Peasant bla.ebmi\bing in Indooesi.a: SUTVh'inC aJld lhriviD.i1lainst all odds

DwUIl, SWIll')' Ann, Pb.D.

Ulli...,.,,~ "' a•....;;, 1992

UM·!JOO N. Zed! Rd.Ann Amor. MJ ollll06

pEJ.:;.....'n' ELACKSM1THING IS INDON£SIA:

SURVIVI~G AND THRIVING AGAINST ALL ODDS

A DISSERTATION SUauJTT£D TO THE GRADUATE DI~SION OF THEUNIVERSITY OF' HAKAI' I IN PARTl.AI. fOLfI..L.Ua:NT

OF nre REQOIREM£I:l'TS FOR THE DEGRE:! OF

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

IN

Al:TIiROPOLOGY

AUGUST 1992

BY

S. Ann OUl'lhu

JoisSert~tlOn CO~lttee:

Alice G. Dewey. ChairpersonWllhelm C. Solheim II

3en it. F'lnneyP. :hen Gtlff1n"a.~hy Wllson

---OHIO UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

" ,

we ce=tify that we have read this disse=tation and

that, in our opinion, it is satisf~ctory in scope and

quality as a dissertation for the degree of Ooctor of

Philosophy in Anthropology.

DISSERTATION CO~*~ITTEE

u

&

Ann Dunh<ll:lR.,f;ervec

1992

who

dedicated towho each gave me Maclelyn and Alice

and to ..SUPPort in her own' waseldclIl eomplai _.. rack and May. Y.

n=.. When th . ,1!J...r l!Iotber was in the

.field

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The following individuals were of great assistance in

helping me complete to complete this dissertation:

Ir. Djaka Waluja and Ora. Sumarni, a husband and wife

team who worked as my original field assistants in

Kajar village, and who explained many ~tters

pertaining to Javanese rural life; Djaka also

assisted with drawings and maps

- Alice Dewey. my committee chairperson. who was

generous with her insights on Javanese culture, and

accompanied me on several field trips in the

Jogjakarta area, including a 1991 field trip to Kajar

village

- I Made Suarjana, a Jogja.karta-based journalist who

helped me to collect additional data from Kajar and

Batur vi.llages, and provided many insights on

Balinese thought and culture

- Garrett and Bronwen Solyom, who provided cOIDl:lents on

the Glossary, as well as stimulating discussion on

matters pertaining to the~ and other artifacts

of Javanese and Balinese culture; Garrett kindly lent

me an unpublished 1973 student paper which was useful

in writing Chapter III

A special debt of gratitude is owed to the Department

of Industry of the Republic of Indonesia. Any criticisms of

,

their publications: Cornell university Southeast Asia

Program, Yale University Press, the Board of Trustees of the

Nationa.! Gallery of Art, The Asia society Galleries,

copyright holders who allowed me to use illustrations from

I Made Jayawardana, field officer from Gianyar

district on Ba1 i. who arranged and accompanied me on

several tours of industrial villages on that island

personal finances, even ~hen dozens of neighbors and village

between 1988-1991

Finally, all anthropologists :I:S~ acknoWledge a debt ot

book.

University Press. Haryono GUritno _"as also kind enough to

allow De to use an illustration frot:! a privately published

Harcourt Brace Jovanovich Australia, Random House and Oxford

Kend1 Ojunaidy, proqR.%ll officer in the Center's Resource

1978 to carry out field vork, for which I AD grateful.

The East-West COn't..er provided IIle with a qrant in 1977-

Institute, was also helpful in arranging support services

during the final write-up phase.

Acknowledgelllents are also due to the following

gratitude to their informants. Villagers in Indonesia are

invariably friendly, pleasant and Willing to patiently

ans....er _ny questions concerning their enterprises and

children are crOWded in the doorway or looking ir. the

.... indo....s. I do not recall ever being treated rudely by an

enterprises

Rakyat Indonesia.

field Worker f .or KaJar viU .

Working in the. age Ulprov~ncia.I

Office inJ ogjaJcarta

the Departluent Contained in this

a co diSsertationnstructive Spirit b are Offered ~n

. Y one who . ....tnsider tha cons.tders hez-sel f Jaore

n an Outsider. SIP anunit for the Tr . . IX, the Department.s

4 1n.tnq and G .acted as t.h U1dance of Small

e Indon"~'~.tan spo

research . "sar for lilyU1 the JogjaJca

De. %"ta~ent'$ Semarang

1979-80 wh.ile I was

Project.

SPecid..l

IndUstries•original field

area beh,oeen ~977-1978 The

Office provided _ •lie W'.t'th a b

worti..... Olle between.." on the Prov'

F" l.ncia.l Del.ght district f Vel0Pl:lent

coo 0 fices of tilperated on a ,. e OePUtlDent

88 survwh1 ey ot non-a .

eh the auth g'rl.eul tUr-alor carried

Ov OUt for Banker the years

n\lJllerous Oft!De cers from

pattment·s h" all levels.terarchy ha Of the

di Ve lIIade thscuss technical emselves available to

and develothe benefit of t.h . pment matters, and

e~ kn have proVide~tn . OVledqe and ...

e1r generous hel . experience. Withoutp, ~t is dOUbt!

been able to 1 ul th<tt I WOUldocate =any r eVen have

dissertation. The"umbe 0 the Villages diSCussed in thisr Of these

-ntion One bu Officers is t.. One but 00 great to

• a special th- Ir. Fe.l;'" 1___ a.nJc You is o...-~

~ ~~ko ~ to:nq. head of thSlJbdirectorate for e De~ent'$

He'taJ. in 1991his busy SCh@dUle ' Who lllade timli!! in

for a length _prOvided lie . Y ~nterview and

w~th a UsefulOut by the s .......... ~ unpllb1ished survey

~rectorate carriedIr. Rianto

, BUn1978-1979• now

'1vii

Indonesian villager, or ever having had an unpleasant

fieldwork experience while in Indonesia.

I have a special affection for Kajar, the principal

research village for this dissertation. It is a wonderful

and mysterious place. Among the Illany residents of Kajar who

provided information over the years, I should acknowledge

the special help of:

Pak Paeran, the vi1lage headman

Pak Sastrosuyono, the leading entrepreneur and former

head of the blacks:mithing cooperative

Pak Hartoutomo, the head of Social Welfare

Pak Atmosumarto, head of the largest hamlet in Kajar

village

Each of these individuals has endured numerous questions

over the years, and contributed a great deal to my

understanding of the economic history of their village. The

homes of Palt Sastro and Pax Atmo often served as cool

refuges during a bard day of field work. Bu Sastro's

wonderful store, selling every item imaginable, also served

the same purpose. Any criticisms of the economic role these

individuals play in village life shoUld not be construed as

criticisms of them as individuals.

viii

----

ABSTRll.CT

Tillis dissertation is a socia-economic study of peasant

~etalworking industries in indonesia. The emphasis is on

traditional blacksmithing, but data is also provided on

copper, brass, bronze, silver and gold inDustries.

since the late nineteenth century, economists and

adlllinistrators have been predicting the demise of village

industries in Indonesia. Despite such predic~ions, the

nmnber of persons employed in these industries has 51:eadily

increased. the rate of increase acce.leratL-,g d=ing the l.a.st

~o decades. Social scientists working in Indonesia. have

tended to view t~is increase negatively, as a s1gn of crisis

in tile agriCUltural sector. However, their models of rural

cilange have been based all:lost entirely on studies of lOWland

wet-rice villages. This dissertation contends that these

models need revising because they start with the false

assUllIption that agricul.ture always generates more inccme per

labor hour than non-agricultural occupations. It describes

a number of villages Where, for a variety of hi51:orical,

ecological and demographic reasons. metalworking tends to be

lilore pro:Utable than agriculture. Villagers accordingly

give metalworking priority in their strategies of resource

and labor allocation, and consider agriculture to be a

secondary occupation.

Part One of the dissertation draws on data frOlll theTABLE: OF CONTENTS

fields ot archaeology, bi.story. metallurgy and cultural

anthropology to describe metalworking industries as they

existed in the past, and as they are viewed by the smiths

themselves. This view, ~bicb includes a strong cultura1

dimension, is very different from the view o~ moc'lern

development planners.

ACKNOWLEDGKEN'l'S

ABSTRACT

LIST OF TABlZS

LIST OF FIGURES

LIST OF MAPS

LIST OF PUTES.

v

><vi

xviii

. xx

xxi

1

50

J9

48

35

31

22

1

•14

..

,.

INTROOOCTIOt:

Subject Matter of the.Disse~tionorganization of the Dl.Ssertat1.0nA Note on TerIlinoloqy . . . . .Dutch Colonial Views on Peasant

Industries and Their-Inevitable Demise" • . . •

Economic Dualislll and Boeke' s Viewson Peasant Industries • . . . .

COping With Econocic and PoliticalChaos: 1930-1970 .....•

American Social Scientists andthe Mojokuto Project ..•.

Boeke Reincarnated: Geer't.sZ'sviews on Peasant Industries,Involution and T3ke-Off

Modernization Theory and ItsImoact on Public Policy

The Green Revolution and SocialEquity Problems . . . . . .

Industrial Policy Under the New OrderGovernDIent of President Soeharto

Social Science in the 19705;Reaction to Geertz and the GreenRevolution; Gro~ in Non­Aqricultural Sectors and the~Push-Pull~ Debate 62

Pressure to oerequlate and Itspossible Impact on PeasantIndustries . . . . . . . • . . . . . . 69

CIIAP'l'ER I

villages are critiqued, and sOllie recommendations presented.

socia-economic organization, inclUding patterns of resource

allocation, intra-industry stratification, and the use of

capital !Jy village-based entrepreneurs. There follows a

detailed study of Kajar, a large and well-stratified

blackstlithing villa.ge in 30gjakartaregion, and shorter

d~criptions of five other metalworking villages.

Part Three presents the deve.1opt:lent view of

metalwo~king industries and raises questions about their

import and licensing regulations. !:xtension programs

carried iJut by the Oepilr'tlllent of Industry in tle:talworking

surveys, and the possible illlpaet of c:hanges in protective

future. It discusses the available t:tacrodata frOlll national

Part Two presents current ecoloqica.l data on

metal~orking industries. An overview describes their

,xi

"---- -

scene, replaced by electric lights. Generally the

wattage is not enough to operate large machinery, so

Cliese1s are still an iJllportant capital asset. Most

households do bave enough wattage to operate small

machines, however;

- villagers bave begun to use banks, not only tor

credit but also tor savings. In the early 1910s

there vas probably little capacity for saving in

rural areas (although that capacity may have been

underestimated). Now rural bank savings exceed rural

bank lending in many areas. Two government banks,

Bank Rakyat Indonesia and Bank Dagang Negara, have

set up village banks at the kecamatan and~

levels, so that villagers no longer have to travel

long distances to use banking services. The focus of

rural credit programs has generally shifted away

fro_ wet-rice production to non-agricultural

enterprises. The reasons for this are complex, but

include the fact that the default rate on loans to

non-agricultural enterprises is generally lower.

Otber prosperity indicators could be identified in the areas

of clothing, household furnishings, health care, and

entertainaent.

The prosperity now seen in rural Indonesia Day be

fragile, in the sense that J:lUch ot it could be lost if there

were another widespread failure of rice harvests Which

lasted several seasons. This occurred once in the early

19605 and again in the early 19705. Declining prices for

InClonesia's oil on the world markets, such as occurred in

1983 and 1986, also a£fect the government's ability to fund

development programs and subsidize rice inputs.

Nonetheless, confidence in the economy is high enough that

f d " . 18"take-off" has once again become a topic 0 1scusS10n.

People are wondering- vhether take-off is occurring now, or

whether it will occur in the near fUture. Government

planners have predicted that taka-off will occur during the

sixth Five-Year Develop1llent Plan (1995-1999). At t.he same

time, other gOVe.rnJ:Ient officials have said that they would

prefer to talk about sustained growth rather than take-off.

For the foreseeable future, Indonesia wUl probably

continue vith a two-pronged industrial strategy consisting

of the support of sJ:Ja1l industries for the sake of equity

and employment, and the support ot large industries for the

sake of grolofth and the GNP. This strateqy assWlles, as a.ll

strategies before it, that village industries are not

competitive. This dissertation differs from .ost studies of

small industries in eJIlphasizing their long-term stability

and competitive advantages within the context of the ru.ral

market.

Inforpation Sources

The information in this dissertation was collected over

a 14-year period between 1977 and 1991. Various types of

75

research methods ....ere used, includinq infor:mal visits and

intervie....s, structured interviews using question lists and

questionnaires, and photographic doc:umentation. The persons

intervie....ed included village officials, village industry

producers, raw material suppliers, buyers of vil.lage

industry prodUcts, and Department of Industry officials at

several different levels and from several di.~ferent

directorates and sUbc:tirectorates. This prilllary data was

supplemented with secondary data of various types, including

reports from the Central Bureau of statistics in 3akarta,

reports and conference papers from fellow consultants

working in the areas of non-agricultural employment and

small enterprise development, reports from development and

funding agencies such as the World Bank and ILO, and

published social science journal articles and books.

During most of the 14 years durinq ....hich inforaation

....as collected, the author was employed in Indonesia as a

development consultant, a university instructor and/or a

program officer for funding agencies. Part of the data was

collected in the course of carrying out these other tasks.

Several research phases can thus be identified, as follo....s:

1. From 3une, 1977, through Septe!llber, 1978, the

author carried out research on village industries in the

.Jogjakarta special Region (D. I. 'i.) under a stUdent grant

from the East-West Center, Honolulu. The Indonesian sponsor

for this resea.rcb ....as the Department of Industry's agency

for the Guidance and oeveloplIIent of Saall Industries

7.

{BIPIKl. During this research phase a general survey ....as

first made of 35 industry villages in the four rural

districts of Jogjakarta. Four villages ....ere selected from

this larger group and a sample survey was conducted of 60

households in each village. These tour v illaqes ....ere the

blackslllithing village of Kajar in Gunung Kidul district, the

ceramics village of Kasongan in Bantu1 district, the leather

puppet village of Pocung in Bantu! district, and the balIboo

basketry village of Malangan in Sleman district. The author

....as assisted in this ....ork by several student surveyors from

the Population Institute, Gadjab !'lada university. During

this phase the author also had occasion to collect some data

in an info.c.al wayan the silver ....orking industry at p::ota

Gede village on the outskirts of Jogjakarta, on brass bell

casting at Nga....en village in Sleman district, on~

making in .Jitar village in Slelllan district, etc. (see

Appendix A for a more complete listing or indUStry villages

discussed in this dissertation);

2. In May and .June, 1918, the author ....as part of a

team working at ILQt s .Jakarta office to write

recommendations for the Indonesian goverma.e.nt· s third Five­

Year Development Plan (Repelita III). The author was

responsible for the recommendations on village industries

and other rural non-agricultura1 enterprises. This involVed

an extensive review of the available English and

Indonesian-language literature, which was compiled by 110;

77

3. FrOIl october, 1978, through December. 1980, the

author was employed as Rural Industries Consultant on the

Provincial oeveloplllent Project (PDP I) in Central Java,

funded by USMD. Based at the Depa.rtIlent of Industry's

Provincial office in Semarang, the author's principal task

was setting up a credit program for 22 SlIIall industry

villages in the north coast districts of Rudus, Deaak,

Jepara, Pati and Rembang. These villages included the

blacksmithing village of Hadipolo in Kudus district, the

blacksDithing village of Kuniran in Pati district and the

coppervorking village of Jolotundo in Relabang district.

These Villages were visited on a regular basis over the

tyo-year period and evaluated as to the apact of program

participation on such variables as enterprise incoae.

eJ:lployme.nt, and labor productivity. Another task was the

annual review of proposals for village industry projects

sUbmitted by the Department of Industry's offices in the

five above-lIIentioned districts of central Java. Similar

reviews were undertaken for other PDP project areas in Aceh

(North SWllatra), Madura, and Lombok. In carrying out this

task it vas necessary to tour these areas and data was

collected in an informal way from such blacksmithing

villages as Ba'et in Aceh and Sen Asen on Madura. Yet

another task was the completion of a large-scale baseline

survey of village industries and other non-agricultural

inco~ generating activities in Central Java province. This

was done with the assistance of social science research

78

institutes at Diponegoro and satya Wecana Oniversities. On

personal tilDe, revisits were also made to Kajar and other

villages in Jogjakarta;

4. FrOIl January. 1981, to August. 1984, the author vas

employed as a program officer for Women and Employment at

the Regional Southeast Asia Office of the Ford Foundation in

Jakarta. TwO days a week were spent working' vith Dr.

Pujiwati sajogyo of the Center for Developuent Studies at

Bogor Agricultural University on a four-year research

project concerninq the eeonCllllic roles of rural women in

seven provinces of the Indonesian outer islands. Tb.is also

involved instruction and thesis supervision of =aster's-

level students from outer island universities who were

involved in the project. Tbe reuinder of the week vas

spent in evaluating grant requests from Indonesian

organizations, and monitoring and evaluating projects

a1..ready funded. !'lost of these projects focused on women in

the industrial sector, ranging froll village industry

producers to put-out workers to workers employed in large

factories. This job required considerable traveling, and

there were opportunities to visit new blac1tslllithing and

metalworking villages, as well as revisit Kajar and other

villages in the Jogjakarta-Central Java region;

S. From Kay througb November. 1986, and August through

November, 1.987, the author was employed as a cottage

Industries Development consultant, assigned to the

"

Agricultural Development Bank ot Pakistan under the

Gujranwala rntegrated Rural Development Project (GAOP) ,

credit co.pone.nt. The larger project was funded by the

Asian Development Bank and the author's consultancy was

funded by IFAD. The main task was setting up a pilot credit

project tor artisan-caste villagers in Gujranwala district

in the Pakistani Punjab. The blacksmiths (lohari) were one

of the castes involved and nUJllerous visits were ~de for

survey and evaluation purposes to the blacksmithing villages

of Jandiala Baghwal.a and Kalii Shah Pur. Other castes

inclUded in the project were the potters, weavers and

leather workers. In carrying out this project the author

worked closely with the Lahore office of the Punjab Small

Industries corporation. A conference paper was written

comparing the blacksmiths of Indonesia and the Punjab,

aainly from a develop~nt perspective;

6 _ FrOIll September, 1988, to the present the author has

been employed as a Research Coordinator at Bank Rakyat

Indonesia (BRI), Jakarta. This work has been funded by both

USMC and the World Bank. BRI is the principal government

bank in Indonesia which carries out programs in rural areas.

Its credit and savings proqralaS, ""h.ich are Clong the largest

in the world, are channeled through a nationwide network of

approximately ),500 village banks. Because there is another

government program for rice inputs, BRI's rural credit

program (KOPEDESl makes loans principally for non­

agricultural enterprises. The author's work at DR! has been

••

to carry out policy-oriented research on the rural banks and

their customers, assisted by teams ot staff researchers from

BRI's Department of Planning, Researcb and oeve:ioplaent. One

of the first projects carried out focused on village

industry loan custObQ.CS. This involved cooperation 'With

Department of Industry district offices in four provinces.

Another was a borrower-impact study, which involved

intensive interviews ';ith several hundred customer

households. Yet another was a village-based comparative

study of customer and non-customer households. The research

sites for these studies were located L., the provinces of

west Java, Jogj akarta , North SUJII.!l.tra, South sulawesi and

Bali. About 50 of the intensive interviews conducted by

teillD members during the course of these surveys were ....ith

the owners of blaCksmithing or other metalworking

enterprises, and the author has had access to this interview

data. While accompanying research teams to the field the

author also had the opportunity to visit a number of new

metalworking villages. 'I'his was the first time that the

author had worked on Bali, where there is a strong smithing

tradition. SOllle of the villages visited on Bali included

the blac~thinq vil.1age of Batu sangihan in Tabanan

district, the blackslllithinq village of Deled PangluJt in

Gianyar district, the silver- and gold-working village of

C£1uJt in Gianyar district, and the silver-, gold-, brass­

and iron- working village of Kamasan in Klungkung district.

"

6. For trade as socething foreign to the Indonesianeconomy, see Boeke, 1953, pp. 48-49.

8J

NOTES TO CHAPTER I

helpfor

~

it

For Boeke on Gandhi, see Indonesian Economics, 1966,pp. 167-192. 1.n his 1954 article on population, Boeketalks about -village restoration.-

see Koentjaraningrat, 1975, pp. 80-83, for a review ofearly Dutch, European and Indonesian criticisms ofBoeke.

See Koentjaraningrat, 1975. pp: 191-209, for ill . revi~wof studies carried out by ~1can anthropolog1sts 10Indonesia after World War II.

FUrnivall described the Dutch method as "letyou, let me shOW you how to do it, let me doyou" (Furnivall 1929:269).

Various versions of these ideas are found in ~ke1910, 1942, 1946, 1953, 1954 and 1966. In writingthese paraqraphs I have :;clied lIa~ly on Boeke 1953,which is actually a cOlllbmed repnnt ~f the 1942. aJ?d1946 books. Boeke's views are summar1zed and ~r1t~quedin Koentjaraninqrat, 1975, pp. 74-85, and Higgl-nS,1955, pp. 58-78. see also -Introduction- and Part IIof Evers, 1980.

According to the l.980 Population Census, 3,337~OOOpersons \lorkinq in rural areas gave 1DAl\ufaetur1nq astheir primary occupation. 'ttJ,e nueber has probablyincreased. since that tillle (Poet, Kuyvenhoven and Jansen1990:66, Table 3.13; see a150 Tables 5 an~ 6 in ChapterVIII of this dissertation, plus ilIccolllpanY:Ln9discussion) .

See, for ex~ple, Zerner's 1981 article on TorajanblacKsmiths in the hic;hlands of Sula\lesi who interactwith Buginese blacksmiths on the coast. Chapters rvand VII below include a discussion of this article.

Kahn's use of the ten -petty commodity production- isfurther discussed in Chapter VII, in the section onsung-ai Puar village.

9.

8.

7.

5.

4.

J.

2.

\lere Illade by Hade Sua.rjana and the author to the iron- and

brass-casting village of Batur in Klaten district in Central

Kajar, the first blacksmithing village ever visited by the

82

Some metalworking villages of interest elsewhere included

the blacksJt.ithinq village of KersaJlle.na.k in Garut district in

Sidrap district in South Sulawesi (see Appendix A). It was

also possible during this phase to revisit Kajar and other

villages in Joqjakarta. Hare recently, sOllie additional

West Java, and the blacksmithing village of Massepe in

inforDation on Kajar '\las collected for the author by Hade

Suarjana, a Joqjakarta-based journali5t. In 1991 t\lO visits

author. The author has been fortunate enough to have had a

14-year relationship with the people of this village, to

have visited it ~y times during that period, and to be

witness both to changes over that period of time and to the

remarkable strength and tenacity of its traditions.

Java. This was to follow up on a 1970 study of Batur done

by Kuntowidjojo.

The principal research village for this dissertation is

10.

11.

The Dutch vord is ·CUltuurstelsel." Although it beeaJtea convention to mistranslate this as "CUlture Systea"in English, it actually means "CUltivation System."Some authors nov use "CUltivation System."

Cane uses ~v irrigation while rice uses panirrigation. Planting cane in a rice field, therefore,involves a total restructuring of the field. Moreover,cane is a IS-month crop, whereas rice is a 4-10 monthcrop, depending on the variety. See Sajogyo, 1976, p.xxv, and Alexander and Alexander, 1978.

n.

lO.

Geertz also revisited .lava in l.'.il57-58 "":'~le he vasdoing fieldwork on Bali (Geertz U6)b:v.ll).

In December,1989,~ devoted its entire En91ish­language edition to the subject of take-off.

12. Some of these articles are collected in Part II ofEvers (ed.). 1980. Evers' useful introduction includesa discussion of the major paradigms that have been usedin Southeast Asian social science, namely: dualsocieties, plural societies, loosely-structured socialsystelllS, involution and modernization theory.

13. Frank, 1973, is a vell-knQwn polemic against both thelllOdemization school and dualism. White notes thecurious tact that Frank praises Agricultural Involutionin the same article, and asks "How can Gunder Frank andHiggins like the same book?" (White 1983:19).

Sritua Arief and Adi Sasono pUblished a book in 1980which applied dependency theory to Indonesia. Inwriting the book they bad the cooperation of Frank.Wertheill and Giap also contributed an article on Javato a volume edited by Wallerstein on social change inthe colonial era. Nonetheless, dependency and worldsysteDS theory have not been popular in Indonesia,perhaps because of their emphasis on the need forsocial restructuring.

A. This is the opinion of 1Il0st economists. White,however, disagrees. He sees a Mproto-Green Revolution"in the late Swearno era, and ·slow but reasonablegrowth, at rates slighUy ahead of population growth·(see White 1989:72) .

.5. I have used the term "19705 group" as a writingconvenience, without wishing to imply any concertedaction on their part or an absence of differencesbetween individual members.

6. A partial list would include: Alexander and Alexander1978, 1979, and 1982; Collier 1976, 1979 and 1981a;Elson 1978; Gordon, 1978; Hart 1978, 1981 and 1986;Knight 1982; Mortimer 1972; stoler 1977a and 1977b;White 1973, 1976a, 1976b, 1979 and 1983.

84

"

trunk of the Tree of Life. The Tree of Life is also hunq

"ith iron veapons, gongs, gold and brass ornaments and other

r.Uuables. The Tree of Life may in fact be a Tree of Death,

lSsociated with heat1hunting. It %lIay be planted in the body

)f a sacrificial slave. or bung with skulls. bong the

19aju it is identical to the weapon rack. Throughout tribal

(ndonesia it reappears on 1Jtat textiles and woven fiber uts

IS a skull tree or skUll rack.

Finally, there are the images associated with gongs.

:n tribal myths the gong represents the earth, or an island

micb emerges from the primordial vaters at the time of

:reation. The first man and woman live on this island. On

~li, this island has been transformed into the shell of the

Jrupara, the king of the turtles. who supports the vorld.

'he world turtle, in turn, comes from a story in the

~abharata (Eiseman 1989:Vol. I, 6<).

NOTES TO CHAPTER IV

1. SOJ:let:Ules an adjective suffix is added to the wordgedoOQ to make~ geclonqanw •

2. I was first introduced to Pak Ojeno in 1976 or 1977 byGarrett Solyolll, vbo had colllll.issioned a klli.i froll PakOjeno and his older brother, Yosopangarso. Theproduction of this~ is dOCUJllented in Solyo. andSolyom, 1918, pp. 6-11. Pat Ojano lives in the villageot Jitar (Moyudan subdistrict, Sleman district). IsUbsequently came to know him better while carrying outresearch in the neighboring basketry-~ngvillage ofHalang-an.

3. Semar and his sons feature principal.ly in Javanesestories based on the Hahabharata, where they play theservants of the Pandawas. Sometil:ies they are alsoincluded in stories from the Ramayana cycle. In someversions of the Hahabharata, the KuraWiliS (cousins ofthe Pandawas who are aligned on the left), have theirO'Wll servants, Togog and Bilung. who are also punakawan(Hood 1967:443). Other story cycles have other sets ofDunakawan. all similar in their rough and comicalappearance. In West Java there are two puna~awan,

Bancak and Deyok. who serve Prince Panj i in the Panj icycle of wayanq stories. When the same stories areperfOI'1lled as masked dances, these servants are calledPentul and Tembe~ (Xoentjaraninqrat 1985:203,228).

4. This particular lU.!An9 livecl in wonosari, a largeIlarket tovn south of Jogjakarta which is f<UlOus for itsdalang and pesjnden. When I met him he was in hiseighties. had converted to Islam.. and been appointed ashead of social welfare (kepala sosial) for hisneighborhood. In ruinisci.1'lq about his youth, however,he admitted that he had been a thief, a rake andpossibly a p~ as well, Who was in one entertainingscrape after another. It was somewhat later that hediscovered his talent for puppeteering and became a....ell-known dalang in the area. I asked his wife, alsoquite elderly, whether she trinded being the twelfthwife of a dalang. She said no, because he was hereleventh husband!

."

,. This classification is based largelyKoentjaraningrat, 1985, pp. <22-426.1960, Chapter 8.

40J

onSee also Geertz.

6. Nowadays there are two types or headmen. Traditionalheadmen are elected by the villagers, and their styleis usually as described. There are also headlllenappointed by the governaent, however, often retiredmilitary men, who bave it very different style, moredistant and formal.

7. EisEUllan does not provide evidence for this conclusion.It is contradicted somewhat by Vicker's description of"Bali Aga" villages, i.e., villages in the highlandsand eastern part. of Ba.li whicb resisted Javanizationand chose to retain lIIany elements of pre-silrteenthcentury Balinese social organization and culture.

-According to Vickers, these villages consisted of a"core" group of villagers faailies wbo lived inwalled-in compounds. Artisans, traders and other"outsiders" lived outside the walls and were not partof the core group. Members of the village council ofelders were drawn trom the core group (Vickers1989:47-48). Garrett KaJ:I has recently visited Bali Agavillages and also found that members of the~ clanof bla~ksm~ths lived outside the core village (personalco=un.lcat.lon) •

In defense of Eisenan's statement, however, it shouldbe noted that Bali Aqa villages retain llIany elelllents ofpre-fifteenth and sixteenth century society andCUlture, but they do not necessarily represent a "pre­Hindu" tribal phase, as is often claimed. Hinduculture is probably at least as old in Bali as it is inJava.

8. It is cOllll:lOn throughout tribal Indonesia to refer toboy children as daggers or spears and girl children ascloth. In Ngaju genealogies, for example, ancestorsare said to have begat x nuDber of "spear-bearing boys"and y number of "girls wrapped in sinjang (shawls)"(Schl!'rer 1963:198-199) _ When a child is born alllong theToraJans of Central Sulawesi, people ask "Is it beads,or is it a dagger?- (Zerner 1981:104). In funeralr~tes~ male coffins and effigies are usually decoratedw.lth l..-ron weapons, While !eaale coffins and effigiesare decorated with sacred cloths. See also Moni Adallls1973.

9. Harrisson and O'Connor are at pains to place thearrival of Raja Jeqedong within the time true of theirSantubong material. The Harrisson and Sandin aniclededuces that he existed, at least symbolically, "acentury or 1lI0re before 1350 A.On (Harrisson andO'Connor 1969:Vol. I:80-81, citing Harrisson and Sandin1966) .

404

10.

11.

12.

u.

1<.

15.

If a generation is counted at 25 years, ~is would givean arrival date of about A.D. 1291, count1ng backWardfrom 1966. If a generation is counted at 20 years,this would give a date of about A.D. 1~26.

According to Barrisson and o'Connor, the compass wasdeveloped in china in the eleventh 7entury out ofmagnetism in iron combined with Tao.lst ge~mancy.

During the Sung dynasty (tenth through ~ee':,lthcenturies) its use was established on sh~ps sa.lling theSouth China Sea (Harrisson and O'COnnor 1969:Vol. I,81-82) .

I have been unable to find Mt. Sesean on standardIndonesian maps of Sulawesi. According to Ml.!!.2Indonesia ~~, one w~delY used book o~ mapspublished by Prina Indones~a in 1991, the highestmountains in the Toraja area are Mt. Gandadewata at3,07~ meters and Ht. Paroreang at 2,019 meters.Perhaps Sesean is a local name for one of th~se

mountains, or perhaps it is a sllla1ler mounta~n.

These Torajan cloths are called~ or sarita (ze:ner ,1981;102, 104). They are simple two-color wax-res.lstbatiks, indigo or rust on a natural background: Th~wax on heirloom cloths was apparently not appl.led w.ltha canting but some other type of implement. See alsoSolyom and Solyoe, 1984, pp. 38-39, and Gittinger,1990, pp. 202-20~.

Bronson doubts that any of the nickelous iron ores ofIndonesia are meteoric, except the famous Prambananmeteor on Java (BrOnson 1987).

Malili is located near Lake Matana, and probably it wasa center for all types of lDetalworking. Wagner,writing in 1959, listed the Lake Katana area as a.previous and current center for the lost~wax castL':,lg.ofbrass objects (p. 71). He does not ment10n the or1g1nof the copper and zinc used.

According to Geertz, this is the opening scene in _an .oral myth recounted in the countryside of Java Wh1Ch .lScalled Babad~~. In a foot.note he notes thatthere is also a written version of the~~~, composed during the seventeeth century tolegitiaize the rule of the later Kat.ara.m ~ynasty incentral Java. He says that the oral vers.lons are notalways in very close concordance with this vrittenversion.

Koentjaraningrat objects strenuously to Geertz's use ofthe title~ Tanah~ for his tale, and says this

405

titie should be rese~ed for the vritten version. The....ritten version is in metered verse, and teJ.ls thehistory of the IllOst important .Javanese kinqdoas, fromHajapabit to Katara... Koentjaran1ngrat adllit.s thAtthere are oral songs/stories about the clearing(mbabad) of forests in .Java, for the purpose ofbuilding a palace which is to become the centre of anew kingdom. He SAyS that there is no specific termfor such stories, however (Koentjaraninqrat 1985:431).

The teIlll babad is used to refer to any type ofhistorical chronicle written in .Javanese or Balinese.There are many different~, e.g.,~ Cirebon,~ Buleleng. etc.

16. The above two sentences are taken a1lDost verbatim fromO'Connor.

11. Raffles reported in 1811 that the Panji stories werepexfoJ:::lll.ed in Kalaya, although with certaintranspositions of time and place. (Raffles 1988edition: 91-92) They are also perfoIllled in 8UrIIa andThailand (Vickers 1989: 53

18. The adoption of names from the Panji stories bygongsmiths was first reported by Jacobson andvan Hasselt (1915:129 [1901]) and Kunst (Hood1963:445-446, citing Kunst 1949 [second editionl).

The translation of "Pandji Sepuh" as "Pandji the Old(i.e., ancient) One" is only one possible translation.The word sepuh has at least three meanings. Onemeaning is indeed "old person." Another is "gilded" or"gold-plated," as a gold-plated statue or gold-platedjewelry. The other is "tellpered" as when a steel bladeis tempered by reheating it and plunging it into Yateror coconut oil. The lIIeaning ot "old person" may infact derive from the meaning of "tempered," in that itrefers to a person Who has been "tempered· by li-feexperiences (see Glossary).

19. The co:r:::rect na.me ot Ken Dedes' son is Anusapati, notAnupasati.

20. A fuller version of the legend of Damar Wulan can befound in Holt, 1967, pp. 276-277.

21. The title of Panji has the general meaning of "Prince,"and probably derives from the Indian title of Panjib,also meaning "Prince." Therefore, no directrelationship can be assumed between this Panji and theeleventh century prince of .Janggala whose story is toldabove. Furthermore, "Panji" is the name of the village

406

22.

23.

24.

in Den Buki t wbere Panj i Sakti' s mother comes from(Worseley 1972:139) .

According to the PararatoO, a flaming ~ight.was. als?seen emanating f= Ken Arok several tulles 1.n h1.s life.For exat:lple. when his .ather abandoned Ken Arok on aburial ground after his birth, a flalling light led thethief Lembong to find him. Such a light is a siCJIl ofgreat~ or inner po..-e.r (Worsley 1912:211-218).

Other common names for Tintiya are Cintya, SanghyangTungga1, and Sanghyang \o/idhi Wasi.

There is an ancient graveyard near the stone carvingvillage of l\lDparita in sidrap district, South Sulawesi.Those graves which are said by villagers to !loa theea.rliest are marked with undecorated megalithic stones,flat stones for females and upright stones for tlales.During the lndianized period, these were replaced bystone lingaJDS for males and stone yonts for females.

401

by cash flow problems and work stoppages;

Rp. 2,500-5,000, and averaged about Rp. 3,500. Profits for

eeraoen owners during the same month averaged about Rp 5,000

on a daily investaent capital of between Rp. 50,000­

60,000;1.2

J. Kahn 1980 uses the ten:l "sledgers" to refer t.o hammer­swingers.

2. A province is roughly equivalent to an Merican state,and a district is roughly equivalent to a county.

1. See Thorburn, 1982, p. 135 for an illustration of an~~. It is interesting to note that pandalgurinda (cutlers) existed as early as 1817 and arelisted among other occupations in Appendix E toRaffles.

4. Kinship is bilateral in lIlost parts of Indonesia.Newlyweds may chose to live near the parents ot eitherthe bride or the groom. This choice often depends onWhich set ot parents has the most property. Bali, withits extended pat.rilineal households, is an exception tothis.

NOTES TO CHAPTER IV

tasks related to purchasing supplies and marketing,

have less time for production and their output is

Their ente~rises are 01 l·k 1-~ so more 1. e y to be plaqued

2.

so they

lower.

tillle on

Profits for independent and dependent perapen

owners are not very tluch higher than those for hired ~,

particularly older and lIore experienced.~. In August,

1991, for exacple, daily~ wages in Kajar varied between

~ pedagang Owns several perapen, the profits he earns

from production are -lnor and· ·d- l.ncl. ental in comparison with

determine, because purchasing and marketing take place far

away from the village. ~ pedagang normally try to bide

the actual prices they pay for iron and charcoal, and the

6. I have never had difficulty visiting or interviewingblacksmiths in their oeraPen because Western women areconsidered outside the system. Generally they aretreated as honorary males. In Kajar, tor example, Iwas invited to two se1al:latan ceremonies which wereotherwise attended by Qen only. At II village wedding,Where the men and wOlllen were sittinq on different sidesof the roolll, I was made to sit with the Den.

5. This information is taken from the author's field notesWhile working on the PDP I project between 1978-80 inthe four north coast districts of RelDbang, Pati, Jeparaand Demak. In villages visited by the author the termpandega or pendega is used to mean any member of a boatcrew except the captain. ElseWhere along the Javanesecoast, however, it may have a more restricted meaning.For more detailed inforllli!tion see :£mIIlerson 1975 (esp.pp. 7-10). Collier et al 1977a (esp. chapter VI) andCollier et al 1977b (pp. 16-22).

It is

Profits for~ pedaqang are dif~icult to3.

actual price they receive troll buyers tor tools sold.

sate to assume, however, that prOfits earned by upy

Pedagang are many times higher than those earned by anyone

else inVolved in the ind"stry. f'u.. rthermore, even if the

those he earns trOll trading. 7. In a 1990 study of 1.!l2 households receiving -Kupedes"bank loans, the aut.hor found that child labor age 12 orunder constitut.ed only 1.5t of the total labor force inenterprises o·.med by the households. All the childreneoployed were unpaid family workers, and there were noinstances of hired child labor. The sample of ~2

households was dravn randomly from the customer listsot eight. village banks in tour provinces (West Java,

484 485

Jog-jakarta, Bali and North SWlIatra). The typicalKupedes customer is a household which owns no riceland, depends mainly on non-agricultural enterprises,and guarantees their loan with ill house plot (Sutoro,1990, Table 8C). Kupedes customer households havehigher average incomes than non-customer households inthe sallie villages, however, so that the overall ra'Cesof child labor participation may be higher than 1.5\.

8. This example comes from the village of JandialaBagh1o'ala, one of two blacksmithing villages included inan Agricultural Development Bank of Pakistan creditproject in 1986-87. The Village is located about twokilollleters from the market town of Gujranwala on ill mainroad. It is occupied entirely by families from thelohari caste of blacksmiths. Each S1lIithy is ownedjointly by the males from an extended patrilinealhousehold, usually a father and his sons or a set oftJrothers. Some add.itional information on the loharicaste is included in Chapter X.

9. This fact 1ola5 told to the author by a retired Dutchexecutive of Shell oil Company who was born and raisedin the Ind.ies.

10. Dian Desa, a Yogyakarta-based appropriate technologyorganization, has developed ill commercial coconut shellcharcoal which they are producinq in Kalimantan. Theproduct is packaged for the overseas hODe barbecue.arket, however, and is four to five times moreexpensive than the teak charcoal currently being usedby smiths. (personal communication, Anton Sujarwo,director of Dian Desa)

II. The author has developed a simple cash flow analysisfo~ for use by village banks. Use of this formenables the bank officer to determine profit levels andrepayment ability at different levels of indebtedness.£xanples are found in Sutoro 1988.

12. The exchange rate in August, 1991, was about Rp. 1,970to the dollar. For convenience, divide 1991 Rp.figures by 2,000 and the amount will be approximatelycorrect.

48.

in Kajar today. One was a heart-shaped spade or hoe

reseubling those found in Early Metal Age sites in Bali.

They ...·ere all heavily encrusted with rust, and appeared to

have COllie from the SaJU! site. Pak Karyo, who is now very

elderly and in poor health, is teaching his son to make

~~ blades. Before he dies he plans to qive the

three tools to his son for use in making a~. A~

Dade of such old iron will obviously be very powerful.

One of Pak Karyo's rel"tives then took us to the site

of the mass grave, still located in the middle of a terraced

cassava field. LitUe can be seen because the villagers

have altered the site to conform to the current Kajar burial

style by adding a new gravestone and a small roofed-over

structure.

~n September, 1991, the author contacted Wahyono M. of

the Central Museum in Jakarta, who kindly went to the

trouble of locating the Kajar finds. V"n der Hoop bad

brought them hack to the MuseUlll in 1934, where they now fonn

part of the prehistoric collection. The musew:l has recently

added new display rooms for the prehistoric collection, and

the putisalahs and carnelian beads froD Kajar, Which are

very beautiful, have been put on display. The iron

implements are all kept in a single drawer in a storage room

behind the display roo=s. The author was given the

oPPOrtunity to inspect and photograph the entire collection,

"s well as the catalog:ue in which Van der Hoop recorded his

522

finds_ The iron tools are unexpectedly small and fine, and

they have SUffered rust da.m<lge owing to the fact that the

high ceilings in the MuseUlll lIlAke air conditioning

impracticable. Many of the tools are ~, Le., chisels

used for woodworking.

In the SaDe drawer with the iron tools from Kajar there

are tour iron rocks. Al though they are not recorded in Van

der Hoop's catalogue, they .ere collected frolll the S<l1ll8 mass

grave as the tools. They "re irregular in shape and size,

and reseoble Harrisson and O'Connor's type f ·slag." The

largest has a maximum di~ension of about 8 centimeters (3

1/4 inches). They all appear to have a solid metallic core,

but this is covered by thick layer of bro~ rust

encrustation. The author was unable to deterllline whether

they are natural iron nodules, IWllp$ ot smlted iron or

slag. Their color and texture so resembles the Kajar tools,

however, that it is hard to escape the impression that they

represent the raw materials from Which the tools were made.

Their inclusion in the grave lIlay indicate that the people

buried there were not aerely users of tools, but makers of

tools as welL these iron rocks do not rese:nble the local

rocks Which are of liaestone. The Central Museum divides

the period between 500 B.C. and A.D. 1000 into three

separate phases, as foll~'s:

500 B.C. - A.D. 0: Bronze-Iron Age

A.D. a - A.D. SOD: protohistoric Period

A.D. sao - A.D. 1000: Early Historic Period

523

The finds fro~ Kajar have been c1assified as Protohistoric.

Wahyono personally feels. however. that they are probably

later. He gave a rough date of about A.D. 700. but admitted

that they could be even later.

A careful perusal of the lett panel of the forge

relief from Candi sukuh reveals that some of the tools are

identica1 to the ones from the Kajar grave (see, for

example, the two~ in the lower portion of the panel,

near the foot of the "Bitla" figure). Looking at the Hap J.

one sees that Kajar is located just 70 kilometers (~3 miles)

to the southwest of Gunung Lawu. Although candi Sukuh dates

from the East Javanese period (fifteenth century), and thus

may be somewhat later than the mass grave at Kajar, it seems

likely that the people buried. at Kajar had ties with the

Kount LaW'U area.

Van Heekeren's aecount indieates that other stone-cist

graves were found in the area. as well as menhirs and

menhir-statuettes. Most or all of the menhirs and menhir-

statuettes from Kajar may have been taken away by J. L.

Koens, the Dutch Official who first reported the Kajar finds

(see van Heekeren's account above). Koens was a long-term

resident of Joqjakarta, who collected a nUDbe.r of

antiquities. 1.n 1980, at the time of the Lndo-Pacific

Prehistory Association conference in Joqjakarta, the author

had an unexpected opportuni ty to see soce of these 1:lenhirs

and menhir statuettes. She was asked by Ardiyanto, a wel1-

52<

known~ designer living in Jogjakarta, to visit his ho~e

and look at a collection which he had purchased of 1D0re than

200 of these stones. The following story was told by

Ardiyanto: Hoens had collected the stones in the pre-war

years froJ:l two a:eas, Gunung Kidul and the Pasemah Plateau

in S~atra. When the OUtch were forced to leave Indonesia

in the 1950s by then-president Sukarno, Hoens left his

collection in the safekeeping of his Chinese assistant. The

assistant's wife. however, felt nervous about having all the

old stones around, feeling that they aiqht be inhabited by

spirits. She persuaded her husband to give them away to

another Ch~nese l.ivinq in Joqjakarta, who used them to fi1l

in the double walls of a k.i.ln he was building. To make the

walls even ~ore solid, he poured a soft-matrix cement

ltixture over the sustUe5. The statues reu.a.ined inside the

kiln until the 1970s, when the kiln was dismantl.ed, at which

tiJae the owner offered them for sal.e as a lot to Ardiyanto_

Ardiyanto, who was still a stUdent at the time. thought that

the stones might be important. He, therefore, scraped

together enough money to buy the entire collection. The

cement was cleaned off the stones, and Ardiyanto arranged

for students from Gajah Hada University's anthropology

department to photograph and catalogue them. Prom the Java

Archives he was able to deteI1lline that Moens collected the

stones in Gununq Kidul and PasC!Ola.h. Further.llore. he found

out that the stones which Moans collected from Gunung Kidul

525

were originally located in the middle ot agricultural

fields.

The author and several other participants from the IPPA

conference had the opportunity to look over the stones.

They are mostly small, averaging about 40 centiceters (16

inches) in height. Most are badly worn, as one would expect

troc statues Which had been left in the Diddle of fields.

They se~ to fall into three stylistic categories: (a)

statues in the Pasemah style where the original shape of the

stone remains unchanged but hu~n and animal figures are

carved into the surface of the stone; (bl statues in the

rather stiff -~cestor figure- style which shows no Indian

influence; ecl statues in the style of the Indianized

period, including statues of Ganesha and other Indian

deities. There is, of course, no .~y ~o date the stones at

this point, and it is certainly a pity that Koens was so

thorough in his collecting. 16

There is one other antiquity in Kajar which bears

mentioning. Near the top of the suall hill which is used as

a graveyard, there is a curious black stone, several feet in

length. The upper surface of this stone is ca.rved in

curious convoluted shapes which are tooth-like or horn-like.

These shapes t'"esemble those on the clay gable ornaments used

in some parts of Java, and they also resemble the flame-like

flanges on Balinese gates. The style of this stone, in

fact, has lIlore in cOllll:lon with the style of stone carving in

526

East .Java or Bali than in central Java. Villagers say that

the stone was already there When the village was founded,

and be.fore there were any graves on the hill.

The above information 00 antiquities can be sWlllBal'ized

by saying that ancient Kajar seeas to have had stronger

cultural ties with the Kount Lawu area and districts to the

east than with the .Jogjaka.rta area to the west. The mass

grave fraQ Kajar could be as early as A.D. 700 or as late as

A.D. 1500. Although some Indian influence is evident in the

tanged tools and glass bellds, the general impression is that

of a cultural backWater that retained JIlany features of the

Early Ke'tal Age.

Traditional Social Classes

The view that Javanese villages are homogeneous ignores

the fact that there are traditional nal:led social classes

which have existed at least since the nineteenth century.

The number of classes and the exact terms used vary from

village to village. One system is described by

Koentjaraningrat 'Which divides the village into five

classes:

1. the probot dusun, or village officials, including

the l.Y.nh (referred to in Kajar as the~ d~sa) --These

officials have the right to usu.fruct froA large tracts of

village-owned land (tanah bengkok/siti bengkok), and they

usually own large amounts of inherited land as well;

527

----

Sometiales another ceremony is held. at the end of~.

In addition to the Sela~atan ~~..u .-~ the- -_ _~ uu Selomatan

)andai Besi, the villagers of Kajar also carry out an

Kajar village. although it inclUdes certain elements wtlich

are similar other, ~ore common cere.onies such as selapatan

(ceremonial communal meal) and nyekar (veneration of

graves) .

dress and assemble in one part of the Village. FOtlllal dress

for a Javanese male consists of a sarong made of batik

cloth, a dark-colored jacket with long sleeves and a high

neck, and a small hat or turban Dade of an elaborately

folded piece of batik cloth. If ·blPOSS1 e, a~ is also

There has been little activity in the perapens forthe past week because people have been busypreparing for the Bersih~ festival andharvesting the peanut and soybean crops. Bersih~ means to clean the village of bad spirits.The money for the festival (has come) from sellingthe harvest ..• Host of the Kajar people livingoutside the village have CODe hooe for thefestival, arriving by bus or QQlI (minibus),wearing brightly-colored clothes to impress theirfaQily and friends • • •

This morning about 7:00 AM we attended a sel~nataD

at the house of Pak Atmo (~of Xajar III).Excepting yours truly, only men attended andhouseholds with no adult males (were) representedby little boys or a neighbor. Every _n whoattended brought food, both rice and ~ (sidedishes), and these were collected in the middle ofthe rooill. After Islamic prayers frola Pak Kaum (anIslamic Official), there were Javanese prayers bythe oldest resident of the~. These werefollowed by a speech from Pak AtlIIo during whichJoko (the author's field assistant) and I wereintroduced and the. purpose of au: researchexplained. Then, a little bit of the food waseaten. The rest was redivided and taken homeSelamatans (were) held separately by each~ inthe morning; in the afternoon a joint selacatanwas held in the eendoPO of Pak Sastro' shouse.During the seJa!!latan Pak. Kaum sat in the backdoorway of the pendopo, burning incense andreciting prayers over the smoke from the incense.There were three qunungan (mountain-shaped conesof rice, used as offerings). Pak Lurah made a

follows:

harvest so that villagers had plenty of money to spend.

grand because it came just a tear the peanut and soybean

so~ excerpts froQ field notes taken on that day are as

elaborate version of the Bersih~ cerecony. This

ceremony, which assumes the proportions of a day-long

festival in Kajar, takes place during the eleventh month of

the Javanese lunar year. The author attended the Be:rsih

~ festival held on June 30, 1978, Which was particularly

Every elllpu brings a bamboo tray to the cer_any. Iiith

To the author's knowledge, this cere.ony is unique to

worn.

hill.

food offerings prepared by his household. All the~ then

solemnly circumnavigate the village, walking in single file,

and ending up at the base of Gunung Pancuran. They climb

the bill and place the off··'ng. t th........ a e graves of Gunokaryo

and Kasan Ikhsan. They stay there beside the graves,

Deditating or praying for soce time, before coming down the

the second ~onth of the Javanese lunar year, called a

Selarnatan Pandai~ (Sclamatan for Blacksmiths). All

smiths participate in this ceremony, Which is more festive

and inclUdes a wayanQ performance and other entertainments.

This cerecony is not as iDportant, however, and is not held

!wery year.

534 535

---_.

after the Javanese word kekajat:, which peans to shake back

of rain "fith water. There may be another reason, however.

In Kajar this is not done, however.

Javanese week, perapen O\o'llers make a small offering to the

The berdzikir cere

mony is carried out at Sumhex Kajar, rather than another

plant.

There are still other rituals which are carried out by

individual smiths. Every.1&9i. the first day at the

and forth. The village was originally naced after this

the Bersih~ cerem.ony (Koentjaraningrat 1985:375-376).

namely the fact that the there is a water plant which grows

1n abundance near SUl:\ber Kajar which shakes back and forth

violently in the wind. The nat:le of this plant is k.!.i.!!:,

location in the village. partly because of the association

and violently as the night wears on. 21

Kajar, the purpose of which is to pray for rain. Tb.is

In dry years a special ceremony is held at Suaber

ceremony seems to have a more Islamic: tlavor, and involves

berdkikir, or the chanting of a ritual formula over and

over. The ceremony is carried out by the village heads.

Le .• the Lurah and OUk.uh. on behalf of the whole Village.

Sumber Kajar by Pak Kaum, the Islamic religious Official.

Chant-ing begins and cont.inues "fithout a break until the next

morning. This chanting is accompanied by swaying the body

from side to side, slowly at first. and then 1IIore rapidly

The village heads meet in the evening and are accompanied to

as

speech, and then there vas a financial report .fromPa.k ~tmo. He ~as in charge of collectingfestlval contrLbutions from all three ~.Lastly. a speech was made by Pak 5051a1(Hartoueolllo) •

In the (late) afternoon there was~per!onaance in the street and yard in front of PaleSastra's h~use. This began with a group of maskeddancers WhlCh included a monster, clowns, etc.They were fol~owed by~ lumping dancers (trancedancers who. rJ,de a flat, tlo'o-dillensionalr~presentatJ.on of a horse made out of bamboo).F.1.na~ly there was a group of men dressed likepenpurit lenton (guards at the palace inJocnakartaj. The~ was attended by about2 ~ 000 people, includinq people from otherv~1~a9es. At one point durinq the~ II1lI1nLatur~ bouse was brought out on shoulder poleswit.h~ (sheaves of rice) piled on the roof.The ':'lilagers fought over this rice, While thecarr~ers pretended to protest. There is a beliefthat whoev~r can steal a bit ot this padi will geta better r~ce harvest during: the c01llin9 year.After the perfo~ces the~ dancers tormed aprocession and v~s~ted each~ in turn to brinqback the food offerings.

All day long toys, balloons, oranges and trinketswere sold (by vendors) in the yard and street~ro~d P~k Sastro's house. Pak Sastro sat alone~n h~.w~fe'~ store most of the day and didn'tpart~c~pate .In the festival.

In the evening there ~as an expensive wayang~and gamelan performance in Pak Sastro's pendopoA tamou$ dalang from ~ogjakarta was hired to gi~ethe perforJllance.

The cost of the "bole festival was estitIated at Rp140,000, of Which Rp 90,000 was spent on thewayang perfonaance alone. Pak Abila collectedabout Rp 5~0 fr~m each household to cover thecost. It ~s sa~d th~t the relative lavishness ofthe~~ fest~val at Kajar is a sign theyare more prosperous than the neighboring Villages.

In most Javanese villages, the graves of the gW

~ founders of the villaqe are visited on the satte day

anvil. Such offerings in Javanese are called sa;en. When a

536 537

• ,I ... r.~ ....d--w i.,t.,. _~ ~.tt.. yi )' ..

"-~'---

~----- ---

'-_.; - -.;_.,..._.

nl>;t/ar't, • li.~l.

"

(

,

-"-- i

NOTES TO CHAPrER VI

1. The Indonesian ....ords that are used to explain thisbelief are~ (fate, destiny) and bakat (talent,inborn ability). Kajar lIIen have the~ to becomesmiths because it is their Ll.i!ili. outsiders do nothave the~ because it is not their .!!UiR•

2. &1k is an honorific which COllies froQ~ or "father."It is used for any married man. ~ is the parallelterm for married 'oIeuen. It cOllies troll Ibu or "mother."The names used in Kajar are typical Javanese n~. Indaily conversation the naJ:le is usually shortened. to thetirst two syllables. Some examples would be Pak Karyofor Karyodirejo, Pak Marta for Martodinomo, Pak Harjotor Harjopa....iro, etc. In ....riting. many Javanese keepthe old Dutc;;h spelling tor their natle5. Thus,Sastrosuyono can also be spelled Sastrosoejono,l<aryodirejo can also be spelled Karjodiredjo, etc. Tomake matters even more complicated, many Javanese usean "a" in vriting their na.t1es where they pronounce an"0." Combining these customs, a naDe which ispronounced "Karyodirejo" may be written "Karjadiredja."

The author considered using a pseudonya tor PakSastro$uyono. but decided it would be pointless. Hisrole in Kajar life is so prominent, and he is so well­known to governnent officials in Wonosari. that anyvisitor to the area would immediately discover his truenane.

3. According to one elderly villager, the edge of the teakforest came to within 1 1/5 kilometers of Kajar in hischildhood.

""---

,."'-----

,----'-

f'iqure 19 (c,?ntinuedJ Some Tool. MadeV.ll""ge. ~ava, 1978-1979

'"

..',

-I

by Smiths at l\aja~

The houses of Kajar have roofs which resel:lble thesrotong and limasan styles illustrated inKoentjaraningrat, 1985. p. 135. According toKoentjaraningrat. the srotonq style is used by ordinaryJavanese villagers. While the limasao style isrestricted to descendants of the village founders andvillage officials. The older hoUSes in Kajar differfroD houses io the lowlands, however, in being largerand having siding l:Iade of teak rather than plaitedbamboo. They often have flat-roofed extensions addedonto the sides or back of the house, not illustrated inKoentjaraningrat.

587

4. So~e households had help tro. Save the ChildrenFoundation in installinq their floors.

fiqures frem the 1936 registry to till out the 1973census toIlllS!

5.

6.

7.

8.

In wri tinq this description I have used the terasactually us~ in KAjar. which are a mixture of Javaneseand Ind,?nesun teras. One English term (Kepala sosiatfor Soc1al Wel~ar!, Officer) is even used. For a morecomplete descr1ptlon Of village administration on Java~bic~.incI~des all the purely Javanese terms. see 'Koen"'Ja~an1ngrat 1985, pp. 190-196.

The tern~ is somewhat confusing. It is the~avanese term for hamlet, whereas the Indonesian term1S dusun. The longer noun forms. pedukuhag andpedusunan. can also be used .....ith the same meaning.The hamlet head is officially called the kepala~or kepala dusun (~=eaning head). In practicehowever. this title is usually shortened to I1:Y.kYh o~

~.DY.kJ.lh. Thus dulcuh _ans both the hanlet and theperson ....ho heads it. Somet.ill:es~ is spelled ~.

Sometimes t~e ....ord "lanl!less" is applied to anyhousehold Wl.thout sa....ah. even if they own~ oro~h~ types of dry fiell!s. This usage makes it verydlffl.C:ult to talJ:t about villages in dry zone areas orparts of Indonesla ....here irrigation systelllS are notwell-~evelo~. since it Deans that every household inthe VIllage 1S by definition "landless."

The . cen~ral Bu:eau of Statistics (BPS) conduete<t an~tlonw1de Aqrlcultural Census in 1973 Which has been....ldely quoted in academic an~ development publicationsIn an effort to obtain some better data on land •hOl~gs in Kajar than that provided by the 1936reg~stry. the author contacted the BPS office inWonosari. They said that Kajar had indeed been in oneof the 1973 census blocks. but that all forns had longsince been forwarded to the head office of BPS torcom!?ut~ entry. The author then contacted the headoft~ce 1n Jakarta. but was told that there was a two­year ~acklog of requests for data frolll governmentaqenc~es. and they could not respond to any individualreques~. ~n frustration, the author went back to theB~ off1ce Ln Wonosari and asked for the name of thef1~ld worker who bad collected the census data inRa)~r. (Perhaps this illlaqinary field worker still badcOP7es stashed aW<Jy under the bed.) The Wonosarioff1ce replied. ho~ever. that no field workers had beenused .. Instead, census forms were distributed to allthe ':'1~lage scribes in the area to be filled out andsub':!Itted. ':he author then ....ent back to the Villagescr.l.be in Ka)ar, ....ho innoce:l'.:ly admitted using the

588

9.

10.

11.

Harvests ....ere generally poor on Java between 1962-64.According to Ben Wb.ite. the ....idespread social unrestcreated by food scarcities and rising food prices was amajo.r .factor contributing to the collapse of theSukarno regime (White 1989:70,72).

The SuI tan of Jogjakarta is said to be in directcommunication with Ny21i Loro Kidul .....bo appears to himspontaneously in times ot crisis to help guide thestate and people to safety. The Sultan sends labuhagofferings to Nyai Loro Kidul every year, as ....ell as thedieties of Hounts Herapi and Lawu (Selo Soeaardjan1962: 18-19). ltany people in the Jogjakarta areabel-ieve that Nyai Lore Kidul is the true ....ife of theSultan. They point to the fact that the other wives(i.e .• the human ....ives) are never given an officialstatus higher than concubine. There has been a re.viva.lot the Nyai Loro Kidul cult in recent years. especiallyin sub-districts along the south coast. Many women....ore green. the color associated with Nyai Loro Kidul,to the coronation of the new Sultan (Hilmengkubuwono X)in 1989. During the coronation procession through thecity the Sultan sat in one corner ot his horse-drawncarriage. leaving the Sl!at beside hi.lll e1rlpty. This vas....idely taken to mean that Nyai Loro Kidul was ridingbeside b.U. Hany of the common people ....ho ....atched theprocession claimed. in fact. to have seen her. Despite~er connection ",ith the Sultan, Nyai Loro Xidul has hernegative or destructive aspect. and there are those ....hoassociate her with the I.ndian goddess, Durqa-Kali. Sheis said to "take" (i.e .• to drown) anyone who is 50foolish as to swim in the southern ocean wearing green.Villagers believe that she is responsible for allmanner of plaques and pestilence.

There are several different types of gotong~labor exchanges in Java. The term formerly used inKajar for exchanges ot agricultural labor _~s "!batan.

In his classic 1961 study of gotong royong in Kebumen.Central Java. Koentjaraninqrat identified sevendifferent types, including S3:nbataD and qrodjogan.SaePatan ....as the term used for an exchange of laborbetween households living in the same dukoh for tasksrelated to the household such as housebuilding orrepairs, digging wells, pounding rice in preparationfor a feast. etc. GCodjogan was an exchange ofagricultural labor between neighboring households orhouseholds with adjacent fields. Koentjaraningratnotes, ho....ever. that grodioqan was sometimes known by

589

12.

11.

14.

other names, including sambatan (Koentja.raningrat1961:Chapter Vl).

Garrett Solyom, who also looked over the collection,teels that some ot the stones are !DOre recent.

Early writings on the effects of the Green Revolutionalso talked about intra-village class formation asthough villages were previously homogenous. Increasingfamiliarity with historica.l sources trom the colonialera has provided a corrective, however. According toWhite, sources from the late eighteenth century pointedto the existance of three broad agrarian classes, thevillage officials, the~ (also called ~), andthe landless peasants. various large-sca.le colonialenquiries conducted in the early twentieth centuryindicated that landless rates ....ere a.lready 30-40'. Theelite group in this period. consisting of officials,wholesale traders and a few wealthy peasants,constituted 5-10' of the population (White 1989:67-69).The landless rates of 30-401: are high. but lower thanthe present rates at 50-55' in wet rice areas. The 5­la' rate for the elite group still holds (Sutoro1991b:Chapters Two-Fourl.

On ~,e first of Sura in the city of Jogjakarta, thepalace treasures (pusaka) are taken out and cleaned.This includes the palace keris and other ;.reapons. Theyare then carried in a solumn nighttime processionswhich circles the outer wall of the palace compound(beteng) seven ti~es. Silence is maintained and no oneis allowed to speak. The pusaka are carried by palaceretainers. but the public is allowed to follow then inthe procession. A similar ceremony is carried out inSur~karta (Solo). The )abuhan Offerings mentioned inNote 10 are also sent on the first of~. CUriously.there is no mention of any of these events inKoentjaraningrat's list of~ Jawi (JavaneseReligion) calendrical celebrations. For Islamically­oriented santri Javanese, the first of~ isHuharralll.

16.

17.

lB.

connection with mortuary rituals. The purpose in Kajaris quite different, however.

See sutoro, 1982, pp. 31-40. for a similar case of abamboo basketry industry which rapidly expanded whenthe agricultural sector temporarily collapsed..Theindustry is located in the village of Mala~qan ~n .Sleman district, north of Jogjakarta. Rap~d expans10noccurred between 1975-78 when irrigation water to thevillage was cut off for seven growing seasons due torepairs on the Van Der Wijk canal. :rn addition. thebeginning of repairs coincided with a serious attack of~ rice pest.

When I visited Kajar in August, 1991. Pak Sastro hadchanged his name froll Sastrosuyono to Sastrokadis. Idid not have the chance to ask why, but the lIost usualreason that a Javanese changes his or her naDe isfailure to have a child. Near fatal illness is anothercommon reason. It. is believed that a nUll! change willdivert the attention at malevolent spirits and bring achange in one's fortune.

Again, the difficulty of obtaining accurate info:aationon land oW'Tlership llIust be stressed. Pak Paeran 1-S not.listed in the village registry as a landovner at ~l.However, his maternal grandfather, Gunokaryo, who ~s

long deceased, is still listed.

15. Berd;it;ir in Kajar appears to be similar to thepractice of~ described by Koentjaraninqrat(1985:)91). According to Koentjaraningrat. !ti.Js.i.x isperfoned both by santti and~~ (Le .• abangan)Javanese. Mong the followers of mystical santrisects. the participants cay eventually begin to dancewildly and fall into a trance. Among the Agami .:rawiJavanese, hovever, the ceremony is not continued to thetrance stage. Koentjaraningrat says that~ isperfot1lled by the~~ Javanese mainly in

5'05.,

NOTES TO CHAPTER VII

1. Mount Marapl should not be confused with MountMerapi, the glant volcano which dominates thelllIldscape of the Jogjakarta region on Java. Both~merapi~ and ~marapiR are probably variations of~berapi, ~ P1eaning "to have fire." Thus bothderive from ~api· t:he root word for fire (seeGlossary). There is yet a third Mount Merapi 1nEast Java.

2. There were also large mines around !lejang Leoong.farther south in Bengkulu (Miksic 1989:12-13l.

3. At another point Marsden says that iron was dugat a place named Turawang in the eastern partof Minangkabau {Marsden 1811 cdit1on:173l.

4. Kahn uses t:he term "world capitalist system~ ratherthan ·world market economy."

5. Accorctl.ng to Kahn, the sl:U:.hs of Sungai Puar usedDutch steel prior to the Japanese occupat~on.

Th1S steel, especlally ~de for forging, wassold in Ch1nese shops 1n Pacang. (Kahn. 1980,p. 84) Marsden noted in 1783 that iron smeltingat Turawang in eastern Minangkabau had declineddue to the import of English and Swedish bariron (Marsden, 1811 edit10n, p. 1731.

6. The Illost recent echtion of Sekal'" Lat1, theDepartment of Indust~y's consu~r gU1de tosmall lndustry villages, bsts three blacksmith­ing villages in Ao;aJ:I, the d1strlct where SunggalPuar is located. These oUC BllnuhaJ:IPU v1-ll~ge 1nBunuh~~u Sunggai Puar su~dlstrict, ~~t Sukuvi.llase in Sunqg.u Pilar sIlbdistr1ct, am! E:DpatSuku village In Pwk Bununa~pu Sunqgai PuarsubdIstrIct. A fourth blacksm1thing village,Rapur, is located near the coal mHles atSawahlunto. A silver~~rklng village, Kalll~ung

665

7.

s.

Pisang, is listed in Agam distr1ct, but nocopper or brasswork1ng villages. However,according to Departme:'1t of I::l.dllstry est1mates.only about one-third of all slllall industryvillages IlIBke their way into Sekar Lati.presumably the larger and more 1lllportantones.

According to Kahn, Sungqai Puat village islocated in Banuhazopu/Sunggai Puar subdi strict(Kahn 1980:1B). PresWllably there has beensome redrawing of village and/or subdistrictboundarie:s.

:Kahn does not make this point very clearly.What he says is thl-s:

All the tasks necessary to the COJllpletionof a knife--from forqinq to finishi:'1g--canbe carried out usually by one person or atmost two people. Forging the t1lades usuallyrequires a second person to operate thebellows. Finishinq can easily be done by asingle smith working alone. This flexibilityof techniques and forllls of cooperationgenerates a variety of forms in knifeproduction. rallging frolll the slngle lndlvidual--the most co~n unit--to larqer groups thatforge and f1nish knives within a singleenterpr1se. (Kahn 1980:8l-82J

The information In these two paragraphscomes principally from Z.erner, 1981, pp. 9Sand 97-98. Some addl-tional information istaken from Reid, 1988, p. 110. Reid (basedon Kruijt, 1901) identlfies the areas aroundLake MatanO and the upper reaches of theKalaena Ri ver as the sources of nlckelousiron. A map shows Lake Katana to b£! locatedSO:JlCwhat to the north of Malil1. Iron.nickelous lron and forged blades fromCentral Sulawesi were also e~ported

through Hakassar and the east coa.St po~t

of BangSa1-. Both BanggCl..l. and Luwu weretributaries of Ma)apahit in the fourteenthcentury. The direct outlet fo:'" Lake ~atano

666

12 •

13.

This story is a compQsite of a story inKuntowidjojo, 1977, p. 49, and a scory tolcto the author by Pak Subroto. an elderlybrass snuth ll.ving in Batur.

Although agIl.cu!tura! implements are generallyforged. it may have been that plow tips weremade of cast iron in ancient times_ There isa reference in Raffles which says:

The plough (wahlukuJ. in general use for theirrigated land, consists of three parts. thebody, heam, and handle. It is generally maceof teak wood, where that mateClal can be provided

. The point of the body. or sock, is tippedwith iron, which in some districts is cast forthe purpose. (lB17:vol. 1. 113)

According to Geertz. ~Tihingan is the only hamleton Bali which still specializes in the manufac­ture and repair of these (gamelanJ instruments.~

I cannot say whether this was true in 1957-1958,but according to the Department of Industry,the district of Karangasem is also well knownfor ga..nelan prOduct10n. Sekar Lati, theDepartment of Industry's buyer's guide, liststhe villages of Tunggak, Menan9ga and Pempatanin Karangasem as gamelan-producing centers.The village of Sawan 1n Suleleng district isalso listed (1990 edition:?3).

15 .

16.

out of the compound, or even move away from thevillage to seek their fortunes elsewhere.

Most kinship systems in Indonesia are bilineal,although boys may inherit a larger share of landthan girls in areas influenced by Islam.(Islamic law dictates that the share of a boybe twice as large as the share of a girl.) TheMinanqkabau are unusual in having a matrilinealsystem, and the Bataks and Ballnese are unusualin having patrilineal systems. The patrilinealsystem of the Balinese may have been influencedby branmanic concepts from India.

Geertz has made a mist.ake 1n hlS calculat.ions.If the three large kin groups have 47. 26 and25 households respectively, anc there are 40other households, the total number of householdsis 138.

I am forced to note that Geert~' numbers do notadd up. If there are "five master craftsmen,thirty-five ordinary craftsmen, and forty-eightcommon laborers," this totals aa men. Dividing88 into 171, the correct percentage would be51, not 53. If, as I suspect, the term "ordinarycraftsmen" refers to the owners of units, thenumber of units would be more than 25.

14. I have supplemented Geertz' information on thelayout of extencied family compounds withlnformation from surveys I conducted for SRIin rural areas of Tabanan and Gianyar districtsbetween 1988-1991. While any son may chooseto stay 1n the family compound after he ismarried, only one son is required to do so.This is the son who has been designated as thepewaris. i.e., the heir to the family compoundand the family lands. With this inheritancecomes the responSlbllity to remain in the villageand represent the family at all religiousceremonies, benjar meetings, etc. The oewarismay ei ther be-an-eldest son or a youngeSt son,but middle sons are excluded from consideration.Sons who are not pewarls are more likely to move

669670

Thus, it appears that blacksmithing is the :most skewed of

all the me~alvorking industries. It should be relllembered,

hovever, that -s~all- enterprises are greatly outnumbered by

household enterprises, and that the ratios are much l.ower

for household enterprises. 4

Having stated that Inclonesian villages are stratified

rather than hoaogeneous, it should be adJ:litted that

homogeneity is a rel.ative concept. In 1986-87 the author

worked on a credit project for artisan castes in the

Pakistani Punjab. Villages in the Punjab are divided into

three distinct classes. At the ~op is a hereditary class of

feudal lando\ffie.rs referred ~o by the English te:rlll

-landlords.- Each village is do-.inated by one or a few

landlord families who live in elegant hilltop villas

equipped with all the modern conveniences. They drive

luxurious autotlObiles, vacation in lDountain resorts, send

their children to the best universities, and not

infrequently travel abroad. On the average, these families

own about 250 hectares of land each, usually a combination

of irrigated rice fields and unirrigated wheat fields.

Their far-inq Jlethods are capital-intensive and include the

use of large tractors and other mechanical equipment.

Below the landlord class in Pakistan is a Jlli~~le cl;;:ss

of smallholders who farm tiny plots but are proud of their

status as lDemberS of several f~er castes. They live apart

877

from the landlords in their own walled-in mud compounds.

Their farming methods are more labor-intensive.

BeloW' the smallholders is a third class, made up of the

various artisan castes, including the blacksmiths, potters,

weavers, leather workers, etc. The artisans are all

landless and their status is that of untouchables or near­

untouchables. S Me.JIlbers of the upper two classes will not,

for example, share a Ileal with the artisans or sit on the

SaJDe bench with them. The artisans have their own

residential areas 1Jhich generally are not walled in.

Traditionally the artisans were not allowed to sell their

products OD the open aarket. Their status was that of

indentured servants of the landlord. The landlord provided

tbelll with raw .aterials and. detenll.i.necl the nUJllbe.r and kind

of products they would maka each season. In exchange, the

artisans were given a small share of the grain harvested

from the landlord's fields. Artisans could also be sent to

work in the fields if the landlord needed additional

agricultural labor.

This traditional system still prevails in more isolated

areas of the Punjab, but has begun to change in areas along

the main roads and near to'JnS. Many artisans have severed

their ties with the landlords, and are instead buying their

raw materials and selling their finished products in the

open marketplace. The~ or blacksmithing caste, who

were one of the first to sever their ties with the

landlords, have done very well financially by purchasing

878

projects fail because of financial ineptitude or

llIis:ma.nage:ment t

5. Participants in training courses and study tours

lose a great deal of work time. They should, therefore, be

given daily c01llpensation COm:lensurate with their lost

earnings. If the nerapen Qlmer acts as his a.m~. the

ReraD!'!n may have to shut down during the training course.

For this reason, it is often better to let one of his sons

attend the course. If it is a technical training course,

the Department of Industry should bear the risk of failure

by paying for any raw materials or supplies used:

6. The Department of Industry has repeatedly tried and

failed to introduce iron castin; technology into

blacksmithing Villages. The ethnographic in~orQation in

this dissertation indicates that their efforts woUld be more

successful if they introduced iron casting technology into

copper, brass or bronze casting Villages. Forging and

casting are very different procedures, but casting smiths

are usually able to adapt to a variety of metals. At

present, there are tva successful iron casting centers in

Indonesia, both located in Central Java, and both with a

similar history of Dutch involvement during the colonial

era. These centers are often held up for blacksmiths to

emula'te, but historical data on one of these centers (Batur

hamlet) indicates that it was previously a bronze and brass

casting village.

9.7

suggestions ~ Further Research

OVer the years a number ot theories have been developed

with reference to Indonesia. These theories have been based

largely on ethnographic stUdies of lowland wet rice villages

on Java. Other types of villages, villages which may have

very dit"ferent ecological adaptations and patterns of

resource allocation, have largely been ignored. This

dissertation represents an attempt to redress this

situation. It focuses on a subset of small industry

villages, namely those Ybich make products of metal.

Obviously many other studies are needed before enough data

has been collected to begin reVising theoretical

assumptions. Within the industrial sector alone, studies

are needed. ot the very important and varied textUe

industries. the basketry and matting industries, the clay

product industries, the leather goods industries, the food

processing industries and several others.

Every researcher obviously brings his or her own agenda

to the field. It is suggested, ho....ever, that future stUdies

ot non-rice villages give particular attention to two

subjects. The first is the pattern ot resource allocation

bet....een sectors, and changes in that pattern over time due

to changes in relative Profitability. The second is social

and. economic stratification, and the causes or that

stratification, including the uses of money capital.

9.8

NOTES TO CHAPTER X

1. See Chapter I for references.

2. This is the estimated value of one truck, one dieselengine, four pieces of high-wattage electricalmachinery and four equipped perapen.

J. The period of most rapid growth may have been in theprevious decade, i.e., between 1964 and 1974/75. SeeChapter VIII, Note J. referring to household industriesonly.

4. These ratios are very crude indicators ofstratification because census forms distinguish betweenonly two broad groups, enterprise owners and airedworkers. In a four-strata village like Kajar orMassepe, dependent and independent per<\pen owners willbe lumped together in the census. Raw material and~ool tr~ders may also be counted as enterprise owners~f, as 4S usually the case, they own any machinery usedfor productive or finishing operations. If they do notown.a~y.machinery, i.e., if they strictly limit theiract~v~t1es to trading, they probably fall outside thecensus altogether.

5. The traditional weavers of India and the Pakistan donot make pile carpets. Rather they make a flatweavetapestry carpet called a dUrree, which is woven on ahorizontal pit loom. The dUrree weavers are members ofthe julaha caste and they are landless. Howeverbeginning in the early 19705, some smallholder f~rmersbegan to import vertical looms and weaving technologyfrom Iran. Pile carpets in the "Persian Garden- styleare woven on these looms, using child labor contractedfrom poor families Who are also farmer caste. This isthe only exception to the rule that all handicrafts aremade by artisan caste families who are landless.

6. Islam does not, in fact, permit caste. However theIslamic 970ups of the Pakistani Punjab have a system ofcastes ....h~ch a!.most exactly parallel the Hindu castes.The lohari caste has experienced considerablefrustration over their continued low social statusdespit~ their ~te obvious neWfound prosperity. Aton~ po~nt a na7~~nal congress of the lohari was held atwh~ch they off~c~ally changed their caste name toMughul Lohari. The purpose of this change was torecall their previously glorious role as armorers to

909

the rulers of the sixteenth century Moghul dynasty ofNorth India and Pakistan. This name change wasperceiVed by higher castes as "putting on airs,"however, and the loharis have been subjected toridicule because of it.

7. An exception is Bali. Where villagers often buy sedansto rent out to tourists. They obtain these sedans oncredit frolll automobile dealers.

8. For a listing and review of these historical studiessee White 1983 (entire) and Hart ~986, pp. 32-37.

9. Hart has identified four paradigms of rural developmentand agrarian change which relate to the issue ofstratification. She uses the tertii "neo-Leninist" todescribe the paradigm which most closely resembles vander 8:01ff's. The neo-Leninist paradigm stems fromLenin's analysis of agrarian differentiation innineteenth century Russia. According to Lenin, thepenetration of capitalism in the countryside leadsinexorably to the polarization of landholdings and thedevelopment of impersonal wage labor relations. hencethe disappearance of the peasantry and the emergence ofopposing classes of kulaks and proletarians. Neo­Leninist authors who have written about contemporaryJava, for example Mortimer and Gordon, differ from vander Kolff in emphasizing the growth of classconsciousness and con~liet (Hart ~986:5-6).

10. Yet another approach to the equity issue emphasizesconsUlllption rather than production. This approach,which has been gaining in popularity amonginternational aid agencies in recent years, says thatgovernments like that of Indonesia Should leaveproduction to the play of free market forces. Insteadof interfering in production, they should concentrateon promoting equity by providing better healthservices, education, housing, water, sanitation, etc.to the poor. Presumably this would be financed throughincome transfers, for example land and corporationtaxes.

11. There is one example of such a transfer, however.During the Balinese festival of Tumpek Landep offeringsmust be made to items made of iron or steel.Traditionally, these were blades and weapons. Inrecent years, however, ~he ever-adaptable Balinese havebegun to give Twnpek Landep offerings to their cars andmachinery, on the grounds that these items are alsomade of iron and steel.

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