nŪr al-dĪn and tajdĪd: the role of scholars … paper/ic... · lands of islam and their conquest...

E-Proceeding of the 2nd International Conference on Arabic Studies and Islamic Civilization, iCASiC2015 (e-ISBN 978-967-0792-02-6), 9-10 March 2015, Kuala Lumpur, MALAYSIA. Organized by http://WorldConferences.net 412

NŪR AL-DĪN AND TAJDĪD: THE ROLE OF SCHOLARS AND RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS TOWARDS ISLAMIC RENEWAL IN TWELFTH-CENTURY SYRIA

Burhan Che Daud Centre for Language Studies and Generic Development

Universiti Malaysia Kelantan [email protected]

ABSTRACT

Nūr al-Dīn (r. 1146-1174), the Sultan of Syria and Egypt, laid the foundation of Muslim unity in twelfth-century Syria. He, then, embarked upon revitalizing the spirit of jihād through a comprehensive jihād enterprise with active involvement from scholars and the Syrian population in Aleppo, Mosul and Damascus. This paper examines the role and contribution of the so-called ‘elite group’ that includes religious scholars, Ṣūfī masters, court-poets and other relevant group in the course of Islamic renewal in twelfth-century Syria. It explores Nūr al-Dīn’s renewal initiatives particularly within the religious domain. A number of Arabic and non-Arabic primary sources is utilized by mean of textual and contextual analysis. This paper argues that the unique relationship and collaborative engagement between ruler, scholar, preacher and Ṣūfī leader in twelfth-century Syria is one of the major contributing factors towards Islamic renewal and Muslim unity in the context of twelfth-century Syria.

Field of Research: Medieval Islamic History, Islamic Renewal, Zengid Dynasty, Religious Education.

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1. Introduction

Nūr al-Dīn Maḥmūd ibn ‘Imād al-Dīn Zengī (d. 1174) was the Sultan of Syria and Egypt during the zenith of crusading movement into Syria and the Middle East. His career started at Aleppo in 1146 soon after the assassination of his father, Zengī while he was besieging Qal‘at Ja‘bar (the castle of Ja‘bar). In 1144, two years before his demise, Zengī achieved a historic Muslim victory against the Frankish troops by capturing Edessa, the first established Frankish states in the Levant. The capture marked a local reawakening of the spirit of jihād in the wake of religious fraction and political disunity. Nūr al-Dīn’s political career began with the recapture of Edessa in 1146. Later that year, Nūr al-Dīn married ‘Iṣmat al-Dīn Khātūn, the daughter of Mu‘īn al-Dīn Unar, the lord of Damascus. On one hand, the recapture of Edessa was a stereotypical approach of a military leader to assume his power politics. It seems that in the aftermath of Edessa, the Syrian Muslims had gained a strong belief that the Crusaders could be defeated if they were to unite by a strong political leadership under the banner of jihād. On the other, Nūr al-Dīn’s marriage could be considered as a long-term strategic political move in order to gain control over Damascus in the years ahead.

It must be noted that Zengī was murdered at the peak of his political career. His legacy was to be continued by one of his promising sons, Nūr al-Dīn. As a new emerging leader, Nūr al-Dīn seemed to have impersonated the tradition of Turkish military leadership of gaining power through military approach at an early stage of his career. However, as narratives showed, at the same time he employed an effective diplomatic approach, which entails a beginning of a new approach of leadership, at least between the Muslim leaders themselves. It marks an introduction of a new vision towards internal consolidation of the Muslims in Syria in the wake of the advancement of crusading supremacy over the region. Furthermore, Nūr al-Dīn’s achievement through his tajdīd initiatives


could not be understood without appreciating the background of disunity, religious fragmentation and political malady of the Muslims in Syria. It was an advantage to Nūr al-Dīn that he became a leader at a very crucial period; the Muslim disunity and the failure of the second crusade. The failure of the second crusade at Damascus in 1148 marked a significant turning point in the Muslim history in Syria. The Damascenes’ resistance and unity proved the fact that the crusading knights and soldiers could be defeated if the Syrian Muslims were to engage collectively towards their political unification. Nūr al-Dīn benefited abundantly from the prevailing situation. With great skill, he seized the opportunity to further develop himself to be the new leader of the Muslims in Syria.

2. Syria on the Eve of the First Crusade

The fall of the city of Jerusalem to the Franks in 1099 had shocked the Muslims all over the world. In fact, the Franks’ capture of Jerusalem was preceded by their taking control of Antioch and Ma‘arrat al-Nu’mān in 1094. It was reported that some seventy-thousand inhabitants of Jerusalem were murdered by the Franks, in which according to Ibn al-Athīr, ‘a large number of them being imams, ulema, righteous men and ascetics’. (Ibn al-Athīr, 2010) The capture of Jerusalem could be seen in two different perspectives; the motivation of the soldiers of the first crusade to capture the Holy Land and the lack of the spirit of jihād of the Syrian Muslims and their lethargy to defend the Holy Land. It must be noted here that the condition of the Muslims in Syria and Iraq at that period was in the state of religious division and political disunity. This particular argument is widely accepted by historians. In this regard, H.A.R. Gibb asserts that ‘the first crusade owed its success in large measure to the weakness of the opposition which it encountered is a fact accepted by all modern historians. The complexity of the political situation in Syria at the end of the eleventh century and during the early decades of the twelfth, a complexity verging almost upon anarchy, is an element of the first importance in the history of the Crusades’. (Gibb, 2002, p.14)

Gibb (2002) further listed that there were at least six contesting authorities that were fighting each other. They include the Seljuqs, the Turkish military officers, the local Arab tribes, the Fatimid of Egypt, the independent Turkmen tribes and the public population. However, Gibb did not mention that the supreme Sunni Muslim authority was the ‘Abbasid caliphate in Baghdad. This might due to the fact that even though the ‘Abbasid caliphate was recognized as the spiritual leader of the Sunni Muslim, yet the real power was under the control of the Seljuq sultanate. The political disunity was as intense as it dramatically led to ideological and theological dispute in the form Sunni-Shi‘ite conflict. On the Sunni side, the ‘Abbasid was supported by the Seljuqs, the Turkish military officers and the local Sunni tribes. The Fatimid Shi‘ite caliphate in Cairo gained support from its fellow religionists in Syria that include the local tribes, the Assassins, the Nizaris and the Druze. The internal dispute shifted their attention from the coming threat of the first crusade. It seems that to the Muslims in Syria, their initial impression of the first crusade was another kind of typical external foe that could be fought as they have done before.

However, there were exceptional scholars during the period who noticed and warned the Muslims in Syria and Iraq on the reality of the crusading movement. For instance, Ibn al-Athīr reports that ‘the power of the Franks and their increased importance were first manifested by their invasion of the lands of Islam and their conquest of part of them in the year 478 [1085-6], for [that was when] they took the city of Toledo and other cities in Spain, as we have already mentioned.’ (Ibn al-Athīr, 2010, p.13) According to Ibn al-Athīr, the crusade to the East was part of a large Western enterprise on the course of an expansionist and conquest mission that began in the Muslim lands in Spain. The crusading movement proved to be more than what was imagined by the Muslims in Syria. Within short period after their initial presence in Syria, the Franks established four Christian kingdoms in the Levant namely the County of Edessa (founded 1098), the Principality of Antioch (founded 1098), the Kingdom of Jerusalem (founded 1099) and the County of Tripoli (founded 1014).


3. Nūr al-Dīn and Tajdīd (Islamic Renewal)

The notion of tajdīd evolves in Islamic history to be one of the most important concepts to be discussed by classical as well as modern scholars. According to al-Mawdūdī, tajdīd is a process that involves the purification of Islam as a religion from any aspect of ignorance and further working on the revitalization of its tradition. (Al-Mawdūdī, 1967) Therefore, throughout the course of Islamic history from classical to modern period, the ideology of tajdīd in its dynamic state continues to be embedded in the tradition of Islamic revivalism. The ideological development of the notion of tajdīd is embedded within the dynamic development of Islam as a religion itself. Since the end of the first century of the Prophet’s migration from Mecca to Medina, religious renewal has taken place in different contexts as a response to the prevailing state of Muslim affairs.

In the case of Nūr al-Dīn, it shows that the situation, which he lived, and the people and state, which he governed, were in need of some sort of renewal and reform especially among the leaders and rulers. In addition, it must be noted that the need for religious renewal was reinforced by the social and political disunity and religious fragmentation among the Muslims themselves. The expansionist mission of the crusades further vindicates the call for tajdīd and revitalization of the spirit of jihād. The duty of executing religious, social and political renewal lies on the back of mujaddid, who, according to Muslim scholars have to meet a set of special characteristics in order to be considered as the mujaddid of his time. Nūr al-Dīn’s renewal agenda could be examined through two intertwined aspects, which I term as tajdīd initiatives and jihād enterprise. Nūr al-Dīn’s model of Islamic renewal covers both the notion of tajdīd and jihād within his own focus and framework. It could be argued on the outset that Nūr al-Dīn advocated religious, social and political renewal on one hand. On the other, he promoted educational, spiritual and military jihād, which were embedded in the tajdīd initiatives. All these efforts were carried out towards the revival of Sunnism in medieval Syria.

Ibn al-Athīr, who authored a biographical account of the Zengid dynasty in Mosul namely al-Tārīkh al-Bāhir fī al-Dawlah al-Atābikiyyah bi al-Mawṣil (the Resplendent History of the Atabeg of Mosul), underlines the new type of leadership, which was prompted by Nūr al-Dīn. He asserts that ‘in fact, he (Nūr al-Dīn) was the ruler who renewed (the way) for kings to adhere to justice and equity, and to refrain from prohibited foods, drinks, clothes and others. They were before as if in the time of jāhiliyyah (ignorance).’ (Ibn al-Athīr, 1963, p.165) Besides Ibn al-Athīr, ‘Imād al-Dīn al-Kātib al-Iṣfāhānī implicitly acknowledges the achievement of Nūr al-Dīn and his effort by asserting that ‘he was the one who restored the splendour of Islam into Bilād al-Shām’. (Al-Bundārī, p.16; Ibn al-Athīr, p.174, Abu Shāmah, 1/109) In addition, the famous Syrian poet, Ibn Munīr, in praising the victory of Nūr al-Dīn against the Franks at Dulūk in 1152 expresses that Nūr al-Dīn has renewed Islam into its victorious state as it was at the time of Prophet Muhammad and his companions. Ibn Munīr (1986) affirms in his poem:

In this resplendent age of yours you have repeated # the victories of the Prophet and their times. You have matched, how wonderfully, their Uhuds # and you have gladdened their Badrs with a Badr. Their Emigrants were your Followers # and the supporters of your project their Helpers (Ansar). You have renewed the Islam of their Salman # and your success had restored their ‘Ammar. It could be understood from the narratives that Ibn al-Athīr, ‘Imād al-Dīn al-Kātib and Ibn Munīr underlined a major change in the leadership of Nūr al-Dīn, which could be seen within its immediate impact to the religion of Islam and its practices. It is evident that they were portraying the achievements of Nūr al-Dīn as those attained during the time of the Prophet. It seems that the leadership of Nūr al-Dīn reminded them of the early days of Islam under the leadership of Prophet Muhammad. It is worth noting that the mention of the battle of Badr and ‘Uḥud is very significant as


both battles were fought during the early years after the migration of Muslims to Medina. The battle of Badr in particular, the most decisive battle between truth and falsehood, according to several hadith, was won by the Muslim soldiers with divine intervention in the form of angels descending from heaven even though the numbers of the Muslim army were very small compared to their enemies. By equating the victory of Nūr al-Dīn against the Franks in medieval period to that of Badr and ‘Uhud in classical Islam, Ibn al-Athīr, ‘Imād al-Dīn al-Kātib and Ibn Munīr were portraying the image of Nūr al-Dīn as the hero of medieval Islam who possessed victorious attributes of the Prophet and his companions.

Moreover, they proclaimed that the effort of Nūr al-Dīn was to bring back the pure teaching of Islam in the face of ignorance and corruption in the life of its leaders and their practice of religion. It could be argued that this was due to Nūr al-Dīn’s style and approach of leadership, which was seen as completely different to his predecessors toward a more religiously motivated initiative. In this regard, Malcolm Barber asserts that ‘an extensive building programme of madrasas and convents for Ṣūfīs, together with the repair and restoration of many mosques, enabled him to inspire a renewed interest in Sunnite doctrinal studies, which he saw as the basis for unified Islamic Syria’. (Malcolm Barber, 2012, p. 199) Nūr al-Dīn’s tajdīd initiatives could be seen in three key areas; leadership, vision of unity and conquest, and personal qualities.

3.1 Leadership

As far as Nūr al-Dīn’s leadership is concerned, the common attitude of scholars when discussing Nūr al-Dīn is to depict an exemplary and admirable medieval Muslim leader without detailing the factors that contributed to the making of Nūr al-Dīn as one of the great Muslim rulers in Syria. It is therefore, incumbent to examine Nūr al-Dīn’s leadership in the light of contemporary and later historical narratives in order to gain better understanding of his career as a political leader of the Muslim in Syria, particularly after the capture of Damascus. It is from this background that Nūr al-Dīn’s tajdīd initiatives could be appreciated and further analysed as part of his contribution to the resurgence of Muslim power and renewal of leadership in medieval Syria. Among other narratives, which particularly praised Nūr al-Dīn in light of his leadership attributes is that of Ibn al-Athīr and Abū Shāmah al-Maqdisī. For instance, Ibn al-Athīr expresses his avid commendation upon Nūr al-Dīn in summing up his condolence to Nūr al-Dīn. He acclaims that ‘I (read and) came across the history of earlier kings, but I did not find a history of a single man (king) after the Righteous and Guided Caliphs and ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Azīz better than the history of Nūr al-Dīn, and more concern than him about justice’. (Ibn al-Athīr, 9/394)

Similar approval could be found in the words of Abū Shāmah, who wrote in thirteenth century in Damascus. He composed a dedicated historical work titled ‘Kitāb al-Rawdatayn fī Akhbār al-Dawlatayn: al-Nūriyyah wa al-Salāhiyyah’ (the Book of Two Gardens in Describing the Stories of Two States: the State of Nūr al-Dīn and the State of Salāh al-Din) purposely to enumerate the qualities of Nūr al-Dīn and Salāh al-Din. Interestingly, Abū Shāmah clearly asserts the similitude of Nūr al-Dīn to that of Caliph ‘Umar ibn al-Khattāb in terms of justice and jihād during their reign. Abū Shāmah (1997) states that:

I read (about) the story of later kings (from Tārīkh Dimashq of Ibn ‘Asākir) where I came across the biography of Nūr al-Dīn, the Just King. I was delighted to see his monuments, and to listen to his stories even though he emerged at a later time with variation of his friends. Then, I read in other books about the story of Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn, the King of the Kings after him (Nūr al-Dīn) and the Victorious King. I found both of them (Nūr al-Dīn and Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn) in the later generation were similar to the two ‘Umar (‘Umar ibn al-Khaṭṭab and ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Azīz) in the early generation. Indeed, the second man of each


couple did follow his former man in (implementing) justice and (struggling for) jihād, and make every effort in upholding the religion of God. (Abū Shāmah, 1997, 1/26)

The resemblance of ‘Umar’s personality and leadership to the contemporary image of Nūr al-Dīn is astounding. It is noteworthy that the theme Ibn al-Athīr and Abū Shāmah were presenting is obviously the impact of Nūr al-Dīn’s leadership style and attributes, which resulted in his implementation of justice over his subjects and execution of jihād enterprise against the crusaders. Therefore, in order to understand Nūr al-Dīn, it is essential to examine his leadership style and approach that will lead to the reality of his rule and leadership internally and externally, and these will be discussed in the next section.

3.2 Vision of Unity and Conquest

Even though Alex Mallet (2013) claims that during the first few years of his rule, Nūr al-Dīn was ‘a young and relatively inexperienced ruler’, several evidences reveal the contrary. From the very beginning of his political career in Aleppo, Nūr al-Dīn was seen as a Muslim leader equipped with a strong vision. For instance, Nūr al-Dīn was said to have inculcate the vision of liberating Jerusalem from the Franks long before the rise of Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn. Ibn al-Jawzī mentions that ‘Nūr al-Dīn regularly wrote to him (in seeking advice)’ and ‘he was so determined to liberate Bayt al-Maqdis (Jerusalem)’. (Ibn al-Jawzī, 1992, 18/210) Furthermore, Hillenbrand (2001) and Elisseeff (1967) argue that, to some extent, Nūr al-Dīn was one of medieval Muslim military leaders who gave the jihād of liberating Jerusalem its fullest scope, particularly with the strategic move and initial preparation for its capture. This further explains that his conquest of Damascus and Egypt was only to serve as the strategic bulwark in order to recapture the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem from the Franks.

Nūr al-Dīn’s vision of Tawḥīd al-Bilād (the Unification of the States) on one hand could be considered as an internal deliberate plan to solidify the Muslim power under the umbrella of Sunnism against domestic dispute and fighting. On the other, the vision of Taḥrīr al-Bilād (the Conquest or Liberation of the States) is an external detailed scheme to open the pathway towards capturing important cities in Syria with Jerusalem being the central theme. The combination and execution of these two strategic plans were seen to have clearly taken place during the period after the capture of Damascus and the annexation of Egypt from the Fāṭimids. Nearly four years before his death, Nūr al-Dīn is reported to have put his concentration on the conquest of Jerusalem in which he commanded that a pulpit was to be created and erected in al-Aqsa mosque in the city of Jerusalem after its conquest. The stratagem of Nūr al-Dīn lies in the political agenda toward Muslim unity and the recapture of Jerusalem with support from Egypt in terms of wealth and resources.

3.3 Personal Qualities

As far as Nūr al-Dīn’s personal qualities are concerned, it could be argued that these attributes were the main factors, which distinguish Nūr al-Dīn from his predecessors. Enumeration of these qualities could be found in major historical narratives including the works of Ibn ‘Asākir, Ibn al-Athīr, Ibn al-Qalānisī, Ibn Shaddād, ‘Imād al-Dīn al-Iṣfahānī, Abū Shāmah and others. For instance, Ibn ‘Asakīr who wrote two books under the patronage of Nūr al-Dīn namely Tārīkh Madīnat Dimashq (the History of the City of Damascus) and Kitāb al-Jihād (the Book of Jihād), praises the virtues of his patron. Suleiman A. Mourad asserts that ‘Ibn ‘Asākir began his History of Damascus as a rather vague project in 1134 , but it was conceived in its current titanic format and became a huge success owing to Nūr al-Dīn’s patronage’. In the preface of his Tārīkh Madīnat Dimashq, Ibn ‘Asākir enumerates a number of his patron’s attributes and further supplicates to God so that Nūr al-Dīn will be protected by God’s mercy. He says ‘As the story of my collection of this (Tārīkh Madīnat Dimashq) ascends to the presence of the munificent, the perfect, the just, the ascetic, the jihād fighter, the garrisoned-


warrior, and the benevolent king Abī al-Qāsim Maḥmūd ibn Zankī ibn Abī Sunqur, helper of Imām , May Allah prolong the shade of his kingdom over the whole being…’ (Ibn ‘Asākir, 1995, 1/3-6)

Ibn ‘Asākir’s eulogy of Nūr al-Dīn seems to indicate some of the well-known qualities of his patron, at least according to his own observation. It could also serve as an effective instrument to expound those qualities persuasively to his readers. In this regard, Yaacov Lev argues that

Ibn ‘Asākir’s declared aim was to enumerate Nūr al-Dīn’s virtues (manāqib), which, in his views, pertain to both Nūr al-Dīn’s personality and his deeds. Nūr al-Dīn is depicted as an educated person with an aptitude for learning, especially religious learning, who was actively involved in the world of scholarship. He was an avid buyer of books and, for example, was ready to pay high prices for his acquisitions of the canonical collections of Prophetic traditions. He was scrupulous in his performance of religious duties (various prayers, the observance of the fast, the distribution of charities [sadaqa]) and followed the example of the righteous ancestors (salaf). (Yaacov Lev, 2004, p.218-9)

The elevation of Nūr al-Dīn’s personal attributes is a common theme in the writing of his admiring biographers and close elites. It must be noted that, on one hand, this attitude could be associated to a public religious publicity of a leader in order to gain support from his subjects especially from the influential religious scholars and their local followers. On the other, it could be assumed that this type of panegyric approach was to serve as a public imagery of an exemplary Muslim leader, who was sought after by the Muslims to be the impetus of Muslim unity in Syria. It is to the advantage of Nūr al-Dīn that he was seen as an important figure in the revitalization of the spirit of jihād and counter-crusade agenda with certain distinction compared to his predecessors. For instance, Elisseeff (1952) claims that Nūr al-Dīn was an ideal medieval Sunni Muslim leader, who possessed qualities that no other medieval ruler had. He mentions two remarkable qualities of Nūr al-Dīn, namely al-‘Ālim (Knowlegeable) and al-Ārif (Gnostic), which could be clearly observed from his monumental legacy in medieval Syria. Elisseeff provides a full list of Nūr al-Dīn’s titles, inscribed in several mosques, hospitals, mausoleums, city-gates, madrasas, citadels, minarets and towers across Damascus, Aleppo, Ḥāmah, Raqqah, Ba‘albek, Qal‘at Ja‘bar, Madīnah, Makkah and Jerusalem from 1146 until 1174. (Elisseeff, 1952, p.170-1) The physical evidences further strengthen the argument that the development of Nūr al-Dīn’s style and approach to leadership in the form of leadership role model, religious attitude and self-development began in the early years of his rule in Aleppo.

4. Nūr al-Dīn’s tajdīd and jihād model

In the course of advocating the revival of Sunnism in the context of twelfth-century Syria, it could be argued that Nūr al-Dīn had established an integrated model of tajdīd and jihād. The integration between religious renewal and educational jihād, social renewal and spiritual jihād as well as political renewal and military jihād had a significant impact on improving the condition of the Muslims in the wake of crusading invasion. The renewal perspective that Nūr al-Dīn initiated is under-represented in Western as well as Muslim scholarship of the crusading period. This is due to the fact that crusading history and narratives are usually associated with jihād (Islam) or holy war (Christianity), battle and warfare. In fact, there is a significant lacuna and lack of scholarship with regard to the religious and cultural history of the crusading period.


Figure 1. Nūr al-Dīn’s tajdīd and jihād model

As far as this paper is concerned, the integration between religious renewal and educational jihād will be the main focal point of discussion. It will look at the role and contribution of religious scholars, spiritual (Ṣūfī) masters and their disciples in their respective religious and spiritual institutions established in Syria and Iraq during the period.

5. Scholars and Scholarship of Medieval Syria

Nūr al-Dīn is known to have developed some sort of spiritual consciousness through his intimate relationship with religious scholars and Ṣūfī leaders. Among religious scholars and Ṣūfī leaders, whom Nūr al-Dīn had a close relationship were Ibn ‘Asākir, Ibn al-Jawzī, Shaykh ‘Umar al-Irbilī, Abū al-Najīb al-Suhrawardī, Shaykh Arsalān al-Dimashqī, Shaykh Maḥmūd ibn Aḥmad al-Baghdādī al-Ṣūfī and several others. Regarding the story of the latter, Al-Dhahabī mentions that when Shaykh Mahmud arrived in Damascus en route to Egypt to visit the shrine of al-Imām al-Shāfi’ī in Cairo, Nūr al-Dīn visited him and requested him to stay in Damascus. However, he refused to stay. Nūr al-Dīn had him accompanied by Najm al-Dīn Ayyūb, father of Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn, to Egypt, in which both of them developed a close relationship afterwards. (Al-Dhahabī, 12/742; Al-Dhahabī, 15/351; Abū Shāmah, 3/249-251)

It is noteworthy that this particular circle in which Nūr al-Dīn has connection with consists of leading religious scholars and Ṣūfī leaders in Syria. This exercise is rarely practiced by his predecessors, especially from the Zengid family. It could be argued that this kind of relationship has its own impact on the way and approach, which Nūr al-Dīn executed during his political career. A description of the background and personality of three important figures namely Abū al-Najīb al-Suhrawardī, Shaykh Arsalān and Shaykh ‘Umar al-Irbilī shall be provided as to show their relation and influence on Nūr al-Dīn during his reign in Aleppo and Damascus.


5.1 Abū al-Najīb al-Suhrawardī

Abū al-Najīb al-Suhrawardī was the founder of the Suhrawardiyyah Ṣūfī order in Baghdad. According to Yāqūt al-Ḥamawī, Nūr al-Dīn had the opportunity to meet Abū al-Najīb al-Suhrawardī when the latter visited Damascus in 1162 en route to Jerusalem. This particular meeting was also mentioned by Ibn ‘Asākīr and al-Dhahabī. (Al-Dhahabī, 15/202) Yāqūt relates that: ‘In 558 (1163), he (Abū al-Najīb al-Suhrawardī) came to Damascus intending to visit Jerusalem, although he was prohibited from doing so on account of the hostilities between the Muslims and their enemies (i.e., the Crusaders). Upon his arrival, a most honourable reception was granted to him by Nūr al-Dīn Mahmud b. Zangi. There, he held regular assemblies at which he preached...’ (Yāqūt al-Ḥamawī, 3/290; Erik S. Ohlander, p. 57-58)

It is not known whether Nūr al-Dīn attended circles of exhortation, which were conducted by Abū al-Najīb al-Suhrawardī in person or not. However, the fact that Nūr al-Dīn granted honourable reception and approval for al-Suhrawardī to teach and preach in Damascus shows his veneration to Ṣūfī scholars even though they came from outside Syria. Furthermore, his passion in seeking religious and spiritual knowledge may suggest that he might benefit from al-Suhrawardī in certain ways. It seems that Nūr al-Dīn himself had a strong inclination toward Ṣūfī movement and chose to live a Ṣūfī life as the historical narratives describes about his personal life.

5.2 Shaykh Arsalān al-Dimashqī

Another Ṣūfī scholar from whom Nūr al-Dīn benefited in his spiritual life was Shaykh Arsalān ibn Ya‘qūb al-Ja‘barī al-Dimashqī. According to Anne-Marie Eddé (2010) and Eric Geoffroy (2002), Arsalan was a leading Ṣūfī scholar and ‘patron saint’ of Damascus, who developed his own way of mystical approach to Ṣūfīsm in Damascus. He stayed with his followers in a khanqāh built for him by Nūr al-Dīn outside the citadel of Damascus. (Al-Dhahabī, 12/193) Shaykh Arsalān authored al-Risālah fī al-Tawḥīd (A Treatise on the Oneness of God) which was translated with commentary into French by Eric Geoffroy titled ‘Jihâd et contemplation: Vie et enseignement d’un soufi au temps des croisades’. (‘Abd al-Wahhāb al-Sha‘rānī, 1/130-1; Eric Geoffroy, pp. 81-144) Eddé asserts that ‘many miracles were attributed to him and after his death, his tomb, outside Bab Tuma, was revered, as it still is today. Nūr al-Dīn, it was said, was a great admirer of his and is said to have wished to be buried with one of his relics’. Geoffroy affirms that ‘Nūr al-Dīn venerated the shaykh and had himself buried with a piece of a saw that had belonged to Arslān’. (Al-Ṣafadī, 8/224; al-Dhahabī, 15/145; al-Dhahabī, 12/193; Anne-Marie Eddé, p. 184)

5.3 Shaykh ‘Umar al-Mallā’

His name is Abū Ḥafṣ Mu‘īn al-Dīn ‘Umar ibn Maḥmūd ibn Khiḍr al-Irbilī, widely known as ‘Umar al-Mallā’. As a leading Ṣūfī and scholar of Islamic law in Mosul, ‘Umar al-Mallā’ authored a two-volume book dedicated to Nūr al-Dīn titled ‘al-Kitāb al-Jāmi‘ li Sīrat ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Azīz: al-Khalīfah al-Khā’if al-Khāshi‘ (The Complete Book on the Life of ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz: the God-fearing and Humble Caliph). In the introduction of this treatise, ‘Umar al-Mallā’ praises Nūr al-Dīn on his zeal of religious knowledge and its sciences.

‘Imād al-Dīn al-Kātib mentions that Shaykh ‘Umar al-Irbilī was among the ‘Shuyūkh al-Ṣāliḥīn wa A’immah al-‘Ārifīn (Chiefs of the Pious and Leaders of the Gnostics)’. (Al-Bundārī, p. 52) He was frequently visited by scholars, kings and rulers. ‘Imād al-Dīn further mentions that Nūr al-Dīn was among those who had special relation with this shaykh. (Al-Bundārī, p. 52) In particular, after erecting his mosque in Mosul, in which he endowed sixty thousand dinar for the completion, Nūr al-Dīn entrusted Shaykh ‘Umar al-Mallā’ to manage the affairs of the mosque. (Ibn al-Athīr, p. 170; al-Dhahabī, 12/424; Al-Bundārī, p. 52; Ibn al-‘Imād al-Ḥanbalī, 6/380) Nūr al-Dīn ordered that Shaykh


‘Umar should be consulted before any decision been made in the administration of his office in Mosul. He entrusted Shaykh ‘Umar to administer his mosque and its expenses in Mosul, namely al-Jāmi‘ al-Nūrī. While lamenting the demise of Nūr al-Dīn, ‘Imād al-Dīn al-Kātib asserts that ‘he was among the devout saints and the righteous servants of God’. (Al-Bundārī, p. 32) Nūr al-Dīn lived an ascetic life, where he usually remained at a ṣuffah built inside his house, offering his prayer to God.

It is obvious from the description of Ibn al-Athīr, Ibn ‘Asākir, ‘Imād al-Dīn al-Kātib and other Muslim historian of the period, which portray Nūr al-Dīn’s ascetic and humble life even though he was among the great Muslim military leaders in medieval Syria. This particular mention shows the spiritual side of Nūr al-Dīn’s life, which barely exist in the life of his contemporary Muslim rulers. It seems that the leadership of Nūr al-Dīn and his approach, particularly towards the Sūfi scholars and leaders, was a distinctive one compared to that of his predecessors. A great deal of religious endowment toward building several mosques, khanqahs and ribats shows Nūr al-Dīn’s pious and devout policy in the course of engaging these particular group of influential people in his bigger jihād enterprise against the growing threat from the Franks. It could also be associated with Nūr al-Dīn’s strong inclusive vision of establishing unity among the Syrian Muslims by positioning the religious scholars and Ṣūfī masters in the forefront of his tajdīd initiatives and jihād enterprise. (Ibn al-Athīr, 9/393-5; Ibn ‘Asākir, 57/118-124)

5.4 Nūr al-Dīn’s Scholarship Life

Another underrepresented and appealing side of the life of Nūr al-Dīn is his scholarship. Besides the title al-Malik al-‘Ādil (the Just King), Nūr al-Dīn was also known as al-Malik al-‘Ālim (the Knowledgeable King). Elisseeff (1952) argues that this designated title was attributed exclusively to Nūr al-Dīn, which could not be found in any title of his contemporaries. According to Elisseeff, investigation from surviving inscriptions in Syria shows that the title al-‘Ālim appears eleven times in the inscriptions related to Nūr al-Dīn. Al-‘Ālim implies a person who is knowledgeable, particularly in religious sciences. In the practice of Muslim scholarship, the title of al-‘Alim shall be given to a scholar specialized in the field of religious sciences. With regard to Nūr al-Dīn, he was renown of his deep interest in hadith studies. Ibn al-Athīr states that ‘he learned hadith and taught them to others in order to get the reward (from Allah)’.

The tradition of those who formally involved in hadith learning is to transmit hadith they narrated from their teachers to other people whether in the form of oral transmission or written narration. In the case of Nūr al-Dīn, it was evident that Nūr al-Dīn exercised both. Husayn Mu’nis (1959) asserts that Nūr al-Dīn ‘had an ardent zeal in learning prophetic hadith where he used to listen from a number of renown muhaddithin and they permitted him to narrate and transmit hadith to others…a number of scholars narrated from Nūr al-Dīn including Abū al-Faḍl Aḥmad, Abū al-Barakāt al-Ḥasan, Abū Manṣūr ‘Abd al-Raḥmān and Abū ‘Abd Allah Muḥammad ibn al-Ḥasan ibn Hibat Allah al-Shāfi‘ī’. (Husayn Mu’nis, p.371)

Furthermore, Ibn al-Nahhās (2002) mentions in his book ‘Mashāri‘ al-Ashwāq ilā Maṣāri‘ al-‘Ushshāq’ that Nūr al-Dīn narrated six hadith from his teachers regarding the virtues of jihād. It could be noted from the record of Ibn al-Nahhās that this particular book was a joint-work of Nūr al-Dīn and his teacher and close friend, Ibn ‘Asākir.

5.5 Nūr al-Dīn and Ibn ‘Asākir

Narratives show that Nūr al-Dīn was very keen in establishing institutional structure for the development of Islamic religious sciences and its distinguished scholars. Some eighty years after Nizām al-Mulk al-Tūsī appointed al-Ghazzālī as the leading professor at al-Madrasah al-Nizāmiyyah in Baghdad in 1091, Nūr al-Dīn appointed Ibn ‘Asākir to lead a new Sunnī institution for hadith studies


in Damascus. According to Al-Nu‘aymī (1990), Nūr al-Dīn was the first Muslim sovereign to built a dedicated institution for the study of hadith namely Dār al-Hadīth al-Nūriyyah, in which he appointed Ibn ‘Asākir as its first professor. This particular institution has produced a number of great Sunnī scholars in the eleventh and twelfth centuries respectively. It is noteworthy that, Ibn ‘Asākir started his teaching career in Damascus in 1138, thirteen years after completing his journey of seeking knowledge of religious sciences inside and outside Damascus. Being raised in a family of scholars, Ibn ‘Asākir then studied under the supervision of al-Ghazzālī’s disciple, Abū al-Ḥasan ‘Alī ibn al-Musallam al-Sulamī (d. 1138), who was a distinguished jurist and mufti of Damascus. In 1126, he went to Baghdad, when he was twenty-one and stayed there for five years under the guidance of many great scholars of Baghdad. It was Ibn ‘Asākir whom Nūr al-Dīn developed an intimate relationship as his teacher, especially in hadith studies. Ibn al-Athīr (2010) narrates that Nūr al-Dīn often attended Ibn ‘Asākir’s hadith lectures, in which the lesson resembled Prophet Muhammad’s circle of exhortation. Ibn ‘Asākir himself mentions that during the reign of Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn, he continued to deliver hadith lectures but the circumstances was different to that of the time of Nūr al-Dīn. He compares that during the time of Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn, the audience was not giving attention and recognition to the hadith lecture and its scholar. There were discussing worldly matters and raising their voice in the circle. Ibn ‘Asākir once decided to withdraw from teaching and advised Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn that the situation need to be changed if he wanted Ibn ‘Asākir to resume teaching. Consequently, Ṣalāḥ al-Din fixed the condition and Ibn ‘Asākir resumed his position.

It could be argued that the establishment of Dār al-Hadīth al-Nūriyyah in Damascus under Nūr al-Dīn’s patronage, the first of its kind in the Islamic world, was due to his active involvement in hadith scholarship. Regarding this, Yaacov Lev mentions that ‘Nūr al-Dīn is depicted as an educated person with an aptitude for learning, especially religious learning, who was actively involved in the world of scholarship. He was an avid buyer of books and, for example, was ready to pay high prices for his acquisitions of the canonical collections of Prophetic traditions’. (Yaacov Lev, 2004, p.218)

This particular attribute was mentioned widely by Muslim historians. For instance, Shaykh ‘Umar al-Irbilī describes Nūr al-Dīn as al-Malik al-‘Ālim al-‘Ādil (the Learned and Just King). In addition, Ibn al-Athīr describes the aptitude of Nūr al-Dīn in religious sciences especially that of Ḥanafī madhhab. He states that ‘and he (Nūr al-Dīn) mastered the Islamic jurisprudence according to the madhhab of Abū Ḥanīfah, yet fairness is his approach instead of fanaticism’. (Ibn al-Athīr, p.165)

It could be fairly argued that Nūr al-Dīn had established a new understanding of the relationship between rulers and religious scholars as well as Ṣūfī masters. The marriage between power and knowledge has somewhat opened up a new dimension of Muslim renewal of leadership and revival of Islamic sciences. The integration between the authority of the sovereigns and the wisdom of the scholars was partly successfully exercised in the course of medieval Sunni revival. The affirmative example demonstrated by the close relationship between Nūr al-Dīn and Ibn ‘Asākir was the case for reference. It seems that according to Nūr al-Dīn’s conviction, the Sunni revival in medieval should begin with strengthening the Muslim understanding of the principle of religion including the Quran and hadith. It is also considered an effective way to combat the spread of Shī‘ism and its teaching on intellectual level. Therefore, by utilizing the intellectual strength and scholarship in the form of Sunni religious institutions with the support of its contemporary scholars, Nūr al-Dīn succeeded in uniting the Syrian Muslim by bringing them to the very essential part of religious principle according to the law of Sunnism.

As one of the leading hadith scholar at the time, Ibn ‘Asākir composed his eighty-volume magnum opus namely Tarikh Madinat Dimashq (the History of the City of Damascus). With regard to the subject of jihād, Ibn ‘Asākir compiled a short hadith treatise, upon request from Nūr al-Dīn, titled al-Arba‘ūn Hadīthan fī al-Hathth ‘alā al-Jihād (The Forty Hadith for Inciting Jihād). According to


Suleiman Mourad and James Lindsay, Ibn ‘Asākir is believed to have been involved in a series of jihād preaching in his circles of exhortation by reading Ibn al-Mubarak’s Kitāb al-Jihād. (Suleiman Mourad & James Lindsey, p. 51-52) It seems that Ibn ‘Asākir played a significant role in the process of jihād revitalization in Damascus well before Nūr al-Dīn took over Damascus in 1154. After 1154, the Damascenes experienced a heightened spiritual rearmament and jihād re-intensification after Nūr al-Dīn and Ibn ‘Asākir combined their political, intellectual and spiritual efforts respectively in the course of Sunni revival in twelfth-century Syria. This agenda was successfully executed through the establishment of numerous religious and spiritual institutions that acted as the epicenter of tajdīd and jihād.

6. Religious and Spiritual Institutions in Syria and Iraq

It is noteworthy that the depiction of Nūr al-Dīn’s leadership in Muslim historical narratives is somehow associated with his spiritual and religious perceptions. For instance, in terms of his religious policies during his reign, Elisseeff argues that ‘all the religious politics of Nūr al-Dīn seem to have been inspired by Ibn Hubayrah.’ (Elisseeff, 1967, 3/750-1) Furthermore, Yasser Tabbaa affirms that Ibn Hubayrah ‘preached an ecumenical view toward the four Sunnī sects and even moderate Shī‘ism’ and he ‘stood for a united Sunnī Muslim state under the temporal and spiritual authority of the ‘Abbāsid Caliphate’. (Yasser Al-Tabbaa, 1982, p.179) In same string of argument, Tabbaa asserts that the religious policies of Nūr al-Dīn ‘show the sovereign’s even-handed policy with respect to the Sunnī sects (in this case Hanafis and Shāfī‘is), a policy designed to foster unity and eliminate unnecessary controversy’. (Yasser Al-Tabbaa, 1982, p.179)

Nūr al-Dīn was reported to have regular correspondence with Ibn Hubayrah and own a copy of Ibn Hubayrah’s treatise on hadith. Even though Ibn Hubayrah’s approach might have influenced Nūr al-Dīn in his state administration, the way Nūr al-Dīn executed the same policy was rather different from Ibn Hubayrah as shall be mentioned. It must be noted that Nūr al-Dīn started his political career as a local ruler and further developed to control regional states, which were included under his sovereignty obviously after the capture of Egypt. In the case of Nūr al-Dīn, his renewal of leadership within religious domain could be divided into two different contexts: internal approach and external approach. Being himself a Sunnī of Hanafī madhhab , Nūr al-Dīn opted for an ecumenical approach toward the other existing Sunnī madhhabs and employed a pragmatic yet stringent approach toward the Shī‘ite. This approach has attracted a group of senior Sunni religious scholars to migrate and stay in Damascus particularly after 1154 and eventually supported Nūr al-Dīn to promote religious awareness, revitalize the spirit of jihād and foster unity among the Syrian Muslims.

Nūr al-Dīn’s execution of this approach could be seen during the early stage of his reign in Aleppo. When he took control in Aleppo in 1146, there was only one madrasah of Shāfi‘ī madhhab namely al-Madrasah al-Zajjājiyyah. Two years later, he established the first madrasah under his patronage namely al-Madrasah al-Ḥallāwiyyah. Tabbaa argues that the building of al-Madrasah al-Hallāwiyyah ‘was also a strong blow against the Shī‘is...’ and ‘was a reminder to the Shī‘is of Aleppo that Sunnism was here to stay’. (Yasser Al-Tabbaa, 1982, p.182) Tabbaa mentions that during Nūr al-Dīn’s rule in Aleppo, he established four madrasas; one for the Hanafite and the other three for the Shāfī‘ite. These madrasas were established during the first ten years of his reigns. After 1155, Nūr al-Dīn concentrated his educational programme in Damascus. There were three other madrasas that were founded by his officials. Altogether, the number of madrasas in Aleppo increased from one to eight, which could be considered as a major development in strengthening the Sunni foothold in Aleppo through these educational institutions.


According to Ibn al-‘Adīm (1996), in 1148, shortly after assuming power in Aleppo, Nūr al-Dīn began to implement his Sunni educational agenda through the restoration of a number of Sunni madrasas, which were put under the leadership of a group of distinguished scholars from two different madhhabs. For instance, Nūr al-Dīn appointed the prominent Ḥanafite scholar Burhān al-Dīn al-Balkhī to be the head professor of al-Madrasah al-Ḥallāwiyyah for teaching the Ḥanafites way of Islamic jurisprudence. Moreover, he appointed al-Qāḍī Sharaf al-Dīn ibn Abī ‘Aṣrūn to lead al-Madrasah al-‘Aṣrūniyyah and Quṭb al-Dīn al-Naysābūrī to head al-Madrasah al-Nifariyyah, both for the Shāfī‘ites. He also patronized the establishment of the mosque of al-Ghadā’irī, which was put under the administration of Shaykh Shu‘ayb. It seems that during the early years of his rule in Aleppo, Nūr al-Dīn successfully founded and patronized Sunni institutions, which would serve as his future stronghold against the Shī‘ite influence in Aleppo, Mosul and Syria in general. Furthermore, his strategy was to involve senior influential scholars from different madhhabs to be at the forefront of these renewal initiatives.

Concerning the building of al-Jāmi‘ al-Nūrī in Aleppo and Damascus by Nūr al-Dīn, Yasser Tabbaa argues that ‘Nūr al-Dīn founded his mosque in Mosul at the peak of his powers, when his domain extended from Mosul to Cairo and from Diyarbakir to Damascus and when his spiritual aura nearly out-shined that of the Abbasid caliph himself.’ (Tabbaa, p. 352) It is noteworthy that Tabbaa further affirms that the establishment of al-Nūrī mosque in Mosul was a fascinating architectural innovation founded by Nūr al-Dīn in the course of upholding values and tenets of Sunni revival. He states that ‘the mosque Al-Nūrī in Mosul may be seen within the context of Nūr al-Dīn’s architectural patronage, which, through its extent, size, and innovation, exerted considerable influence on the architecture of the central Islamic world and created a precedent for later patrons with similar ambitions, including Baybars, Al-Nāṣir Muḥammad, and Tinkiz.’ (Tabbaa, p. 352)

As mentioned, Nūr al-Dīn’s strategic plan during the early years of his career was to establish a strong foundation for Sunni revival through the network of madrasas as well as other religious institutions including ribāṭ and khānqah for the Sūfis. Furthermore, these Sunni institutions were supported by the role of senior and influential Sunnī scholars from Damascus, Baghdad, Jerusalem, Aleppo, Mosul and surrounding areas. This approach has gradually developed the image of Nūr al-Dīn as a religiously motivated leader, associated with piety and asceticism, which obviously very different to his father and his contemporary Muslim counterparts. As a consequent, his tajdīd initiative and jihād enterprise embedded in his strategic plan received strong support from various groups of Muslims including the scholars, preachers, rulers and public people. Eventually, Nūr al-Dīn’s reputation with this particular attributes reached other Muslims inside and outside Syria and he was seen an exemplary Muslim leader, who was expected to lead the Syrian Muslims in the course of jihād and Sunnī revival.

7. Conclusion

The common attitude in Western scholarship is to associate the religious renewal, spiritual revival and jihād rearmament in twelfth and thirteenth-century Syria to the role and contribution of Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn (best known in the West as Saladin). However, narratives show a differing perspective. In fact, the foundation of the Sunni revival in Syria was established during the period of the first and second crusade respectively, and that was when Nūr al-Dīn ruled Syria and was about to embark on his expansionist mission into Egypt and Yemen. The renewal initiatives and jihād agenda that were advocated by Nūr al-Dīn and supported the elite group in Damascus, Aleppo, Mosul and later Cairo could be summed up in three significant points:


7.1. The strategic ‘marriage’ between knowledge and power

Nūr al-Dīn had introduced a new way of relationship between rulers and scholars. Instead of being exclusive, Nūr al-Dīn embraced inclusiveness in his policy and approach. Consequently, the marriage between knowledge and power had led the Syrian Muslims to advocate religious and political unity in place of dispute and division. It could be argued that this was the major contributing factor behind the success of Nūr al-Dīn in the course of his renewal and jihād agenda.

7.2. The institutionalization and empowerment of religious scholars and Ṣūfī masters

Apart from ecumenical approach toward different schools of jurisprudence that were prevailing in Syria, Nūr al-Dīn fostered the official institutionalization of religious scholars and Ṣūfī masters. This initiative was carried out through the establishment numerous madrasa and religious colleges, spiritual khānqah and military ribāṭ with specific endowment provided from the state. Consequently, this particular approach has attracted a number of scholars from outside Syria to emigrate to Damascus, Mosul and Aleppo. Those scholars and their disciples eventually contributed directly and indirectly to the process of Islamic renewal and jihād revitalization inside and outside Syria.

7.3. The patronization of religious institutions by the ruling power

As soon as he came to power in Aleppo, Nūr al-Dīn established a number of religious institutions namely madrasa, mosque, duwar al-hadith (houses for hadith learning) and duwar al-Quran (houses for Quranic learning) in which he acted as the patron of these institutions. After capturing Damascus in 1154, Nūr al-Dīn extended his patronization agenda by promoting social and economic renewal. He established Dār al-‘Adl (House of Justice) in Damascus and initiated a new waqf (endowment) system in the course of empowering the socio-economic status of the Muslims in Syria and its neighbouring states.

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