odyssey: food, society, sociality

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Odysseys of Plates and Palates


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Series Editors

Dr Robert Fisher Lisa HowardDr Ken Monteith

Advisory Board

Simon Bacon Ana BorlescuKatarzyna Bronk Ann-Marie CookJohn L. Hochheimer Peter Mario KreuterStephen Morris John ParryPeter Twohig Karl Spracklen

S Ram Vemuri

A Probing the Boundaries research and publications project .

http://www.inter-disciplinary.net/probing-the-boundaries/

The Making Sense Of: Hub Food

2015


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Odysseys of Plates and Palates:

Food, Society and Sociality

Edited by

Simeon S. Magliveras and Catherine Gallin

Inter-Disciplinary Press

Oxford, United Kingdom


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Inter-Disciplinary Press 2015http://www.inter-disciplinary.net/publishing/id-press/

The Inter-Disciplinary Press is part of Inter-Disciplinary.Net a global networkfor research and publishing. The Inter-Disciplinary Press aims to promote andencourage the kind of work which is collaborative, innovative, imaginative, andwhich provides an exemplar for inter-disciplinary and multi-disciplinary

publishing.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in aretrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior

permission of Inter-Disciplinary Press.

Inter-Disciplinary Press, Priory House, 149B Wroslyn Road, Freeland,Oxfordshire. OX29 8HR, United Kingdom.+44 (0)1993 882087

ISBN: 978-1-84888-324-6First published in the United Kingdom in eBook format in 2015. First Edition.


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Table of Contents

Introduction: Odysseys of Plates and Palates: Food, Society and vii Sociality in the Past, Present and FutureSimeon S. Magliveras

Part I Historicity, Literature, the Visual Arts and Food

The Hunting Game: Chasing the Hare, Killing the Wild Boar 3 Marianna Menesess-Romero

The Negative Banquet of Odysseus and the Cyclops 13 John Dayton

Plato on Food and Necessary and Unnecessary Appetites 23in the Republic Coleen Zoller

Why Do They Care? Understanding the Need to Explain 31the Kosher Laws

Rabbi Nina H. Mandel

In Search of Sacred Tree: Consumption of Olive Oil 43in Evliya elebis Travelogue

Pinar Gungor

From Eating by Necessity to Rather do Without: Food 53Habits, Social Classes and Wartime Food Situation in Britain

Natacha Chevalier

On English Food: Plain and Simple or Just Plain Bad 65 Ina Lipkowitz

Part II Identity, Food and the Social Context

Food and Culture: Continuity and Change in the 77Yoruba of West Africa and Their Diasporas

Ann Allen

Kneidalach, Paprika and the Spanish Omelet: 91Jewish Food and Identity in Barcelona TodayCatherine Simone Gallin


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From Clean, Fresh, Healthy to Nehad the Jordanian : 105Hummus Advertisements in Israel, 1958-2013

Dafna Hirsch

For the Love of Pork: Eating in Ethnic Enclaves 113 Aditya Kiran Kakati

Nationalism and Food: The Morality of Eating within 125a Greek / Arvanite CommunitySimeon S. Magliveras

Constructing Women Identities through Food Memoirs 137Vrinda Varma

Food, Nutrition and Older People Living in Rural Communities 147 Julie Reis and Judy Nagy

Part III Edible Syncretism, Hybridity, Globalization and Food

How Christian Fasting Practices Affect Levantine Cuisine 163Sally M. Baho

Meat Is More than Food? Representations of Meat and 175Willingness to Change Consumption Habits

Joo Graa, Maria Manuela Calheiros and Ablio Oliveira

Standardization of Healthy Dinner Practices: The Case of 187Fish Consumption in NorwaySilje Elisabeth Skuland

The Global Grocery Store and the End of Grandmas 201Traditional Recipe

Gregory Katsas


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For the Love of Pork: Eating in Ethnic Enclaves

Aditya Kiran Kakati

Abstract This chapter examines emerging culinary customs inenclaves of interculturalnegotiation, where fluid social transactions and practices can breach food taboosand generate new tastes, identities, exclusions, inclusions, conceptions of self-hoodand spaces of liminality. The focus is on migrations from the Northeast borderland region of India (a cultural as well as a geographic concept, oftenconsidered as afrontier zone) and the surrounding Himalayan region. Migrationsand the following cultural encounters can drive transformations of social normsand foster fluid transactions and negotiability of identities, tastes and taboos. Under

examination are the circulations of commoditised dining cultures and associatedtransformations in customs and taboos and how they can also be entwined withidentity claims. There might also be a process of crystallisation of transgressive practices from fluid arenas into more mainstreamed imaginations and palates of the broader Indian middle class population with whom various forms of socio-culturalfrictions exist otherwise for many minority migrant groups.

Key Words : Transgressions, taboos, food, Nagaland, Assam, restaurants,migrations, Northeast-India, ethnicity, identities

*****

1. Introduction: Setting the Table This chapter discusses emerging culinary cultures compared across two regions

of India. The focus settles on the cities of Delhi and Guwahati, the former beingthe national capital (and in some sense, thecore of the Indian nation as opposedto the peripheral Northeast) and the latter being the provincial capital of the stateof Assam. Both host a large number of migrants from various parts of the largerregion constituting the Northeast (the term is a geographical as well as a culturalconstruct in public discourse). The focus is largely on culinary trendsaccompanying migrants from Nagaland. I also do make comparative allusions toAssam or Assamese migrants wherever appropriate. Assam also often represents amicrocosm of the larger phenomenon discussed on a larger national or eventransnational context with regard to relationships between dominant groups andother, more marginalized groups.

In the context of cultural identity politics, the Northeastern states often competefor symbolic markers of nationhood or cultural products (for instance, the claimingof Naga Chilli).1 Nagaland had been carved out of Assam in 1962 after the Nagaseparatist movement had begun to take shape in the late 1940s-50s during Indias post-independence era. With the current political stalemate, and the relative


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Aditya Kiran Kakati __________________________________________________________________

115

Some perspectival boundaries can be observed in the context of food taboos.For instance, Indian Hindu societies do not usually eat beef or pork and itsconsumption has come to be associated with tribal societies. Food restrictions are

often governed byideas of purity and impurity, and culinary habits are directlylinked to status, the culture of eating and drinking is taken as an indicator of thedegree of civilization.5

3. Writing and Taming TastesA Delhi Police circular directed at Northeastern stated that bamboo shoot,

Akhuni and other smelly dishes should be prepared without creating ruckus inneighbourhood.6 Food smells can be perceived to threaten the fabric ofcivilisation as seen from the above institutionalised need to sanitise and control

those whose food habits are beyond the contours of civilisation. The history ofracism is said to be,full of complaints about the way that a particular groupscooking smells. Xenophobia, it would seem, is fuelled by smell-based slurs.7

This institutionalised example of policing with prejudiced taboos mentionedabove exemplifies the countless instances of racial discrimination against Northeasterners (and others who look like them), the practice of which extends intothe sphere of food and eating. It is significant to observe that among the ethnicrestaurant enterprises, those belonging to the Naga community experienced this problem in particular by virtue of their use of pungent ingredients like Akhuni

(fermented soybeans) or fermented bamboo shoots. Though numerous Northeastern groups use these ingredients daily, in the field of restaurantenterprise, it is interesting that only people from Nagaland have been able toestablish a successful recipe for marketing these as ethnic Naga food.

Thus, in the public sphere, the Nagas are faced with contesting the marginalityof smell and taboos as well as suspicion of eatingdogs. It is also interesting thatthe Naga entrepreneurs have been able to establish their niche for sellingethnic food unlike other Northeastern states. This cuisine is not presented under labelssuch as Northeast or ethnic common to certain street foods but makes a distinctappeal as Naga food. The emergence of a unified Naga cuisine when seen inlight of the Naga relations with India signify how modern imaginings of Naganess are shaped despite the movement having died down considerably. Onthe dining table, the food of the various Naga tribes comes together as one, and onecan observe a standardisation of what Naga cuisine constitutes in the Indianheartland. This could be a process similar to how Indian cuisine evolved in theUK.8

In Naga restaurants, a kind ofexoticisation ensues with the use oftribal imagery in their dcor and presentation of food. This is consumed along withfamiliarcivilisation markers, like eating Naga food with cutlery, accompanied byimported drinks, the presentation of a menu and blaring rock music or live bands.This can often evoke a feeling ofhow cool is that?9 among patrons. This creates a


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For the Love of Pork __________________________________________________________________116

degree of familiarity with such a consumer landscape, as the Northeast is oftenotherwise popularly imagined as a land oftribals, jungles and conflicts. Acaricatured sense of Naga cuisine is thus derived. At the same time, a claim to a

distinct and monolithic cuisine is made and authenticated by juxtaposing tribalsymbols into consumption culture. This construction of acuisine may becomparable to the John and Jean Comaroff s assertion of anethno-commodity,whose value only increases with mass circulation (contrary to an economic,diminishing rationale), and such circulation ofauthentic reproductions serve toreaffirm ethnicity.10

A process of demystification of Naga food and itsalien-ness can bewitnessed, a phenomenon that is carried out, in order to appeal to consumers andcreate familiarity. A role that cookbooks played in the crystallisation of cuisines is

being gradually acquired by the writings on ethnic food seen in blogs and reviews.In addition to this discourse, at times restaurateurs attested to having amongregular diners, ex-army servicemen who were posted in these places at some pointand now arenostalgic about the food. This bringing together with food contrastswith the standard narratives of heavy military abuses that occur in the Northeastregion under the guise of draconian martial laws like the Armed Forces SpecialPowers Act.

Many bloggers and reviewers have donned the role of urban ethnic foodconnoisseurs, giving legitimacy to an unfamiliar cuisine and providing an

introduction as well as guidance to people on what to eat. This helps tomainstream such cuisine, the latter emerging from relative obscurity andenmeshing itself in up-market eating circles.11 There seems to be an activesensibility and awareness shaping public discourse, even if limited to certainclasseswho have access and the leisure to explore such restaurants. Naga cuisine isdeveloping an identity and reputation of its own. The writings on Naga cuisinehave even begun to express anxieties about theauthenticity of the food,lamenting any possibleIndianisation or Punjabification of Naga food (asoccurred with Chinese food, being localised to the Indian palate) and some evenexpressed disdain towards theoriental (referring to Chinese, Thai or Japanesesupplementary menus).

The Oriental food seems to be a natural choice due to a certain amount ofaffinity for the cuisine, maybe even cultural or geographic identifications for some, but the real logic seems to be the fact that generic Indian Chinese is something thatone cannot go wrong with. It is also the fact that Naga food being highly pork based enables generic associations with Chinese cuisine which has been the vehiclethrough which at least two generations of middle-class, caste society in urban Indiahas come to terms with eating pork.


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4. Porky Percolations and M omo MadnessIn January 2013, a programme calledCultures of Peace - Festival of the

Northeast was organised by a non-profit publication house in New Delhi. This

was one of the first big events in the capital to put Northeast identity on a large public platform. During the festival, the only panel event centred on food wastitled: Eating Women Telling Tales - Naga food in the Indian Capital: Naga Restaurateurs in Discussion with Sonal Shah.12 The Naga problem is aseemingly intractable insurgency in the Northeast. It is interesting that the Nagaidentity should emerge as the principal Northeastern identity in Delhis publicdining culture, and perhaps recognised as such by an overtly political forum.

The growth of moreauthentic cuisine from the Northeast, led by Nagarestaurants provides a transformative separation from the image of Northeast street

food. Now, there seems to be more of an assertion ofauthenticity and ethnicity.One Assamese restaurant in Delhi that is housed in the provincial governmentshome office13 in the national capital stands as a bastion of what is oftenconsideredtraditional Assamese food. They retain authenticity with claims ofserving thetraditional, in the sense that the Assamese cuisine they serve is thatwhich is characteristic of upper-caste Hindu Assamese, and excludestribal itemslike pork. They do so despite being aware of the profits to be made from having pork on the menu.

Except Naga cuisine, Assamese (or any other cuisine from the Northeast) has

so far failed to make an impressionable cross-over into the National theatre.Though a sense ofAssamese cuisine has been prevalent in Assam and seems tohave a longer history at least in terms of a consciousness of cuisine,14 while this isnot necessarily true of Nagaland. The latter s claims are seemingly articulatedmore distinctly outside the state in places like Indias capital. Given the Naga political history, this could make for an interesting speculative reading of claiminga cuisine for an imaginary nation, while a similar process may not have been feltnecessarily by the Assamese or the Manipuris, who already had claims to physically (a state) and culturally (Constitutionally recognised language, danceforms, etc.) marked indices of nationhood. In contrast, the Nagas have a state, butnot that many other overt forms of nationhood that can be claimed in publicculture, and food seems to be emerging as an area where such claims are being publicly asserted, seemingly emerging from below.

On the demand side explaining the popularity of Naga food, the heavy meatcomponent featuring pork or beef seems to be a draw in addition to some uniqueflavours. For instance, many Assamese migrants who like pork would go to Nagaeateries in Delhi to mainly eat pork based dishes, since the latter are usuallyavailable in the city only when eating Chinese/Tibetan food and not so easilyotherwise. Among Indians, there is often a tendency to separate thesacred spaceof home from the profane outside space; transgressions occurring outside aresomewhat tolerable. An enclave like a restaurant provides a liminal arena for such


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transgressions after which one can return to the normality of practice at home.Duncan McDuie-Ra talks offood rebels15 from the Northeast breaking foodtaboos for the first time when they migrated to Delhi away from their families.

After having spent a considerable number of years living in Guwahati, a changein dining habits could be observed. The growing popularity of pork usuallycoincided with the arrival ofmomos in the town. Prior to the early 2000s,momos were available only in some hill station towns and select Chinese restaurants inGuwahati. Thereafter, a sudden and large proliferation of smallmomo shops led tomany middle-class youth and students (who otherwise did not consume pork athome) beginning to eat pork so much so that it became almost acraze. One of themore conservative schools in Guwahati actually called a meeting of parents,cautioning them of the dangers of their children eatingmomos and consuming

dirty pork.16

It has to be remembered that such transgressions are usually morewidespread among the younger generations, but they are not always exclusive tothem.

It is highly plausible that many Assamese middle class caste Hindus inGuwahati developed a taste for pork after being introduced to it via theconsumption ofmomos. Many of the respondents who first started their pork eatingadventures withmomos could also constitute the base clientele who took to theearly appearance of Naga cuisine in Guwahati.17 When the first Naga restaurant inGuwahati, Naga Kitchen, opened, it was met with great enthusiasm by pork lovers,

and it was not so much the exotic Naga aspect that drew the loyal customers, butits different ways of preparing and serving pork.Other migrants in India also brought their own influences into the dietary habits

of the locals. This is most visible with the coming ofmomos to Delhi with the largenumber of Tibetan and Nepalese migrants. Originally a Tibetan import,momos were adopted by Nepalese micro-entrepreneurs in Delhi. The originalmomo, asteamed dumpling, is normally made of meat and was available only in its non-vegetarian avatar, which is now no longer the case with various vegetarian versionsemerging in a transformation of the original product. Beforemomos caught on,(now available in portablemomo-stalls in most street corners of Delhi), they could be found only in select locations, in inconspicuous and mysterious enclaves likemomo-auntiesor in places like Tibetan refugee colonies, to be consumed alongwith chang (country liquor or rice beer), and came with an associated baggage of prejudice.

The restaurateurs informed me that all kinds ofmomos are popular, and, to theirsurprise, manyIndians also eat beefmomos. A beef-eating culture, even if verysmall, seems to be developing among Delhiites that encourages the transgression oftraditionally held taboos. Some respondents attested to how they started developinga taste for pork and beef after being introduced to it through their friends from the Northeast or via culinary forays into the restaurants located in Tibetan refugeecolonies.


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A blog discussion onmomos expressed nostalgia for the muttonmomos thatwere once available at one Moti Tea Stall in North Delhi close to Delhi Universityin the 1990s.18 It appears that that this stall was asked to close and relocate because

of a protest by the Kamlanagar Traders Association (KTA) who were unhappyabout the sale of non-vegetarian items in an area that where residents were mostly pious god fearing Hindu vegetarians. The stall relocated and opened shop as Momo s Point after loyal customers and the KTA came to loggerheads and hasever since been one of the most popularmomo joints in the locality. This isillustrative of the frictions emerging against social boundaries and taboos, but alsoencapsulates the entrenching presence ofmomos.

From being a foreign import, it has been able to pervade the culinarysensibilities in Delhi and transform itself as a food product to cater to local tastes.

The humblemomo has gone from being on the street, to achieving such popularityas to be able to be percolate into the globalised mall culture and that of upscaleeateries. Though in the latter form,momos would often be presented asdumplings to assert a difference from its generic cheap street food cousin and tolend a degree of sophistication to the item to make it permissible in the upper-classculture.

5. Conclusion: Transgressive TransformationsIn this study, we have been able to examine the circulation of commoditised

dining cultures and customs and how they can also be entwined with identityclaims. In certain enclaves, some amount of success is being achieved incrystallising what may be called transgressive practices into the imagination aswell the palate of the broader Indian middle class population, with whom variousforms of socio-cultural frictions exist otherwise for many minority migrant groups.

Meanwhile, the migrants from Indias eastern fringes are often considered to behomogenous, but their representations of food culture are evolving from havinggeneric Northeast street stalls to specific assertions of distinctethnic cuisines,and as an ethnic commodity. In popular dining culture, a pan-Northeast identity isnot often invoked. However, pork is emerging with pan-Northeast identificationsespecially among the youth. Very recently, there seems to be emerging trends ofself-representation by elite circles that promote a Northeast cuisine in general,while maintaining the narrower ethno-nationalist ownership claims.

Moreover, the ethnic food brought by migrants is gradually finding acceptancewithinIndian culture and is possibly on the way to being integrated as standardeating fare, even if for a limited class of people. These may be transforming thetaste-buds and palate of urban India.

Indias problems with the Northeast have hardly been resolved, but can wethink of a possibility of this happening gradually, perhaps at anethnic diningtable, over copious amounts of pork, hotchutneyand rice beer ?


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Notes

1 The politics of ownership of this chilli is interesting as a variety known asBhootJolokia (literally Ghost chili), also known asTezpur chilli with the Assameseand Nagaland governments competing to gain ownership through the GeographicalIndication (GI) regime.2 Patricia Mukhim,Where is this North-East? India International CentreQuarterly32.2/3, (2005): 186.3 I would like to term the festivals under scrutiny here asneo-ethnic festivals tomark them separate from other more politically motivated popular festivals thattake place in the Northeast.4 See Victor Turner, inThe Forest of Symbols: Aspects of Ndembu Ritual(Ithaca:Cornell University Press, 1967), 93-112.5 Ellen Bal,They Ask if We Eat Frogs: Garo Ethnicity in Bangladesh (City not provided by the author of this chapter: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2007),40.6 See Delhi Police,Security Tips for Northeast Students/Visitors in Delhi. Delhi,Delhi Police, West District, 2005.7 Benjamin Aldes Wurgaft,Incensed: Food Smells and Ethnic Tension,Gastronomica: The Journal of Food and Culture 6.2 (2006): 57.8 Naga cuisine as known outside Nagaland is not necessarily a monolithic culturalentity and the conceptions of the same are evolving. Various tribes of Nagaland usedifferent ingredients and methods of preparation, while retain some pan-regionalcommonalities.9 I am grateful to Dolly Kikon (Stockholm University) for sharing her insight. Sheis a post-doctoral researcher from Nagaland who has done extensive fieldwork inthe region.10 John L. Comaroff and Jean Comaroff, Ethnicity, Inc., Chicago Studies in Practices of Meaning (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009), 20.11 See Hayagreeva Rao, Philippe Monin and Rodolphe Durand,Border Crossing:

Bricolage and the Erosion of Categorical Boundaries in French Gastronomy, American Sociological Review 70.6 (2005): 975.12 The allusion towomen in the program title was to do with the fact that most Naga restaurant enterprises in Delhi are run by women entrepreneurs, as informed by the Director of the events management firm. This is also in consonance withand is reflective somewhat of the Northeastreality where women play a more prominent role in the society and economy.13 Government building which houses the local representative of the state of Assamin Delhi. Bhavan, literally meanshouse or home. The proprietors of the

Assamese restaurant in the building belong to a well-known upper caste familyfrom Northern Assam.


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14 Many old Assamese texts contain references to food preparations and techniquesunique to Assam. My assertion here is derived from exposure to some old texts aswell as Chef Atul Lahkar s interview account about his research while I wasworking as a restaurant critic for a local magazine. Lahkar is one of the firstrestaurateurs in Guwahati to bring forward the idea of anethnic cuisine inrestaurants.15 Duncan McDuie-Ra, Northeast Migrants in Delhi: Race, Refuge and Retail ,(City not provided by the author of this chapter: Amsterdam University Press,2013), 154.16 The school is run by a largely upper-caste Hindu administration and withmajority of students belonging to a caste Hindu background. The discussion was

sourced through interactions with the administration of the school.17 Constructed from the personal experience of having stayed in Guwahati andfollowing the respondents in question over a period of time. In fact, the first Nagaeatery in the city was an obscure andunderground one, and my first contact withthe latter almost a decade ago was through the same group of porkmomo-lovers who I referred to. The popularity of Naga food seemed to be based on a word-of-mouth underground network of people who loved pork and are willing to try newforms of its preparation. Interestingly, these culinary transgressions were also oftenkept a secret from the families at home.18

I express my gratitude to Ishita Dey (Delhi School of Economics) for enablingme to access this anecdote from her blog.

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odyssey: food, society, sociality

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