction among actors where the decisional context is compromised to deal and bargain during the implementation of a policy. According to (Lindblom, 1959)the decisional context on incremental approach takes place when


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actors are interested in different objectives and to obtain them they have to bargain between them. The other decisional model, the last but not least is the garbage can model, where actors puts together solutions and objectives in order to match objectives with the diversity of problems raised from the actors. Here actually we don't have promoters29 or directors30 that can conduct the implementation from the beginning to the end. According to (Cohen, et al., 1972) that has studied the first three decisional models there are four elements that defines the decisional model; a) problems, b) decisions, c) actors, and d) opportunities - and what we can highlight from our review only actorsand opportunities has changed or it is the contrast. The decision and the problems has remain the same from t1 to t2. At the end, although the decisional model can't be changed because they are part of the decisional context in a given timeline, we can define some scenarios that fit's best on the specific problems underlined at the administrative and governance level and to the legal frame. On the legal frame, by changing the decisional model Three scenarios has been given to address the problems listed on the legal frame and utility analysis. All of them suggests to pass from a Bounded Rationality to an Incremental Model, this means to pass from a satisfactory criteria to a bargaining decisional context. By bargaining Political Resources;It's possible to add a connection between Municipal Council and Urbanism Department with the other actors. Abridge can be created among municipality, (exp: political and technical commissions), withthe Regional Agencies andK.K.T in order to get a certain period (annual) a sumof funds from land privatization of national land in order to offer basic needs, such as public transport and urban waste management. Positive Aspects: Can open possible solutions to the connection with the city; inter urban connection, as well and local services, such are waste management at a municipal scale. By giving back the political resource or its veto, or possibility to take a decision where and on what to spend public money. - this scenario can give possible answers to (article 13, 1998). Negative Aspects: It remains a mere cost-benefit from political resources to economical. It would be

29Promoter is the actor that rises the general problem. 30 Director is the actor engaged in the policy of the promoter with content objectives.

difficult to understand the real need for public services without cognitive resources. By bargaining Economical Resources;K.K.T can transfer directly the land ownership, after a technical approval from the Municipal Urbanism Departmentand in accordance with the General Local Plan in law, andits development criteria, to the Municipalities for future settlements on privatization process for public purposes. Positive Aspects: Possibility to offer future public services inside in the city outskirts, including policies on social housing in order to answer to (article 3, 1998).Negative Aspects: Less income for K.K.T. By bargaining Cognitive Resources;Municipalities can open participatory planning programs at the same time of the technical survey as Co-Plan experiences suggests. Positive aspects: Municipalities has major possibilities to clarify if a settlement has economical or housing function in order to connect to flexibility of the real estate market with taxes income. Answers to(article 13, 1998) and to public administrative and governance. Negative Aspects: It would take time. City administration and governance, by changing centrality and density From the analysis of the effectiveness and to the consequences on the city administration and governance it possible to change the actor's network and their interaction. Two strategies can be defined; one is related to the centrality, the other to the density. Change Centrality Centrality is closely related to the number of interactions that are among actors. On the analysis of the polarized statements of specific goals and its actors it is possible to start from t2 where the central government acts. Qarku has no veto or political will to decide how much land should be converted to urban area from the agricultural land. This amount can be decided in accordance with the K.K.T and by the local specificity that Qarku sees more appropriated on the national policies and strategies, seeing that this actor works on the second administrative level and in devolution from the central government. Intersectorial Plans 31 for the national territorial strategy actually works only on the horizontal level with the various ministries -

31Intersectorial Plans are plans desinged by the Ministry of Urban Planning in order to put toghether priorities of various ministries in territory planning procces.


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Qarku can boost for a vertical cooperation in order to define the national priorities in the regional scale. Although this solution bring a lot of criticalities of Qarku and its public function it can remain a territorial frame to decide the national strategies on legalization, urbanization and integration. Change Density Density differently from the centrality is connected directly with the number of actors. By adding new actors on the A.L.U.I.Z.N.I program it's possible to obtain the objectives that the municipalities withdraw. They are closely related to the use of law, but what can change the public administration and territory governance are those connected to cognitive resources and territory survey. Further projects can be boosted to negotiate the responsibilities of the public sphere in the urbanization and integration process. Last experiences, as those of Co-Plan expressed below can give a good example of the first two processes -legalization and urbanization. At the end there's to underline that e further effort should be done on the social aspect. Final remarks: integrate, or give a chance to social innovation? The scenarios suggested above are not exhaustive, but they respond to the analysis and to the problems encountered during this policy evaluation research. If the last two scenarios give a wider vision of the combinations that can be taken, the first three scenarios, gives a historical perspective and highly metaphorical - 'if we choose to cut the knot as Alexander the Great did there would be the risk to lose our ties with the mother land'. In other words; if we do not take into account the work and experience accumulated by the Regional Agencies created in recent years to meet the demands of the public local autonomy there's the risk of doing things from the beginning, which can threat the relationship between public institutions and informal practices. According to (Cottino, 2009) peripheral areas in the city outskirts, are the places where social innovation takes place, unlike the city which is more solid and compact - and this can be explained by land market prices. So giving new possibilities to the 'informal areas' (defined by law) the capability to react in social and economical dimensions remains a crucial point to open new scenarios on social innovation. Law(Ligji 8378, 22.07.1998)which says to stop informal practices in areas approved as 'Informal Areas' can turn to be too repressive. Instead of policies focusing on the 'informal areas' and their 'integration' concept with the city, by stopping

informal practices, future policies can boost further the intensity of social and economical dimension inside the 'informal areas' defined by law.That would bring to new experimental field, of planning, and participatory practices supported by public policies and various donors. References

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