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Journal of Occupational Science

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Occupational experiences of Korean immigrantssettling in New Zealand

Hagyun Kim, Clare Hocking, Barbara McKenzie-Green & Shoba Nayar

To cite this article: Hagyun Kim, Clare Hocking, Barbara McKenzie-Green & Shoba Nayar(2016): Occupational experiences of Korean immigrants settling in New Zealand, Journal ofOccupational Science, DOI: 10.1080/14427591.2015.1126168

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14427591.2015.1126168

Published online: 13 Jan 2016.

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Occupational experiences of Korean immigrants settling in NewZealandHagyun Kim , Clare Hocking , Barbara McKenzie-Green and Shoba Nayar

Auckland University of Technology, Auckland, New Zealand

ABSTRACTFor Korean immigrants, settling in New Zealand is challenging and stress-inducing. There is growing concern that feelings of alienation and lossseem to be key features in their lives. Taking the symbolic interactionismperspective that people interpret a situation through social interaction,the purpose of this study was to explore how Korean immigrantsinteract with their new environment, whilst re-negotiating their reality. Agrounded theory methodology was employed as it places participants’actions at the centre of its attention. Semi-structured interviews andfield observations were conducted to collect information from 25participants who lived in the North Island of New Zealand. Data wereanalysed using methods of constant comparison, conditional matrix andmemoing. The resultant substantive grounded theory was RegainingControl: A Journey of Valuing Self. It offers one plausible explanation ofhow Korean immigrants make choices about their occupations byopting to enact ‘Korean Ways’ and ‘New Zealand Ways’ until they reacha place where they will once again feel valued as members of civicsociety. Through increasing understanding of the impact of immigrationon occupations, this study contributes to knowledge of the diversity ofhuman experiences in the occupational science literature.

ARTICLE HISTORYAccepted 24 November 2015

KEYWORDSgrounded theory;immigration; Koreanimmigrants; meaning;occupational perspective;symbolic interactionism

The number of immigrants in many developedcountries has climbed to historically unprece-dented levels, changing the face of cities inthose countries (Gupta, 2013) and impactingpeople’s everyday lives. Citizen’s daily routines,work places, schools, and leisure have been dra-matically changed by the inflow of immigrants(Suto, 2013). This profound shift in the compo-sition of populations has resulted in immigrationbeing of major significance in the social sciences,which increasingly recognise that the success ofall immigrants is vital to societal harmony(Suarez-Orozco & Qin-Hilliard, 2004).

By definition, immigration is about peopleleaving one social unit and entering another(Hall & Kardulias, 2010), which is inevitablyaccompanied by a period of adjustment (Bhugra,2004). Research reveals that in order to fit in and

interact, immigrants need to learn and adapt todifferences in the host society, changing theway they dress, eat, drive, shop and even theirgreeting procedures (Berry, 2001). This suggeststhat immigration can be defined as a process ofadaptation (Valenta, 2009), and to understandhow immigrants re-build their lives it is necess-ary to question what these adaptational tasks are(Nayar, 2009).

A critical component of building that under-standing is the occupations in which immigrantsengage (Nayar, Hocking, & Giddings, 2012). Inthis sense, the settlement process could arguablybe interpreted as occupational adaptation. Therationale for this claim is that people mustengage in occupation to continue their lives(Creek, 2010); hence, the adaptational tasksinclude altered and newly added occupations

© 2016 The Journal of Occupational Science Incorporated

CONTACT Hagyun.kim@aut.ac.nz; Clare.hocking@aut.ac.nz

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that immigrants are expected to deal with (Con-nor Schisler & Polatajko, 2002). Bringing anoccupational lens to the analysis can provideinsights into the adjustment process by revealinghow Korean immigrants, whose issues are spar-sely addressed in New Zealand research(Epstein, 2006), re-configure their daily occu-pations to adapt to socio-environmentalchanges.

This article begins by exploring the issuesKorean immigrants encounter whilst settling intheir new country and highlights the gap inknowledge in the New Zealand context. Next,the literature pertaining to symbolic interaction-ism and an occupational perspective, which pro-vides the theoretical grounding for the study, isdiscussed. The methodology and methods withwhich data were analysed are then explained,before presenting the theory derived from theanalysis, Regaining Control: A Journey of Valu-ing Self. Finally, the benefits of gaining an under-standing of the meanings immigrants attach tooccupation during the settlement process areconsidered.

Korean Immigrants in New Zealand

South Korean immigrants (hereafter Korean)comprise the fourth largest Asian ethnic groupin New Zealand (Statistics New Zealand, 2013).Totalling fewer than 30,200 people in the 2013census, they are a small community with aunique cultural and linguistic background.They are monolingual, have a strong attachmentto their own culture, and 89% are first generationimmigrants (Chang, Morris, & Vokes, 2006).Their issues are often overshadowed by and con-flated with the larger and more established Chi-nese and Indian communities, with the resultthat the topics related to Koreans have beensparsely addressed in New Zealand research(Epstein, 2006).

Research has, however, revealed thatlanguage and cultural differences constrain Kor-ean immigrants’ social activities (Park &Anglem, 2012), create difficulties establishingrelationships with neighbours (Chang et al.,2006) and limit their involvement in the hostcommunity (Epstein, 2006). Their potential isunderestimated by members of the host commu-nity, further limiting their capacity to participate

in civic society (McKinnon, 1996) and contri-buting to un/under-employment (Meares, Ho,Peace, & Spoonley, 2010). These factors mayaccount for the 2% decline in numbers between2006 and 2013, as Koreans returned to Korea orre-emigrated to countries such as Australia andthe United States. In contrast, the Chinese,Indian and Filipino populations grew by 16%,48% and 138% respectively (Statistics New Zeal-and, 2013).

Research into Korean immigrants’ cultural,psychological and identity challenges in NewZealand has revealed that they experience adegree of acculturative stress, ranging fromlanguage difficulties to disruption of their familyand social support networks. As a result, theyrelinquish many of the things they hold dear inorder to create a place in New Zealand (Changet al., 2006). In particular, constraints in thelabour market and difficulties in employmentare associated with an increased risk of lowself-esteem and isolation (Meares et al., 2010).Epstein (2006) posited that a hybrid Korean-New Zealand identity remains in an embryonicstate, whilst Park and Anglem (2012) postulatedthat Koreans’ identities are transnational innature, coupled with the development of com-munication technologies.

However, questions such as what Koreansactually do to create a home and settle intotheir new country remain unanswered. The pur-pose of this study was to shed light on how Kor-eans adapt to a new culture, integrate andreconstruct their identity through participatingin daily occupations.

Symbolic Interactionism

Symbolic interactionism underpins this study.The basic premise of symbolic interactionismis that ‘the self’ is an object individuals activelyconstruct and perform through social inter-action with others (Mead, 1934), which is onlypossible because of the significant symbols thathumans share (Blumer, 1969). People constructtheir selves by interpreting each other’s actions(Charon, 2010); that is to say, “the self is funda-mentally a process” (Bowers, 1988, p. 38). Thecentral notion of symbolic interactionism is,therefore, a process of interpretation throughwhich people create the worlds of experience

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in which they live. Symbolic interactionismassumes that humans act toward things on thebasis of the meanings those things hold (Blumer,1969). To identify meanings, humans put them-selves in the place of the other (Mead, 1934).This process of social interaction continuesover the lifespan (Charon, 2010).

Shibutani and Stryker’s structurally orientedversion of symbolic interactionism explicitlyguided this study. Shibutani (1955) introducedthe idea of reference groups, whose norms areapplied as anchoring points in structuring theself, while Stryker (1980) implied that “bothsociety and person are abstractions from on-going social interaction” (p. 2). Their argumentis that social interaction is not context-free,since some populations do not have the meansto engage in successful social interaction. Fromtheir point of view, the self is constructed atthe crossroads of narrative, social interaction,and institutional life (Valenta, 2009), and theenvironment offers opportunities, resources,and also constraints (Stryker, 1980). Bringing astructurally oriented version of symbolic interac-tionism into the analysis is beneficial in under-standing how life events affect immigrants’interpretation of their current situation and con-sequently, how they enact their dailyoccupations.

Occupational Perspective

Given that people engage in occupations, on adaily basis, throughout life (Creek, 2010), it islogical to believe that occupation provides amechanism for social interaction (Wilcock &Hocking, 2015). This assumption justifies theselection of an occupational perspective, broadlydefined as “a way of looking at or thinking abouthuman doing” (Njelesani, Tang, Jonsson, &Polatajko, 2014, p. 233), to the collection andanalysis of data for this study.

People enact occupation within their culture,and every occupation has physical, social,psychological, emotional, and spiritual dimen-sions (Hasselkus, 2011; Iwama, 2005). Occu-pation is thus understood to provide the basisfor people’s feelings about themselves and theirrelationships with others (Christiansen &Baum, 1997; Townsend & Polatajko, 2007).They attach meaning to their occupations and,

through engaging in occupation, make sense oftheir existence and give life coherence (Has-selkus & Rosa, 1997; Kielhofner, 2002). That is,people’s sense of self is “to a large extent occu-pational in nature” (Huot & Laliberte Rudman,2010, p. 72).

These ideas fit well with the symbolic interac-tionist stance that the self is the accumulation ofall previously experienced social interaction(Blumer, 1969), whereby individuals, livingtogether in society, develop selves through socialinteractions (Charon, 2010). Using occupationas a unit of analysis widens the methodologicaldirections and deepens theoretical insightswhen exploring what is happening in the partici-pants’ real world from the perspective of sym-bolic interactionism (Nayar, 2009).

Methodology

A grounded theory methodology positions thehuman as maker, doer, actor, and self-director(Charmaz, 2014). This is congruent with sym-bolic interactionism in that humans are actingorganisms, who cope with situations based ontheir interpretation of those situations (Blumer,1969). Accordingly, the analytic focus of thisstudy was the action undertaken by Koreanimmigrants as they responded to situations, par-ticularly those they found problematic in thenew social context.

This study employed Straussian groundedtheory, an approach designed to study action(Glaser & Strauss, 1967), which is consideredvital to understanding human life (Corbin &Strauss, 2008). In conceptualising action at thelevel of daily activities (Strauss, 1987), this ver-sion of grounded theory is appropriate forunderstanding the embodied nature of perform-ing the occupations that make up everyday life(Hocking, 2000).

Importantly, Straussian grounded theoristsbelieve that a person and society are inseparablefrom on-going interaction (Strauss, 1987), whichfits well with the study’s structuralist assumptionthat “reality is socially constructed through sym-bolic interaction” (Marvasti, 2006, p. 529).Through bringing the context into the analysis(Corbin & Strauss, 2008), Straussian groundedtheory had utility for exploring Korean immi-grants’ meaning-making processes within the

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social and political context within which occu-pation took place. In relation to this the firstauthor, as a social worker, explored the societalcontext in which participants performed occu-pations, whilst the two co-authors with an occu-pational science background examined thefunction of occupations in order to identify themeaning Korean immigrants attached to theiroccupations in their new country. The otherauthor, a grounded theorist, guided the analyticprocess.

Maintaining confidentiality and cultural sen-sitivity were important ethical considerations.To protect participants’ identities, English pseu-donyms were adopted. Cultural considerationswere addressed by developing Korean versionsof participant information and consent forms,and regular consultation with Korean culturaladvisors. Lastly, as all research in New Zealandmust abide by the principles of the Treaty ofWaitangi, which accord Māori (indigenouspeople in New Zealand) the right to partnership,participation, and protection (van Heugten,2001). Accordingly, provision was made forappropriate guidance from a Māori advisor.Ethical approval for the study was granted bythe Auckland University of Technology EthicsCommittee in 2011 (ref. 11/61).

Between July 2011 and February 2013, 25Kor-ean immigrants were recruited from three citieswithin theNorth Island ofNewZealand; ametro-politan city (A), a provincial city with a develop-ing ethnic community (B), and a provincial citywith a small ethnic population (C). To be eligiblefor the study, participants needed to meet theinclusion criteria of immigrating to New Zealandsince 2000, residing within cities A, B, or C, andbeing aged 30 years or over. People under 30years were excluded on the assumption thatthey were minors or accompanied family mem-bers when they arrived. Because the Koreanpopulation in New Zealand is relatively small,the cities are not identified to protect partici-pants’ confidentiality and anonymity.

To facilitate recruitment, advertisementswere placed in ethnic newspapers and flyerswere displayed in a variety of Korean shops.Initially, participants were recruited using pur-posive sampling whereby the first authorselected participants (Bouma & Ling, 2004),including two men and two women who

demographically represented the Korean popu-lation in New Zealand. The analysis beganfrom the first day of data gathering (Strauss,1987), with questions about the initial conceptsguiding the next round of data collection (Cor-bin & Strauss, 2008). Theoretical sampling wasthen followed, with a further 21 participantsrecruited based on their relevance to theoreticalconcepts derived from previous interviews(Charmaz, 2014). This iterative process ofsampling continued until theoretical saturationwas reached, with all major concepts welldefined and explained (Glaser & Strauss, 1967).

Each participant was involved in one inter-view which lasted approximately 60 to 90 min-utes. Part of the informed consent processincluded giving a thorough explanation of thestudy and informing participants of their rights.Participants were all married and their ages ran-ged from 32 to 58 years; 10 were male. Of the 25participants, 19 resided in city A, 2 lived in cityB, and 4 settled in city C. Their employment sta-tus varied; 6 were employed, 6 were self-employed, 7 were students, 6 were full-timehouse wives. Two of the major Korean religiousgroups were represented; Christians (not indi-cating their denomination) and Catholics.

Semi-structured interviews, which probe formore information and clarification of answers(Barriball & While, 1994), were the main sourceof data. Indicative questions included “can youtell me about your previous lifestyle in Korea?”and later “can you tell me about your meaningfulactivities during those days?”. Interviews wereconducted in Korean, the native language ofthe first author, as this was requested by partici-pants, and were audio-taped, transcribed andlater translated verbatim into English for thepurpose of analysis. To gain different view-points, five field observations, a total of 7hours, were conducted at both the individualand community level, where the action partici-pants described actually occurred. Televisionreports, memoirs and ethnic newspapers werealso helpful in gaining an insider’s impressionof the studied world.

Analysis

Analysis included three stages of coding, open,axial, and selective, whereby data were initially

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fractured, consciously conceptualised, and spon-taneously integrated to form a theory (Corbin &Strauss, 2008). Through coding, the conceptualabstraction of data is developed and is reinte-grated as theory (Charmaz, 2014). Combiningthe theoretical grounding of symbolic interac-tionism and an occupational perspective, opencoding was based on the participants’ action/interaction, since this explains how peoplehandle situations (Mead, 1934). At this stage,the interview transcripts were broken downline by line and then sentence by sentence toidentify action/interaction, feelings, and eventsparticipants experienced. Through this process,the first author generated lists of open codeswhich provided the basis for more abstractinterpretations of the data and theorydevelopment.

Axial coding elaborated on the categoriesderived from open coding. Using constant com-parative analysis, categories were related to oneanother, with some subsumed under moreabstract categories to develop more precise andcomplete explanations (Charmaz, 2014). Theconcept of ‘paradigm’ and ‘the conditional/con-sequential matrix’ were used to understand thecircumstances that surround events (Corbin,2009). For example, several categories emergedfrom open coding, such as ‘language barriers’,‘easy accessibility’, ‘economic benefit’, and ‘unfa-miliarity with new surroundings’. The authorsconstantly compared those categories and laterdeveloped the more abstract concept of ‘main-taining the old-me’. This concept positionedother categories as its subcategories, to answerquestions such as when, why, how and withwhat consequences the participant maintainedthe old-me (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Using con-stant comparison, the authors developed moreabstract concepts that were able to encapsulatethe things new immigrants do to become estab-lished in a new country.

During selective coding, the major categorieswere integrated to yield a central category link-ing the various pieces of data together andexplaining much of the variation within thedata (Stanley & Cheek, 2003). This involved con-tinuously checking hypotheses and propositionsagainst incoming data, modifying, extending, ordeleting them as necessary to verify this centralcategory until there were “no gaps in the theory

and all categories [could] be linked meaningfullytogether” (Chamberlain, 1999, p. 186). At thisstage, the strategy of writing a storyline (Corbin& Strauss, 2008) helped to generate a substantivegrounded theory that is abstract enough toinclude all the significant categories and stillapplicable to all participants. Throughout theanalysis, memoing was used to preserve emer-ging ideas and hypotheses.

Findings

Despite their different circumstances, recentKorean immigrants, with few exceptions, gaveof their best to regain control over disrupteddaily occupations through navigating withintwo world perspectives. This effort assistedthem in acquiring the knowledge required tofunction autonomously at some levels. Partici-pants, however, disclosed that their journey ofsettlement was not limited to mastery of theirnew surroundings; instead, they continuallyengaged in different structural contexts as theysought a place where they could value them-selves as members of civic society. This theoryis named as Regaining Control: A Journey ofValuing Self. The significant elements of this the-ory include salient conditions, the central cat-egory, and the core process.

Analysis found seven salient conditions, atmicro and macro level, impacting on how par-ticipants rebuilt their lives. Valuing Self is thecore category. It is the goal to which Koreansaspire whilst interacting with their social sur-roundings. The core process, Regaining Control,is a basic social process in which Koreans engageover time, guiding participants’ on-goingactions. Quotes selected to illustrate the findingswere translated into English by the first author.Back translation by a Korean translator whosigned a confidentiality agreement was used toverify accuracy.

Salient conditions

The process of adjusting to a new culture wastightly interwoven with societal factors, in par-ticular destination characteristics. Seven con-ditions appeared prominently within theparticipants’ accounts; Minimum Expectationsfor a New Life, Sugar Coated World, Language

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Barriers, Ethnocentric Attitude, Existing Net-works, Korean Enclave and Confucianism.These micro and macro conditions were almostalways connected to each other, and formed thestructural contexts of Enacting the Old Worldand Enacting the New World, which influencehow participants interpret the situations andconcurrently the way in which they respond tosituations. The former referred to a context inwhich participants behaved in Korean ways,whereas the latter was defined as an attitude oflearning and adapting their behaviours, reflec-tive of the host society.

Minimum Expectations for a New Life encap-sulated participants’ prospects of immigration.Many hoped to escape from their stressful life-style: “I was fed up with my life, so just wantedto have a change” (Aaron). The real attraction,and the more compelling reason for decidingon immigration was that the participants dreamtof a better quality of life, with the prospect of thegood education that the country offered theirchildren: “My husband told me that New Zeal-and would be good for our three children’s edu-cation and would be good for us because of itssocial welfare system” (Jill).

The concept of a Sugar Coated Worldreflected New Zealand’s prevailing reputationin Korea, where it is depicted as pure, safe andpeaceful: “The last remaining paradise onearth” (Sue). For many participants, the offersNew Zealand made were too good to resist,which contributed to them regarding immigra-tion to New Zealand as guaranteeing their qual-ity of life. The majority of participants held anoptimistic view even if their assessment of NewZealand society was not based on objectivelyweighed pros and cons: “I dreamt of ‘La vie enrose’ … I imagined that if I could go to New Zeal-and, there would be sheep wandering on greengrass, and my children would be joyfully playingwith bare feet” (Marie).

Participants left their home with a sense of arosy future, alongside a belief that they mayreturn if things differed from their expectations:“I can always go back to Korea if it is too hard tolive here” (Mike). Participants regarded immi-gration in the same light as moving to anothertown. In some cases, immigration involved justa few months of planning and preparation: “Ittook one month to decide to immigrate and

pack all our stuff” (Anne). Accordingly, manyparticipants did not have a specific goal or planfor their new life: “I just simply held an attitudeof ‘go and find out what happens’. I wasn’t seriousabout immigration” (Tom). This resulted inthem being in a vulnerable position when itcame to adapting to New Zealand society.

Participants in this study reported that theydid not seriously consider that relocatingwould inevitably involve a complicated processof adjustment to a new culture, influenced by anumber of interrelated factors such as language,existing networks, and the nature of the socialreception. The reality participants encounteredwas very different from their optimisticexpectations.

I was so scared. I will never forget the firsttwo nights. It had rained all day and wasvery cold… Everything was different fromwhat I had expected. I didn’t knowwhere to start. I asked my Lord, myLord, please tell me what this situationmeans? (Ruth)

Language Barriers were the first major chal-lenge Korean immigrants encountered: “Englishhaunted me… I couldn’t open my mouth when Italked to locals” (Marie). In some instances, par-ticipants could speak only a few English words,enough to maintain their survival: “The onlysentence I could say when I came here was “Iam a boy and you’re a girl” (Carl). This led toparticipants experiencing constraints on adaily basis such as expressing themselves, per-forming social roles, and looking for a job. Par-ticipants’ social isolation also dramaticallyincreased as relations with neighbours wereoften curtailed: “I often left the place if I didn’tunderstand people… This experience made meavoid local people” (Carl).

Participants perceived many New Zealandersas having an Ethnocentric Attitude. This attituderefers to local people’s prejudiced attitudestowards different cultures; often comparinghow people in other cultures might behavebased on assumptions derived from their ownperceptions. There was low tolerance and under-standing toward different cultures in New Zeal-and, leading to discrimination: “I haveexperienced their cold reception because I amAsian… They treat us differently” (Donna).

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This ideology, in many circumstances, served asa justification for New Zealanders not recognis-ing participants’ qualifications and life experi-ences until proven in English, limitingopportunities for participation in many aspectsof life, such as work, and resulting in some ofthe participants being overqualified for their cur-rent job: “I was a care-giver. I knew it was muchlower compared to my nursing qualification”(Judy).

The reality for these Korean immigrants wasthat New Zealand was not a paradise. Ratherthan finding a relaxed lifestyle, they had to dealwith various problems associated with LanguageBarriers, compounded by the Ethnocentric Atti-tude. Many participants started their new lifefrom the bottom; for example, learning English,enrolling in a course to get a qualification, ortaking menial jobs: “I think we, as immigrants,normally take the unwanted jobs which localpeople don’t want anymore, often involving phys-ical labour” (Anne). This experience was associ-ated with diminished life satisfaction, leading todevaluation of themselves: “I often found myselfa second class citizen” (Clara).

Existing Networks (family and friends whoalready resided in New Zealand) were vital toparticipants gaining familiarity with their newenvironment, as they could seek advice or sup-port from them: “I had a close friend here. Shehelped me a lot, with almost everything” (Joy).Nevertheless, many participants found them-selves alone in this country: “We are all alonefar from our home country” (Kevin). In response,some participants actively sought an informant,using their wider networks, or pre-arranged asettlement service to assist them with learningabout their new surroundings: “My husbandknew someone here. He wasn’t his friend. Butthey used to work in the same field in Korea…Before we came, my husband contacted him toask for his help” (Clara). This support wasoften designed to provide a brief orientation towhere to access necessary resources to continuetheir lives: “He spent 3 hours with us…Hegave us a brief orientation regarding issues suchas where Pak’n’Save [local supermarket] andthe Korean shops are” (Ruth).

Participants identified that the KoreanEnclave was a place where they could retain afeeling of control in an unfamiliar society

through using their previous knowledge, includ-ing language skills, to continue their lives in NewZealand: “In Korean shops, I could buy familiarproducts which I had enjoyed in Korea… Theproducts I already knew” (Marie). For many par-ticipants, ethnic attachment was a starting pointfor regaining control in their lives whilst retain-ing a feeling of security: “I visit a Korean hairsalon. I can easily and fully explain exactlywhat I want if I go there” (Jill).

For Korean immigrants, benefits to beinginvolved within the Korean Enclave includedsharing useful information and skills withother Koreans and utilising social networks:“Many community programmes were availablefor Koreans at Korean churches” (Joy). Thisstrategy assisted participants to gain local knowl-edge, leading to increased competency in takingup the challenge of getting involved in the com-munity. The Korean Enclave functioned as atransnational medium between their homecountry and new country. By participating inthe Korean Enclave, participants reported thatthey were better able to adapt to the newenvironment.

Most participants retained Confucianism,which strongly values the centrality of family.This cultural belief explained Koreans’ family-oriented occupational choices: “I want to supportmy son in whatever he wants to do. I believe thatis our duty as parents” (Tom). According toConfucianism, a gendered division of labourexists in the family: “Men’s jobs are typicallymaking money for their family and women’sjobs are looking after the family” (Donna).Admittedly, participants often assigned meaningto occupations based on this belief, regardless ofthe quality of those occupations, as they believedit was a way of fulfilling their cultural values: “Ijust do this cleaning job because I have to supportmy family” (Bob).

Yet, an overall sense of frustration ensued inrelation to continuing their cultural rolesbecause of the micro and macro conditions dis-cussed earlier. The prospect of returning to theirlife’s previous path seemed to be the only sol-ution: “We planned to go back to Korea becausemany things were so different from what we ima-gined” (Sue). In the meantime, because of thephilosophies of Confucianism, many partici-pants decided to stay by prioritising their

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children’s well-being: “The main reason wedecided to stay was because my son loves hisschool…He said he doesn’t want to return toKorea” (Anne). In some instances, watchingthe children’s happiness was enough to justifytheir sacrifice: “When I hear my daughter’slaugh on her way home from school, I feel veryhappy. You know, I did make the right choice”(Sandra).

The central category: Valuing Self

Valuing Self has the greatest explanatory rel-evance for capturing the occupational reper-toires of Korean immigrants. Initially, newlyarrived participants tended to value themselveswithin the domestic sphere as they found thattheir daily interactions did not always exist inways that they would have wanted, puttingpressure on them when continuing their lives:“I felt lost, kind of like being lost in a dark hole.I didn’t know what to do at all” (Carl).

Despite their different circumstances, partici-pants shared similar levels of frustration; that is,they became increasingly incompetent in conti-nuing with their accustomed and valued roles,since immigrating to a new culture presentedan immediate challenge in preserving culturaltraditions. This experience resulted in losingcontrol of occupations which had previouslyenhanced their social identity, with a result thatsome participants had to redefine their identities:“My authority as a father became questionable.My wife often blamed me, saying because ofyou, we have a hard time here” (Aaron).

As such, many participants became less com-petent in fulfilling their social roles. These socialroles were powerful sources of meaning in theirlives and enhanced their identity. They came tobe subjected to the negative consequences ofnot fulfilling social roles, such as losing controlin the decision making process and devaluingself: “I used to be a super mum in Korea. Icould do everything for my children… But here,I didn’t know the New Zealand education system.When they asked me, I often made mistakes. Myauthority as a mum collapsed. My childrenstarted to look down on me” (Jenny). At thistime, the location where they wished to valueself was situated in the domestic sphere becauseof their immediate needs; that is to say, ensuring

their survival and securing their family’s well-being.

To value themselves in this dimension, par-ticipants worked on gaining familiarity withtheir physical surroundings, such as supermar-kets, schools and medical centres. Familiarityrefers to having a thorough knowledge of some-thing and is the outcome of repeated and fre-quent exposure. Participants continuouslymade an effort to interact with the outsideworld, such as by visiting local shops, travellingaround, or being a volunteer: “I drove the sameroads during the day for a month before I workedthere at night to familiarise myself with thoseareas” (Tom). This experience contributed toenhancing participants’ abilities to makeinformed decisions to some degree, leading tovaluing self in the domestic dimension: “About2 years later, I felt much more settled” (Aaron).

For some participants, learning about andgradually adapting to New Zealand perspectives,largely underpinned by individualism, was inevi-table. They established a new worldview: “I cameto realise my life is mine, your life is yours”(Jenny). For these participants, the place wherethey hoped to value themselves was situatedwithin self. As a result, they were determinedto engage in occupations that could developself while appreciating the possibilities NewZealand made available: “This is my chance topursue my dream. I really enjoy every momentof my study” (Marie).

Whilst gaining familiarity with their new sur-roundings, some participants came to appreciatewhat this country offered them, such as familytime and the natural environment. These posi-tive experiences contributed to some partici-pants accepting this land as their new home:“This is my home where I choose to live” (Sue).Some participants went beyond the scope ofvaluing themselves at home or self. They werein search of a place where they hoped to valuethemselves within the wider community: “Iwould like to find something, you know, that Ican contribute to society” (Mike).

For Korean immigrants, successful settlementwas not all about mastering physical surround-ings nor adjusting to a new culture. Instead, itwas about finding a location whereby theyhoped to value themselves. The scope withinwhich they wished to value self unavoidably

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depended on personal preferences and circum-stances. Some were satisfied with valuing selfwithin the domestic sphere. Others began toseek a place for valuing self beyond theirhome, which led to further life satisfaction. Forthem, a place to feel valued was in a communitywhere they could share their transnationalknowledge. This experience helped them to berecognised as members of their community:“Whenever there is a cultural festival in mytown, I demonstrate my Taekwondo skills. Idon’t care how much they pay me. For me, it isall about sharing my talent with people”(Antony).

The core process: Regaining Control

Regaining Control is a basic social process thatencapsulates participants’ on-going actions inresponse to situations despite the fact that con-ditions vary over time. Given that Valuing Selfis indicative of the goal of Korean immigrants’settlement, Regaining Control is a means ofachieving this goal. Participants engaged in thisprocess through the interplay of the TwoWorld perspectives, Korean and New Zealand,bringing together all available elements of theirheritage and where they live to regain controlover occupations in the domestic and societalsphere. This process is presented diagrammati-cally in Figure 1.

Being Korean and being a New ZealandresidentUpon arrival, Korean immigrants often foundengaging in occupations, which were critical tothe continuance of their lives, beyond their con-trol. For those who were not aware of appropri-ate behaviours within particular settings, the Old

World initially seemed to be a prerequisite tomaintaining a sense of internal/external conti-nuity. This resulted in participants consciouslybehaving in Korean ways: “I am a Korean fatherto my daughters and a Korean son to my parents,at least in my home. I don’t need to change this aslong as we are happy with it at home” (Jacob).

To retain internal continuity, participantsused familiar skills such as eating Koreanfoods, reading Korean books, listening to Koreanmusic, and preserving the Korean language: “Imostly stayed home, watching Korean TV andreading Korean books” (Hanna). To maintainexternal continuity, they often associated withpeople who shared the same culture: “We oftenmet up with other Koreans to hang out” (Sue).The Old World was crucial, particularly if par-ticipants did not possess enough knowledgeand skills to perform necessary occupationsthat facilitated living a satisfactory life in theirnew country.

Some Korean immigrants gradually learntabout their new community and establishedtheir own networks with local people. Thishelped them to be aware of behaviours that fittedinto the New World: “While I attended commu-nity programmes for the last 2 years, I learnt tounderstand their culture” (Donna). Throughthis experience, they began to relish indepen-dence from their old worldview, as they adaptedto the norms and values of New Zealand society,establishing a new self who embraced their newcountry’s perspectives: “I never did householdchores in Korea. According to Korean proverbs,if a man helped with household chores, hewould lose his gender. Now, I realised that iswrong. I think gender doesn’t matter… I dohousework a lot now” (Ant).

Domestic sphere (home) and societalsphere (community)The home was identified as the primary arena ofsocialisation and identity formation, playing acentral role in securing a livelihood for Koreanimmigrants. It was within the home that partici-pants could preserve tradition and hold on to asense of control. The key feature of the home,therefore, was the sense of cultural identity andsafety: “I can do whatever I want without anyhassle at home. I am a free human being aslong as I stay at home” (Clara).

Figure 1. Regaining Control through the Interplay of TwoWorlds

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Within the home, participants largely inter-acted with their home country perspective andreplicated the lifestyle they had in Korea. Forinstance, some participants used modern tech-nology, such as Skype, to stay connected totheir family and friends in Korea and occasion-ally imported ethnic products: “My mother-in-law sends us Korean foods such as anchovy,salted fishes, and laver” (Jill). Within thisdimension, participants spoke only Korean, toavoid language difficulties and pass on their tra-ditions to their offspring: “I think my childrenwould have a half identity if they lost their Kor-ean culture. I always spoke Korean at home”(Asma).

The community was a social unit of societywhere Korean immigrants interacted and sharedan environment populated with locals. Many ofthe participants defined the community as anideal place to create new networks and workedon getting to know their neighbours and beinginvolved in the community: “I loved to beinvolved in the local community. Otherwise,why did I come here?… I didn’t want to liveonly within the Korean community” (Judy).The community was a destination where partici-pants wished to be accepted by using all of thestrengths available from both world perspec-tives: “I try to do my best to live here because Ichose New Zealand. It was my decision tocome” (Donna).

Yet, as presented earlier, an ethnocentric atti-tude was largely structured into the way in whichsocial institutions operate within the host com-munity, often disrupting participants’ involve-ment. For instance, the high level of Englishskills required resulted in some participants feel-ing unwelcome: “When I met people, they disap-peared soon after a short conversation becausethey didn’t understand me” (Clara). Anotherexample was the regulatory framework, such asthe Health Practitioners Competence AssuranceAct, which demands fluent English skills. Theseregulations limit immigrants’ opportunities touse previous knowledge and experience in thesame fields: “The New Zealand Nursing Associ-ation has a high expectation in terms of language… To be a registered nurse here, I have to have a7.0 IELTS score” (Lucia).

Four dimensions of Regaining Control - theOld World (being Korean), the New World

(being a resident in New Zealand), the DomesticSphere (home), and the Societal Sphere (com-munity) exist in an intricate and delicaterelationship with each other, providing the set-ting in which participants created a home.

Sub-process of Regaining Control:Achieving a Balance/Making aCommitmentTwo sets of sub-processes comprise the processof Regaining Control which constitute the par-ticipants’ action/interactional mechanisms forcarrying out the core process. The first sub-pro-cess ‘Achieving a Balance’ is a dynamic processin which participants move in and out of aspectsof each culture whilst seeking all availableresources from their past and present situations,in order to sustain their lives.

To achieve enough balance to continue theirlives, participants initially behaved in Koreanways. This strategy was deliberately chosen bythose who wished to retain control by usingtheir existing knowledge and networks. Forthose who were deficient in local knowledge,this strategy seemed to be the only option toensure their survival. By behaving in Koreanways, participants aimed to continue their liveswithout the immediate pressure of adapting toNew World perspectives. In this regard, partici-pants manifested their strong preference for pre-serving their old lifestyle although they werephysically away from their own country: “Wehave Korean style dishes every day” (Carl) and“They watch Korean TV all day” (Donna).

There was time for participants to experimentwith local ways of doing things; “Now, I knowhow to make ‘Kimchi’ with local cabbages”(Asma). This experience increased their knowl-edge of their present situation. Over time,some participants reached a point where theyenhanced their ability to assess their choicesand to make informed decisions in their currentenvironment.

However, having thorough knowledge oftheir present situations did not mean that par-ticipants recklessly abandoned their Old Worldperspectives. Instead, in many cases, Koreanimmigrants gradually learnt how to strike a bal-ance between Korean ways or New Zealandways, depending on the specific situation.‘Achieving a Balance’ was not a dichotomous

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choice. Rather, it was a deliberate strategyemployed by Korean immigrants, ensuring thatparticipants did not fall off one side and becomeisolated from the other world.

Here in New Zealand, I have to choosebetween being a Korean or a New Zealan-der several times a day. When I go home, Iam Korean… But, when I go to work, Ihave to be a Kiwi and behave just likethem. (Mike)

The second sub-process ‘Making a Commit-ment’ delineates how participants made theirbest effort to do what they were expected to dowithin the New Zealand context, based ontheir assessment of self-efficacy. The level ofmaking a commitment depended on the individ-ual participant’s readiness, including skills, net-works, and personal motivation, with the resultthat participants held an attitude of being eitheran active responder or observer in their respect-ive situations.

Participants initially identified occupations towhich they hoped to make a commitment basedon their cultural beliefs, in which the gender div-ision of labour clearly existed. For example, afather made a commitment to find employmentin order to fulfil his responsibility as the bread-winner of his family: “I was desperate to findemployment. I told myself I can do whatever tosupport my family” (Carl). Alternatively, amother made a commitment to look after thefamily as part of fulfilling her responsibility:“As a mother, I have to know the school systemhere for my baby” (Lucia). However, some par-ticipants began to demonstrate their willingnessto make a commitment beyond the home byrelinquishing this family centred belief. Somedid their best to develop themselves: “I pushedmyself harder and harder. I have done my bestover the last 2 years, showing them my potential”(Hanna). Some gave their best effort for thecommunity: “I started as a volunteer at a localdisability centre… For the last 3 years, I havehelped them to publish their magazine in Korean”(Clara).

However, there were times when participantswere passively dedicated to the process of ‘Mak-ing a Commitment’. Rather than taking respon-sibility for specific activities, some of them reliedon others’ assistance. Although they deliberately

chose this passive stance to avoid difficulties andhassles, it created pressure on other family mem-bers who had to pick up their roles: “My hus-band did almost everything regarding English. Iwas reluctant to do those things because I wasscared of making mistakes in English” (Jill).This often prompted role negotiation and apower shift within the family system: “Mydaughter spoke good English, so she often rep-resented us when we had to communicate withothers” (Joy).

As such, the process of Regaining Controlexisted in the transactional relationship of theperson and environment, depending on theavailability, possibility and inevitability of occu-pations, through the interplay of the Two Worldperspectives. This process was ongoing, as oneneed was fulfilled and the participants soughtto fulfil the next need.

Discussion

By conceptualising Korean immigrants’ experi-ences, this study contributes further knowledgeabout the process of occupational adaptation ina new country. Additionally, it brings to lightan ethnic minority people’s perspectives intothe meaning of occupation. Valuing Selfemerged when participation in occupation wasconfined, restricted, or disrupted due to theirminority status. This concept highlights occu-pations that enrich people’s potential whenthey are marginalised and excluded from pre-viously valued occupations; or when theirexperience of occupation is alienating or exploi-tative. Various micro and macro conditions pre-vented the participants from living out theiroccupational lives to the fullest extent and, as aresult, they encountered a heightened risk ofoccupational deprivation, which is described asleading to depression and physical frailty(Whiteford, 2000).

It is undeniable that the majority of the par-ticipants in this study experienced occupationaldisruption for a period of time. Social isolation,coupled with discrimination, meant that manyof them were initially unable to participatefully in occupations of meaning and necessityin the context of their new country. In response,they made their best efforts to manage those dis-rupted occupations and many eventually

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demonstrated the capacity to be adaptive. Inmost cases, they came to make occupationalchoices again, dependent on the realities oftheir new society. This is conceptualised asRegaining Control, which supports the idea pro-posed within the occupational science literaturethat the immigration process is temporal, indi-cating that individual immigrants are able tore-configure their daily occupations with somelevel of control as they navigated divergent cul-tural spaces (Nayar, 2009).

What this study has further revealed is thatfor Korean immigrants, the purpose of ValuingSelf as members of civic society was crucial.This finding extends the scope of occupationalscience research, which has largely focused onmastery of occupations in a new environment(Bhugra, 2004; Brown, 2008; Connor Schisler& Polatajko, 2002). Participants in this studycontinually searched for a place where theycould be recognised and accepted again as mem-bers of society, whilst dealing with societal con-straints. The concept of Valuing Self depictswhat the participants really wished to accom-plish by participating in occupations.

The relationship between meaning and occu-pation has been discussed extensively in theoccupational science literature, with engagementin personally meaningful occupations thought toinfluence health, identity and well-being; thus,understanding the meaning of occupation is anecessity when supporting participation insociety (Christiansen & Townsend, 2010; Has-selkus & Rosa, 1997; Kielhofner, 2009). The con-cept of Valuing Self is an example of themeaning ethnic immigrants attach to occupationwhen they are deprived of participation in life-long valued occupations. The concept providesa foundation for further discussion of thereasons immigrants who are already familiarwith their new surroundings are still socially iso-lated or even voluntarily excluded from theirhost society.

Implications for Occupational Science

Immigration studies in occupational scienceindicate that it is a major life-transition that dis-rupts people’s established occupations, and con-clude that when immigrants’ occupationalchoices are out of balance, their health and

well-being are compromised (Bhugra, 2004;Brown, 2008; Connor Schisler & Polatajko,2002; Farias & Asaba, 2013; Gupta, 2013; Huot& Laliberte Rudman, 2010; Krishnagiri, Fuller,Ruda, & Diwan, 2013; Nayar, 2009; Nayaret al., 2012; Suto, 2013). These studies make itclear that an understanding of occupationswithin different spheres of experience is a neces-sity, as the world undergoes profound demo-graphic change due to the great inflow ofimmigrants.

It is, however, not easy for occupationalscientists with mainstream backgrounds tounderstand what it is like for ethnic immigrantsand the way they interpret the meaning of occu-pations from the perspective of their specificreligion, culture, and language (Iwama, 2005).There is a risk that occupational science imposesa Western worldview on the lives of people whohave a different cultural background (Hinojosa,Kramer, Royeen, & Luebben, 2003). Throughunderstanding how Korean immigrants connectto different places through their occupations,this study has potential to give occupationalscientists insight to the reality that immigrantsencounter; consequently enhancing theircapacity to incorporate non-Western people’scultural views and values into their theoriesand research.

Limitations

In grounded theory, the theory inevitably con-tains a particular perspective as the findingsare co-constructed by the researcher and theparticipants (Charmaz, 2014), whose realityresearchers aim to fairly represent (de Vaus,2001). Lincoln and Guba’s (1985) trustworthi-ness criteria of credibility, transferability,dependability and confirmability were used toensure the findings accurately reflect what wasstudied. The credibility strategies used were pro-longed engagement and member-checking. Mul-tiple sources of data enhance transferability ofthe findings (Ryan & Bernard, 2000). The co-authors provided regular feedback, whilst theuniversity’s grounded theory group, whichincluded experienced grounded theory research-ers, checked whether the first author’s inferenceswere grounded in the data, thus addressingdependability. To enhance confirmability, the

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findings were validated by peer-debriefing atdiverse conferences, which endorsed the findingsas an accurate reflection of the participants’ rea-lity. Additionally, a self-reflexive stance, whichhelped to minimise the researchers’ influence(Stern, 2009), was continuously applied.

The theory that emerged has explanatorypower specifically to immigrants of a similarage group to those involved in the study. Byexcluding adolescent and senior Korean immi-grants, the findings have limitations with regardto capturing their settlement experiences. Thosewho came to New Zealand before 2000, whenthe Korean presence in this society was extre-mely rare, might have had very different experi-ences. Further, because all participants residedwithin three cities in the North Island of NewZealand, the findings may not fully embody stor-ies of Korean immigrants who settled outside ofthese locations. Exploring the theory of ‘ValuingSelf’ across a range of ages, arrivals and locationsis a research avenue to be pursued.

The emphasis of the New Zealand govern-ment is no longer solely on bringing immigrantsinto the country but on ensuring their full par-ticipation in society. A large range of settlementservices have been established to accommodateimmigrants’ everyday needs. Further discussionis recommended to investigate how the changingattitude of the host society impacts on Koreanimmigrants’ journey of Valuing Self.

Conclusion

The participants in this study contributed theirexperiences of settlement to the developmentof a theory. Each participant’s story containedexperiences of occupational disruption,accompanied by a general sense of frustrationin relation to fitting into New Zealand society.In response, Korean immigrants engaged in aprocess of Regaining Control over occupationsthrough the interplay between two worlds;Korea and New Zealand. For them, the journeyof settlement was not limited to mastery in dis-rupted occupations; instead, they continuallysought a place of Valuing Self, to achieve asense of belonging in New Zealand society. Byadopting an occupational perspective, the find-ings of this study demonstrate that the disciplineof occupational science enriches immigration

studies and contributes to immigrants’ well-being, through understanding the meaningimmigrants give to occupations in their newcountry.

Acknowledgements

We sincerely thank the participants who entrusted uswith their experiences of living in New Zealand. Thestudy was funded with support from The Korea Foun-dation and Auckland University of Technology.

ORCID

Hagyun Kimhttp://orcid.org/0000-0002-4705-5549

Clare Hockinghttp://orcid.org/0000-0003-0364-5157

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