nt4 - self and social regulation in learning contexts an integrative
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Educational Psychologist
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Self and Social Regulation in Learning Contexts: An Integrative
Perspective
SIMONE VOLETa; MARJA VAURASb; PEKKA SALONENba School of Education, Murdoch University, Australia b Department of Teacher Education and Centrefor Learning Research, University of Turku, Finland
To cite this Article VOLET, SIMONE , VAURAS, MARJA and SALONEN, PEKKA(2009) 'Self- and Social Regulation inLearning Contexts: An Integrative Perspective', Educational Psychologist, 44: 4, 215 — 226
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EDUCATIONAL PSYCHOLOGIST, 44(4), 215–226, 2009
Copyright C Division 15, American Psychological Association
ISSN: 0046-1520 print / 1532-6985 online
DOI: 10.1080/00461520903213584
Self- and Social Regulation in LearningContexts: An Integrative Perspective
Simone Volet
School of Education
Murdoch University, Australia
Marja Vauras and Pekka Salonen
Department of Teacher Education and Centre for Learning Research
University of Turku, Finland
This article outlines the rationale for an integrative perspective of self- and social regulation
in learning contexts. The role of regulatory mechanisms in self- and social regulation models
is examined, leading to the view that in real time collaborative learning, individuals and social
entities should be conceptualized as self-regulating and coregulated systems at the same time.
Living systems theory provides support for the claim that although all forms of regulation have
an adaptive function, the distinct, regulatory processes occurring at different systemic levels
(e.g. individual, social) are concurrent and interdependent. Challenges for future research from
an integrative perspective are discussed.
In this article we argue that current concepts and models
of regulation, both individual (self-regulation) and social
(coregulation), need added conceptual and empirical scrutiny
to allow us to better understand learning in real-life, time-
framed collaborative activities among peers. Our claim is that
although the necessity to account for the inherently social na-
ture of learning and motivation is widely accepted in the so-
ciocultural, sociocognitive, and situative literature, it remains
unclear how self- and social regulatory mechanisms interre-
late and might cocontribute to explain individual and group
engagement in collaborative activities as these unfold in real
time. We outline our rationale for an integrative perspec-
tive and more holistic analyses of the dynamic psychological
and social nature of self- and coregulation, and examine the
critical question of reductionism in the pursuit of buildingmodels of regulation that have strong exploratory and pre-
dictive power. Our argument for an integrative perspective is
based on the view that different regulatory constructs share
a common adaptive function, yet each with a distinct applied
focus. This justifies the proposal for a concurrency princi-
ple that stresses the interdependent nature of all regulatory
mechanisms.
The article is divided into four sections. The first exam-
ines the role of regulatory mechanisms in self-regulation and
Correspondence should be addressed to Simone Volet, School of Educa-
tion, Murdoch University, South Street, Murdoch 6150, Australia. E-mail:
social regulation models. Accordingly, we take a systemic,
cross-level approach to review, in turn, the role of social
regulatory mechanisms in self-regulation models and recip-
rocally, the place of self-regulation in social regulation mod-
els. The second section reconsiders the notion of regulation
in learning contexts, pointing out the danger of reduction-
ism and presenting our case for an integrative perspective.
After referring to living systems theory, which treats self-
and coregulatory mechanisms as interdependent, fundamen-
tal adaptive mechanisms of any self-organizing system, we
discuss the common function and distinct foci of regulatory
constructs, concluding with an examination of the critical
role of agency. The third section briefly comments on the
conceptual value of an integrative perspective in regard to
regulation of motivation and emotion in learning. We con-clude by discussing some challenges for future research from
an integrative perspective.
THE ROLE OF REGULATORY MECHANISMSIN SELF-REGULATION AND SOCIAL
REGULATION MODELS
The significance of regulation (self-, other- and coregula-
tion) for effective cognitive performance, identified in the
developmental literature and stressed both in sociocognitive
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216 VOLET, VAURAS, SALONEN
psychology and sociocultural perspectives, has had a major
impact on recent research related to learning and instruction.
The seminal work of John Flavell and Ann Brown in the
1970s and 1980s (Brown, 1978; Flavell, 1976) on metacog-
nition and self-regulation stimulated a rethinking of the
components of effective learning and how it is best pro-moted through instruction. This led to an explosion of in-
tervention studies theoretically grounded in the Vygotskian
(1930/1978) notions of Zone of Proximal Development and
scaffolded guidance from other-regulation to self-regulation.
These interventions, which contributed to the development
of the individual-in-context perspective for understanding
learning in real-life situations within sociocognitive theory
(Pintrich, 2000), occurred concurrently with the emergence
of the situated and distributed cognition movements (Collins,
Brown, & Newman, 1989; Lave & Wenger, 1991; Salomon,
1993), as well as sociocultural and situative perspectives
on learning and development (Greeno, 1998; 2006; Hickey,
2003; McCaslin & Hickey, 2001; McCaslin, 2009; Nolen &
Ward, 2008; Rogoff, 2003).
Across perspectives, regulatory constructs have been used
to explain individual and social processes of adaptation, en-
gagement, participation, learning, and development. Self-
regulation focuses on the cognitive and metacognitive reg-
ulatory processes used by individuals to plan, enact, and
sustain their desired courses of action, whereas social reg-
ulation captures how individuals reciprocally regulate each
other’s cognitive and metacognitive processes and sometimes
engage in genuinely shared modes of cognitive and metacog-
nitive regulation. The power of regulatory constructs lie in
their capacity to highlight two often overlooked aspects of human adaptive behavior, dynamics (i.e., the continuous sit-
uational and developmental adjustments of an individual’s
behavior to environmental changes) and relationality (i.e.,
the functional relatedness of an individual’s behavior to the
behavior of others and to the characteristics of environmen-
tal objects; Fogel, 1993; Hinde & Stevenson-Hinde, 1987).
On the one hand, scholars interested in the development of
self-regulation have stressed the significance of individual’s
metacognitive and scaffolded experiences in naturalistic or
instructional learning environments, occasionally using the
term coregulation to represent the transitional process in the
development of self-regulation. On the other hand, schol-
ars interested in the importance of coregulatory mechanisms
have stressed the significance of the social systems that indi-
viduals are an integral part of, and which stretch beyond
teacher–learner interactions. This latter perspective, thus,
considers individual adaptation as the outcome of enabling
coregulatory processes.
Overall, while both perspectives recognize the other en-
tity, self or social, their relation to the “unstressed” en-
tity is not always adequately defined. According to Bailey
(2006, p. 293), cross-level analyses (in this case, analyses
that combine individual and social levels) are very impor-
tant but not often undertaken since “intimidating” and re-
quiring “intellectual courage.” In our view, the challenge
may be because of the difficulty of theoretically integrating
the self-regulatory mechanisms, assumed to explain indi-
vidual adaptation from the person’s subjective perspective,
with the coregulatory mechanisms, assumed to explain in-
dividual adaptation from a social system perspective. As aconsequence, the concurrent and interdependent nature of
self-regulatory and coregulatory processes has been over-
looked. We argue that this presents major limitations for un-
derstanding the complex regulatory processes operating in
real-time collaborative learning activities, such as inquiry-
based projects or problem-based learning.
To provide a basis to our argument for an integrative per-
spective, we take a systemic, cross-level approach to consider
the ways in which self-regulation models and social coreg-
ulation models have conceptualized the interdependency of
self- and coregulatory processes. This is done first through
reviewing the role of social regulatory mechanisms in self-
regulation models and second through examining the place
of self-regulation in social models of regulation. The pur-
pose of taking a systemic, cross-level approach is intended
to avoid dichotomizing the regulatory constructs and instead
highlighting the diverse ways in which they have been related
to each other in various bodies of literature.
The Role of Social Regulatory Mechanismsin Self-Regulation Models
Self-regulation models can be found in developmental psy-
chology, cognitive psychology, and research on learning and
instruction. The self-regulation models found in develop-mental psychology have been used to explain how young
children gradually develop autonomy and control of their ac-
tions (i.e., self-regulation) in interaction with others. From
a developmental perspective, the roots of self-regulation can
be found in the intentional actions of infants (Bandura, 1986;
Borkowski, 1996; Schunk & Zimmerman, 1997) as they in-
teract with significant others. This position contrasts some-
what with the Piagetian view (DeVries, 2000; Inhelder &
Piaget, 1958) of loosely age-related cognitive progressions
toward greater independence from immediate sensory stimuli
and concrete situational objects to abstract formal reasoning.
The significance of reciprocal interactions between individ-uals aiming at self- and social regulation provided by the
environment is common in developmental research, where,
if not coregulation then other-regulation is seen to play an
essential role in the growth of self-regulation capacities and
skills.
A significant body of research focusing on infant–
parent transactions has suggested that describing person–
environment relationships in infancy as more “other-
regulated” or “bound to immediate stimuli” does not
adequately reflect early development (cf., e.g., Beebe &
Lachmann, 1998). This research has revealed that the so-
cial is already present in the early stage of the development
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SELF- AND SOCIAL REGULATION 217
of self-regulation. At around 6 to 12 months of age, infants
begin to increasingly show participation in coregulation with
both caregivers and shared external objects (Bakeman &
Adamson, 1984; Fogel & Thelen, 1987). Through such social
mediation, the infant becomes distanced from the immedi-
acy of sensorystimuli, firstthrough dyadiccoordinations, and then through “triadic” coordinations, as the infant embeds his
or her object-focused attention into social contexts (Bakeman
& Adamson, 1984). Along with the growing understanding
of others as intentional agents like themselves, infants not
only begin to accommodate to other-regulations but also par-
ticipate and actively initiate cocoordinated actions related
to caregivers and to shared objects (Fogel & Thelen, 1987;
Tomasello & Haberl, 2003). In these self-regulation models,
therefore, elementary forms of other-, self-, and coregulatory
functions seem to work in concert even in such early coordi-
nations, and as such, developmental “causal primacy” cannot
be assigned to any of them (Fogel & Thelen, 1987).
In contrast, the self-regulation models that emerged
from cognitive psychology in the 1970s have tended—until
recently—to focus on individuals’ unique capacity to reg-
ulate their own endeavors. Since Flavell’s (1976) pioneer-
ing work, metacognition, that is, “cognition about cognition”
and “regulation of cognition,” has been recognized as a cru-
cial concept in understanding the human mind. In general,
metacognition has referred to the awareness that individ-
ual learners have about their general cognitive strengths and
weaknesses, and of the cognitive resources they apply to meet
the demands of particular tasks, as well as their knowledge
and skills about how to regulate engagement in tasks, to adapt
to situational demands, or to optimize learning processes and outcomes (cf., e.g., Winne & Perry, 2000).
Once applied to the field of learning and instruc-
tion, the concept of self-regulation has been transformed
into self-regulated learning (SRL; Boekaerts, Pintrich, &
Zeidner, 2000; Schunk & Zimmerman, 1997, 2008; Zimmer-
man, 2000), with a suggestion that SRL may be a special case
of self-regulation applied to academic endeavors (Dinsmore,
Alexander, & Loughlin, 2008). SRL refers to the skill or
executive aspect of metacognition, understood as individual
dynamic awareness, monitoring and regulation of cognitive
processes during engagement in academic tasks, that is, any
cognitive activities endorsed in learning environments (e.g.,
writing, reading comprehension, problem solving; Brown,
1987; Flavell, Miller, & Miller, 1993). Self-regulated learn-
ers are viewed as capable of generating internal feedback
from their cognitive processing (Butler & Winne, 1995) as
well as being adept at modifying their learning behaviors
in response to shifting situational demands or conditions
(Zimmerman, 1989), thus possessing agency of their own
actions. An important aspect of the self-regulation models
grounded in cognitive psychology is, therefore, the adjust-
ment of one’s ongoing action to perceived (current) or an-
ticipated (future) changes in the affordances and constraints
of the environment. This, according to Fogel (1992), may
involve counteracting inertia, the natural tendency to con-
tinue the existing direction and intensity of behavior. Rec-
ognizing that the environment creates affordances and con-
straints for individual self-regulation, however, explicitly
points to external coregulatory elements in the self-regulation
process. The significance of others in the development of self-regulation is explicit in the seminal work of both Piaget and
Vygotsky (Fox & Risconscente, 2008).
Research on SRL in the classroom has highlighted
these phenomena, with findings that young children’s ef-
forts to self-regulate during task performance is not merely
determined by personal processes but rather influenced
by environmental and behavioral variables in a reciprocal
way (Meyer & Turner, 2002; Patrick & Middleton, 2002;
Zimmerman, 2000). Over the years, many interventions
aimed at fostering the development of self-regulation have
therefore incorporated reciprocal regulatory processes in
their instructional design (Bearison, Dorval, & LeBlanc,
2001; Palincsar & Brown, 1984; Pressley, 1995). Most of
this research is theoretically grounded in the Vygotskyan
(1930/1978) view of a gradual shift from other- to self-
regulation of the mediational processes. Individual appropri-
ation of the regulatory control processes is viewed as taking
place through structured interactions with a more able other
(e.g., Palincsar & Brown, 1984) or through joint problem
solving with peers (e.g., Artzt & Armour-Thomas, 1997).
Hadwin, Wozney, and Pontin’s (2005) recent work labeled
the gradual shift in regulatory control from teacher regulation
to learner self-regulation as a temporary process of coregu-
lation, which was operationalized in their study as evidence
of teacher indirect and learner indirect regulation. Hadwinet al.’s approach can be treated as hybrid in nature because
it recognizes explicitly the contribution of social regulatory
processes in individual’s development of self-regulation.
Overall, the cognitive models of self-regulation have
tended to privilege the self as a rational, thinking agent with
goals and strategies at the expense of reciprocal regulatory
processes in social activities. Matusov (1998) criticized this
approach, however, arguing that such models are ethnocen-
tric because of their limited power “for analyzing develop-
ment in diverse socio-cultural practices where participants’
solo activities are not necessarily privileged and emphasized”
(p. 326). Others, like the developmental and the learning and
instruction models of self-regulation, have incorporated so-
cial regulatory elements as instrumental to the development
of self-regulation. Many of the criticisms expressed by so-
ciocultural theorists, like Valsiner (1991, 2002), Matusov
(1998), Wenger (1998), Rogoff (2003), and Hickey (2003),
have therefore been directed at models of self-regulation in
the strict cognitive tradition, which are perceived as overem-
phasizing individual agency and treating individuals and col-
lectivities as separate entities instead of mutually constituted.
In sum, and consistent with their grounding in devel-
opmental and cognitive psychology, self-regulation mod-
els have been conceptualized mainly with a focus on
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218 VOLET, VAURAS, SALONEN
individuals’ (conscious or unconscious) processes of adapta-
tion to personal and contextual aspects. None of these mod-
els, however, have totally ignored the cocontribution of social
regulatory processes in enabling the development of self-
regulation. Although the idea that self-regulation takes place
in social systems where self-regulating individuals inevitablyinfluence each other would not be contested, an integration
of self- and social regulatory processes as interdependent
and concurrent to understand real-life time-framed collab-
orative learning activities has not yet emerged within the
self-regulation literature. Furthermore, the idea that individ-
uals may be conceived as self-regulating systems like any
other living systems, but with added metacognitive capac-
ity, has not yet been put forward. The idea, based on living
systems theory (Miller, 1978), that individuals represent one
type of living systems among others is elaborated further as
part of our theoretical argument for an integrative perspective
of self and social regulation. We now turn to social regulation
models, which have taken as their focus social entities and
stressed coregulatory processes.
The Place of Self-Regulation in SocialRegulation Models
The identification of social regulation models is not easy
because the field is still emerging, messy, and in constant
flux. Most models tend to be underdeveloped with limited
empirical validation, which is reflected in the diverse ways
in which social regulation has been conceptualized. The pic-
ture is further complicated by various appropriations of the
term sociocultural in the literature (cf. Nolen & Ward, 2008),a perspective commonly claimed as theoretical grounding
for social regulation. In this section, we nevertheless attempt
to present several models of social regulation, as they have
emerged from three theoretical perspectives—sociocultural,
sociocognitive, and situative—remaining fully aware that re-
searchers’ interpretations of these perspectives do not al-
ways converge. Following Nolen and Ward, we distinguish
them by the ways in which each of them has construed the
relationship of individual and context, namely, individuals’
internalization process of social and cultural influences (so-
ciocultural), individuals’ cognitions and interpretations of
contexts that afford or constrain engagement and participa-tion (sociocognitive), or whole activity systems that allow
coconstruction and negotiation of meaning (situative). Com-
mon across most social regulation models is the focus on
social entities as the object of analysis, the key role given to
the notion of coregulation, and the limited articulation with
the concept of self-regulation. Consistent with the distinct
theoretical groundings, the conceptualization and use of the
term coregulation varies, which provided a useful focus for
our analysis of the various models of social regulation.
Within the sociocultural perspective represented by
Hickey and McCaslin (Hickey, 2003; McCaslin, 2004, 2009;
McCaslin & Hickey, 2001), coregulation refers to the overall
dynamic regulatory process by which the social environment
supports individuals’ internalization of social and cultural
influences. Within this perspective, coregulation is not di-
rected at the achievement of explicit individual or collective
goals (which would provide a direct link to self-regulation)
but aimed at productive coparticipation in a social activity,with impact on individual development in the broad sense
(e.g., identity development in McCaslin, 2009).
The place given to the individual within these socio-
cultural models of regulation varies, the emphasis being
on coregulated social activities that provide opportunities
and constraints for individuals to participate and develop
(which includes side references to the development of self-
regulation; e.g. McCaslin & Good, 1996). Hickey’s (2003)
most socially focused model of coregulation stresses the
“mutual constitution” (cf. Wenger, 1998) of individuals and
collectivities and pays little attention to individual psycho-
logical processes, and in particular the personal agency un-
derlying self-regulatory processes. According to McCaslin
(2009), however, it is through engagement in activities and
emergent interactions that individuals come to internalize or
alternatively resist social and cultural influences, and thus de-
velop as individuals. Her model gives personal dispositions
and readiness a mediating role in the process but the notion
of personal choice, a key feature of self-regulation, is also
played down. For McCaslin, opportunity supports personal
strivings or, alternatively, leads individuals to reconsider their
goals, struggle through conflict and eventually settle for an
outcome that accommodates the multiple coregulatory pres-
sures.
Furthermore, and in contrast to Hickey (2003), the ideathat participation ultimately leaves some “cognitive residue”
(Salomon, 1993, p. 133) for subsequent improved individ-
ual participation is given some recognition in McCaslin’s (in
press) model. Consistent with the sociocultural grounding,
however, this learning is not conceptualized as metacogni-
tive knowledge that could be accessed in abstraction for self-
regulatory purposes. Instead, it represents a form of knowing
which gets embedded in the individual’s personal dispositions
that may mediate subsequent opportunity. How learning envi-
ronments as social systems create opportunity and coregulate
participants is no doubt a powerful explanatory perspective
at the macro level of development. But the extent to which
sociocultural models of social regulation can contribute to
explaining development and learning at the more microlevel
remains to be established. This might depend on how mod-
els, such as McCaslin’s (2009), will be able to address and
integrate the dynamics of real-time regulatory processes that
take place in actual social learning activities. It may be at
that level that an explicit articulation with individual self-
regulatory processes becomes critical.
Other references to coregulation from a sociocultural per-
spective can be found in Hadwin et al.’s (2005) research.
Their hybrid approach was, however, reviewed in the previ-
ous section as a self-regulation model due to the authors’ own
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SELF- AND SOCIAL REGULATION 219
framing of their work within a “sociocultural perspective of
self-regulated learning” (p. 413). Hadwin et al.’s work repre-
sents an interesting example of overlapping perspectives, as it
considers self-regulation along a gradual process of appropri-
ation where social regulation (coregulation) plays a key role
while it maintains the ultimate focus on the self-regulatingindividual.
In contrast to sociocultural views, coregulation from a so-
ciocognitive perspective (Beebe & Lachmann, 1998; Iiskala,
Vauras, & Lehtinen, 2004; Järvelä & Järvenoja, in press;
Vauras, Iiskala, Kajamies, Kinnunen & Lehtinen, 2003) has
been used to understand how individuals interact with oth-
ers in a joint activity. From this perspective, coregulation
refers to the dynamic processes of coconstructed knowledge,
shared problem solving or other forms of collaborative learn-
ing. The emphasis on individual learning and development
as the outcome of participation in coregulated learning pro-
cesses highlights that this perspective has emerged out of the
cognitive, person-in-context perspective (Pintrich, 2000) and
repeated calls for a conceptual shift toward understanding
learning, motivation, and development within social activi-
ties and real time.
A number of empirical studies of coregulation from a so-
ciocognitive perspective have been carried out at microlevels
(e.g., Iiskala et al., 2004; Järvenoja & Järvelä, 2005; Salonen,
Vauras, & Efklides, 2005; Vauras et al., 2003) and mesolevels
(e.g., Nolen et al., 2009) levels of learning and development,
and with a focus on social activities that take place in real
time. These studies have shown how peers play a mediat-
ing role in the participation and learning of others, through
bidirectional, reciprocal, or mutual modes of coregulation.These concepts are used to distinguish between strength
of reciprocity, where “mutual” characterizes the strongest
degree of sharing and symmetry between participants. The
term shared regulation has also emerged from the analysis
of highly able peers’ consensual monitoring and regulating
joint cognitive processes in demanding joint problem-solving
situations (Iiskala et al., 2004; Vauras et al., 2003). This phe-
nomenon is considered the most profoundly social mode of
regulation, because it refers to individuals’ metacognitive
processes that operate as a genuine social entity, aimed at a
single direction, that is, the fully shared goal for the activity.
In this mode, regulation is not reducible to individual activity
but is explained by the activity of the social entity. This is re-
flective of Salomon andGloberson’s (1987) notion that a team
is a social system, a qualitatively different entity than a group
of individuals working side-by-side. The metacognitive na-
ture of such productive coregulation processes (in contrast
to the pragmatic nature of other coregulatory processes, cf.
Salonen et al., 2005) brings metacognitive coregulation of
learning close to the notion of effective self-regulated learn-
ing, but at the level of the social entity (cf. thus the notion of
coordinated self-regulations) ratherthan the individual entity.
Consistent with the cognitive theoretical underpinning,
participants in the aforementioned studies are implicitly con-
ceptualized as multiple self-regulating agents who coregulate
each other’s engagement and learning, and at times oper-
ate as a social entity or system that is not reducible to ag-
gregated individual metacognitions. Sociocognitive perspec-
tives of coregulation thus acknowledge the mediating role
of individuals’ metacognitive experiences and subsequentactions in time-framed coregulated activities, an aspect un-
derdeveloped in sociocultural perspectives of coregulation
(e.g., Hickey, 2003; McCaslin, 2004, 2009). But the extent to
which aggregate measures of group members’ self- or other-
regulated learning processes lead and contribute to effective
metacognitive coregulation of the group as a whole remains
speculative, as it has not yet been scrutinized analytically on
the basis of empirical evidence.
Finally, the concept of coregulation is also found in re-
search from a situative perspective. This perspective, artic-
ulated by Greeno (1998, 2006) and Nolen and colleagues
(e.g., Nolen & Ward, 2008) calls for whole activity systems
as the prime units of analysis on the ground that systems
need to be understood before claims can be made about the
individuals who constitute them (Greeno, 2006). Accord-
ing to Nolen and Ward (2008), studying “the joint activity
of individuals, materials, and anything else that is imbued
with meaning in a social and physical space” using multiple
methodologies (e.g., cognitive tools, ethnographic analyses)
has the potential to provide insight into the “on-going devel-
opment of individuals, classroom communities and schools”
as they engage in meaningful socially organized work
(p. 16). Although the term coregulation is not commonly
used in empirical work from a situative perspective (one
exception is Volet, Summers, & Thurman, 2009), the no-tion of social regulation is omnipresent through references
to “discourse practices co-constructed by the community’s
participants” (Nolen & Ward, 2008, p. 450) or ways of inter-
acting being “co-constructed by the individual and others in
the group” (Greeno, 2006, p. 88).
Like the sociocultural perspective, the situative perspec-
tive appears to pay limited attention to the development of
mental representations of knowledge and instead stresses
the processes of negotiation and coconstruction of mean-
ing that individuals cocontribute to developing in interaction
(Greeno, 1998). Similarly, the relation between coregulatory
and self-regulatory processes has not been elaborated upon
within the situative perspective.
In sum, and across sociocultural, sociocognitive, and situ-
ative perspectives, the notion of coregulation is conceptually
attractive, because it stresses the mutuality and sharing em-
bedded in social regulation within group and collaborative
learning settings. Coregulation highlights the significance
of affordances and constraints for individual participation
that are created in social learning environments, and where
individuals’ sociohistorical and current processes, artifacts
and other environmental aspects cocontribute to engagement
and participation. Yet, despite recognition of the mediating
role of individuals in the overall process of coregulation
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220 VOLET, VAURAS, SALONEN
(sociocultural perspective), of reciprocal and mutual pro-
cesses of regulation (sociocognitive perspective), and of in-
dividual regulation within the group (situative perspective),
there still appears to be limited integration of self- and so-
cial regulatory processes as interdependent and concurrent
within the social regulation literature.
REGULATION IN LEARNING CONTEXTSRECONSIDERED: THE CASE FOR AN
INTEGRATIVE PERSPECTIVE
Our understanding of how self-regulation and coregulation
cross-fertilize each other in real-life collaborative learning
situations to create adaptive learning and development is
still in its infancy. There is, however, growing conceptual
agreement in the literature from both sociocultural and so-
ciocognitive perspectives that both self and social forms
of regulation are needed to understand regulation in actual
learning activities. For example, sociocultural theorists, like
Wertsch (1994), Matusov (1998), and Valsiner (2001) have
argued that both solo and joint activities are inherently social.
McCaslin’s (2009) model of coregulation also acknowledges
the potentially mediating role of personal dispositions, in in-
teraction with social and cultural sources of influences, on
emerging identity and adaptive learning. From a sociocogni-
tive perspective, effective coregulation of learning is assumed
to be goal directed and aimed at participants’ coconstruction
of knowledge and cognitive growth for all partners. How-
ever, the role of the self and the social is given different
weight and lucidity depending on the perspective. Movingfrom the macrolevel and cultural and social angle, sociocul-
tural theorists have not yet elaborated the self in relation tothe
social . One exception is Martin’s (2007) compelling case that
selfhood had to be conceptualized as “social and intersubjec-
tive” in nature” but also displaying a “socially engendered
reactivity that displays an always present agentic quality”
(p. 87). Vice versa, moving from the individual, psychologi-
cal angle, sociocognitive theorists have not yet well concep-
tualized the social in relation to the self . We have argued
(Vauras, Salonen, & Kinnunen, 2008) that a group is a social
system, a qualitatively different entity from individuals work-
ing side by side (Hinde & Stevenson-Hinde, 1987; Salomon& Globerson, 1987), and therefore conceptualizations, which
avoid reducing the group’s motivational and interrelational
characteristics and functioning to its individuals’ character-
istics, are needed to understand group dynamics as a com-
plex situational interplay across different systemic levels.
The latest developments of sociocognitive and situative per-
spectives, where the focus is on interpersonal systems with
flexible shifting of agency (e.g., Vauras, Salonen, Lehtinen &
Kinnunen, 2009), cognitive-interactional synthesis (Greeno,
2006; Volet et al., 2009) or continual coconstruction and ne-
gotiation of meaning (Nolen & Ward, 2008), may lead in this
direction.
An integrative model, therefore, which could accommo-
date the unique capacity of individuals to reflect upon, feel
about, and act on their experience as they actually partici-
pate in coregulated social activities would have significant
potential to further advance our understanding of learning
and development. We argue that by treating both individualsand social entities as self-regulating and coregulated living
systems at the same time, one can avoid the danger of reduc-
tionism of regulatory functions to either the individual or the
social level of analysis. Conceptualizations of regulation that
ignore the interdependence of self and social levels of analy-
sis are faced with a number of neglected aspects. These can
be addressed through avoiding reductionism of regulatory
functions and adopting a concurrency principle.
Danger of Reductionism and Need
for a Concurrency Principle
One of the main grounds obscuring current conceptualiza-
tions of regulatory constructs has been the tendency toward
reducing the complex interplay of regulations at different
systemic levels to the impact of one single systemic level.
The danger of reductionism can be in two opposite direc-
tions: reduction to the individual or reduction to the social.
Reduction to the individual, on one hand, can be seen in most
cognitive self-regulation models that have been formulated
merely in individualistic terms, with little consideration of
the “vertical” infiltrations from higher systemic levels (i.e.,
interpersonal interactions, relationships, social structure, so-
ciocultural structure), a point made by Hinde and Stevenson-Hinde (1987). Reduction to the social, on the other hand, is
exemplified in some models grounded in a sociocultural per-
spective. Although conceptualizing participantsand theirdis-
positions through sociocultural participation structures and
social mediation, these models underestimate the simultane-
ous effects arising from the interactions and regulations dis-
played at other systemic levels (e.g., genetic, physiological,
intrapsychological, interpersonal; cf. Hinde & Stevenson-
Hinde, 1987, p. 17).
Systemic approaches, as exemplified by living systems
(Bailey, 2006; Miller, 1978; Weiss, 1969) and dynamic sys-
tems (Lewis, 2000) that are widely applying regulation con-cepts, avoid the danger of reductionism through considering
the unique contribution and relative independence of each
systemic level but also the interdependence of systemic lev-
els (Hinde & Stevenson-Hinde, 1987). The systemic view is
elaborated, for example, in infant research. Beebe and Lach-
mann (1998) discussed systems thinking in this research area
(Fogel, 1992; Sander, 1995; Tronick, 1989), and bring forth
the argument of self- and interactive regulation as concurrent
and reciprocal processes, which are viewed as simultaneous,
complementary, and optimally in dynamic balance. The self-
regulation process and the relational process therefore simul-
taneously affect the success of the other, with the possibility
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SELF- AND SOCIAL REGULATION 221
of imbalanceand lack of symmetry in participants’ respective
engagement in bidirectional coregulatory processes.
To date, the advantage of systemic theories and their im-
plications have not yet been taken up in educational research.
Most empirical work on regulatory processes in educational
contexts tends to focus on level-specific (“horizontal”) regu-lations and ignores the simultaneous, cross-level (“vertical”)
interactions that may contribute to the developmental and
contextual-processual (dis)continuities (Hinde & Bateson,
1984; Miller & Miller, 1995). In our view, the tendency to
reduce to either the individual or the social leads to level-
specific systemic conceptualizations that are characterized
by the neglect of the following four important aspects of
actual learning settings:
1. The real time multimodal and multilevel processes (e.g.,
the situational interplay of concurrent physiological, psy-
chological and interpersonal processes, i.e. concurrency
principle).
2. The context (e.g., situational cues triggering differential
appraisals and regulatory patterns in persons with differ-
ent response tendencies).
3. The developmental history and individual psychological
organization (e.g., differential cognitive-developmental
structures, cognitive-metacognitive skills, motivational
belief-systems).
4. The developmental history of interpersonal organization
(e.g., participant’s differential sociocognitive response
tendencies in different dyadic or group settings).
These points, we believe, contribute to making a strongcase for the adoption of an integrative perspective on self- and
social regulation that recognizes that distinct regulatory pro-
cesses occur concurrently at different systemic levels (e.g.,
individual, social) and that these levels are interdependent
and continually effecting each other.
Argument for an Integrative Perspective
In this section, we outline our argument for an integrative
and concurrent conceptualization of regulatory constructs to
explain adaptive learning in actual, time-framed collabora-tive learning contexts. First, we examine the interdependent
role of regulatory mechanisms in living systems more gen-
erally. We consider that this is necessary to provide broader
theoretical support for the need to integrate self- and coregu-
latory constructs. Second, we argue that in regard to learning
anddevelopment, both self- andcoregulation processes play a
commonadaptive function,each with a distinct applied focus,
which highlights their complementary explanatory capacity.
Third, we briefly discuss the relationship between self- and
coregulatory functions to understand learning and develop-
ment in real-life learning contexts and tease out the critical,
dynamic role of agency.
Interdependent role of regulatory mechanisms in living systems. Our theoretical case for an integrative
perspective of self- and coregulation constructs is supported
by living systems theory. Living systems are defined as self-
organizing systems that have the characteristics of life and
that experience interactions and exchange with their environ-ment to adapt and self-maintain (Bailey, 2006; Miller, 1978).
Living systems can be individual systems, but also biological
or social systems, thus representing a range of disciplines,
for example, genetics, biology, medicine, psychology, man-
agement, sociology, social policy, and political science, to
name just a few.
Although Miller’s (1978) living systems theory does not
explicitly use the terms self- and coregulation to describe how
living systems maintain themselves and adapt in interaction
with the environment, these terms are widely used across
disciplines dealing with living systems. Self-regulatory pro-
cesses are mentioned consistently as fundamental adaptive
mechanisms of living systems, regardless of whether the sys-
tem is a simple cell or organ like in biology or a large and
complex social organization like in social policy or political
science. Through interactions with their environment, self-
organizing systems are described as experiencing stress and
pressures that threaten their operations. In response, sponta-
neous regulatory mechanisms are activated to self-adjust and
maintain functioning.
In turn, coregulatory processes are used to describe the
pull–push mechanisms that force living systems to adapt as
they interact and reciprocally influence each other. Coreg-
ulatory processes refer to the distributed, uncoordinated,
and reciprocal influences of interacting systems that are lo-cated at similar or different hierarchical levels in relation
to each other. Although references to both self-regulatory
and coregulatory mechanisms are common across disciplines
to explain adaptation of living systems, we were unable to
locate any theoretical integration of these two regulatory con-
structs. Across disciplines, self-regulatory and coregulatory
processes tend to be called upon separately to explain a par-
ticular regulatory phenomenon, even though the overarching
function of both forms of regulation is adaptation.
This brief examination of regulatory mechanisms in living
systems more generally, provides a broader theoretical per-
spective for an integrative and concurrent conceptualizationof regulatory constructs. Most important, it puts a stronger
emphasis on the “regulatory” component of self-regulation,
at the expense of the “self,” which loses some of its individ-
ual emphasis once it is treated as any living system, aiming
at self-maintenance and adaptation.
Common function and distinct foci of regulatory con- structs. To further strengthen our case for an integrative
perspective of self- and coregulation processes, we argue
that in regard to learning and development, both regulatory
processes play an adaptive function but each with a dis-
tinct applied focus, which highlights their complementary
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222 VOLET, VAURAS, SALONEN
explanatory capacity. Our analysis of the concurrent psycho-
logical and social nature of self- and coregulation points to
the view that the essence of regulatory activity is a (indi-
vidual, group, or community) system’s adaptive adjustment .
Regardless of whether that system represents an individual
or a collectivity, adaptive adjustment includes corrective ma-neuvers, with the goal of maintaining or re-establishing the
dynamic system-environment fit. Taking as point of refer-
ence the person(s) in actual contexts of learning, the value
of theoretical constructs, such as self- and coregulation, is
based in part on their capacity to tap into the essential phe-
nomena, relationships and transactions displayed in actual
self-governed, guided and joint learning.
Derived from this general definition, a distinction is made
between self-, other- and coregulation, based on the different
foci of the regulatory activity. In the case of self-regulation,
the actor’s corrective perception-action loops are based on
internal reference values or norms and tend to change the
state or direction taken by the actor’s own self-system (i.e.,
self-focused metacognitive awareness – metacognitive con-
trol; see Fogel, 1992). In other-regulation, a participant’s
perceptions and corrective efforts are also based on inter-
nal reference values or norms, but focus on another partici-
pant’s activity (i.e., other-focused metacognitive awareness –
metacognitive control). In coregulation, conceptualized from
a sociocognitive perspective, several participants, relating to
a joint task and goal of an activity, use shared referencevalues
and norms to maintain a joint space of activity and mutually
correct deviations at the dyadic or group level (i.e., “we”-
focused metacognitive awareness – metacognitive control).
Although coregulation from a sociocultural perspective (Mc-Caslin, 2009) is taking a more macrolevel perspective, it also
stressed the coregulating influences of sociocultural struc-
tures, activities, and expectations on individual participation
and adaptive learning. Although all forms of regulation have
the common function of maintaining or restoring adaptive
learning, each form is directed at a distinct social learning
system (self, other, group) and therefore has its unique role
and characteristics. As argued in our section on the danger of
reductionism and need for a concurrency principle, research
that limits itself to “horizontal” or level-specific regulations
(i.e., individual or social level) would be neglecting the sig-
nificance of multimodal and multilevel processes, the impor-
tance of context, and the criticality of individual as well as
interpersonal developmental history.
Dynamic role of agency. Finally, our integrative per-spective also posits that self-, other-, and coregulatory pro-
cesses need to be considered concurrently, on the ground
that these regulatory processes can take place simultaneously,
may fluctuate during an activity, or can even be part of an
activity that explicitly induces shifts in regulation based on
agency. Although weagree that self-governed solo learning is
socially mediated in part through internalized reference val-
ues and norms, its perception-action loops are purely internal
to the self-system and represent self-regulatory activity. On
the other hand, however, there is no reason why naturally
occurring episodes of dyadic and polyadic learning (teacher-
/parent-guided learning, joint learning, collaborative small-
group learning) could not display different configurations of,
and fluctuations between, self-, other-, and coregulation. Weargue that, for example, participants’ changing relative level
of agency may relate to situationally triggered task- or non-
task-focused coping tendencies. This would affect fluctua-
tions between self-, other-, and coregulatory activities within
dyads and small-groups.
Summary of Our Case for an IntegrativePerspective
Our case for an integrative perspective is based on the pro-
posal to combine self-regulation as a fundamental concept
to understanding human adaptation (Labouvie-Vief, 1980;
Piaget, 1977) with coregulation as a fundamental concept
to understanding social instructional environments (Hickey,
2003). We have pointed out how, from a developmental per-
spective, other-, self-, and coregulation seem to work in con-
cert from very early in infancy, and that causal primacy can-
not be attributed to any of them (Fogel & Thelen, 1987).
This orchestration of simultaneous regulations at different
systemic levels is characteristic of any living organism. Al-
though current theories of regulation recognize both entities,
self and social, the other entity often remains insufficiently
addressed and analyzed either at the conceptual or empiricallevel. This has lead to an overlook of the concurrent and in-
terdependent nature of the self and the social in the regulatory
processes that take place in real-time collaborative learning
activities. We argue that an integrative model, which could
accommodate the unique capacity of individuals to reflect
upon, feel about, and act on their experiences, as they partic-
ipate in learning activities, which are also socially regulated
by all the participants, would significantly advance our un-
derstanding of development and learning as it takes place in
real time.
The core idea is that in all real-time learning activities,
from solo to collaborative, the opportunities and constraintscreated in social interactions have to be recognized alongside
the role of agency, andreductionism to eitherthe individual or
the social avoided. This has led to our conclusion that more
powerful explanatory and predictive models of regulation
in real-life learning activities could be developed through a
balance and integration of self- and coregulatory processes.
Before examining the challenges for future research on
regulation in learning contexts, we briefly touch on one im-
portant aspect related to the proposed integrative perspective,
namely, regulation of motivation and emotions in learning.
Regulation of motivation and emotions is briefly discussed
here, with a view to opening our perspective to the pragmatic,
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SELF- AND SOCIAL REGULATION 223
off-task types of regulation that are frequently observed in
interpersonal interactions during real-life learning.
THE INTEGRATIVE PERSPECTIVE IN
REGARD TO REGULATION OF MOTIVATIONAND EMOTIONS IN LEARNING
Conceptualizing regulation in learning contexts as interac-
tive and dynamic, and involving concurrent self and so-
cial processes naturally brings the construct and its empir-
ical validation into the field of motivation and emotions.
Task-processing regulation carried out as a collaborative
or group learning activity can be challenging because sev-
eral self-regulatory systems must cooperate to generate and
achieve shared learning objectives. The dynamic interplay
of multiple sociocultural worlds can create socioemotional
challenges that interfere with task-processing regulation.
Negative affectivity can emerge from conflicting personal
goals, significant discrepancies in understanding of the task,
dysfunctional relational control among participants, per-
ceived unfairness due to imbalance in participation, or in-
compatible interpersonal differences in styles of communi-
cation and external constraints. The pragmatic process of
regulation of emotions and motivation in collaborative and
group learning activities has received increased attention in
recent years. This research has built upon earlier work on
volitional control (Corno, 1989; for a review see Pintrich,
1999) and more recent attempts to examine the significance
of the regulation of motivation and emotions within a self-
regulation perspective (e.g., Boekaerts & Niemivirta, 2000;McCann & Garcia, 1999; Wolters, 1999).
Once applied to collaborative learning activities and so-
cially shared learning environments, conceptual and method-
ological challenges have emerged. By nature, the process of
regulation of emotions and motivation within a group cannot
be examined as dissociated from the actual social activity (as
in inventories of regulation process), as it forms an integral
part of the overall situated and dynamic regulation process.
Within an individualistic perspective focusing on the expe-
riential and psychological processes, the social context can
be perceived as the source of emotions and fluctuations in
individual motivated engagement. One person and the groupare expected to cope via self-regulation, and via attempts
to regulate or even scaffold other members’ motivation and
behaviors. In contrast, an integrated perspective of regula-
tion makes it possible to conceptualize the social context
from a process-oriented approach in which the social rep-
resents an (inter)active element that contributes to affording
or constraining members’ participation (Järvelä, Volet, &
Järvenoja, in press). From this perspective, both self- and
social regulation play a unique, concurrent role.
Consequently, regulation of emotions, like regulation of
cognitions, can be conceptualized and investigated as a sin-
gle process that also integrates self-, other- and coregula-
tion (Järvenoja & Järvelä, 2005; Järvenoja, Volet, & Järvelä,
2009). There is growing empirical evidence that in real-life,
collaborative and group learning activity, regulation of emo-
tions and motivation takes a pragmatic, instrumental role in
trying to sustain shared regulation of task-related processing
(Järvenoja & Järvelä, 2005; Salonen et al., 2005; Vauras etal., 2003; Volet & Mansfield, 2006).
The extended conceptual value of an integrative perspec-
tive on the regulation of motivation and emotion in learning
contexts may lead to an overarching, integrative and multi-
dimensional view of the regulation of learning. This would
be consistent with McCaslin’s (2004) general idea that reg-
ulation of affect and cognitive processes cannot be sepa-
rated. Bringing together all regulatory processes, including
metacognitive regulation and regulation of motivation and
emotions, as well as self- and social regulation, would pro-
vide a more comprehensive framework for understanding
adaptive learning in real-life, socially challenging learning
environments.
CONCLUSIONS AND DIRECTIONSFOR FUTURE RESEARCH
Our case for an integrative perspective of self- and social
regulation in learning contexts suggests a number of direc-
tions for future research. First, we briefly discuss two areas
that will require research attention but have not been elab-
orated in our argumentation, namely, the unique challenges
created by virtual learning environments for social regula-
tion and the significance of culture, conceptualized in multi- ple ways, on regulatory processes. Then we examine in turn
some of the most important challenges emerging from our
integrative proposal, in the context of research on learning
in real-life, time-framed collaborative activities, namely, the
interdependence and independence of regulations at differ-
ent systemic levels, the dynamic role of (multi)agency in
collaborative learning settings, and the phenomena and con-
ditions of shared regulation, from both the situational and
developmental aspects.
The challenges for regulatory activities generated in vir-
tual collaborative learning environments will need special re-
search attention. Virtual learning environments create uniquechallenges for individual and social regulation. These can
be triggered through the limited social and emotional cues
available or through insufficient human scaffolding, some-
times partly delegated to peers or technology. In any case,
collaboration between participants is expected, and it is not
well understood how learners actually regulate each other’s
contribution in the absence of visible emotional cues and a
limited sense of social presence. Furthermore, little is known
about the extent to which metacognitive regulation is facili-
tated, maintained, or alternatively inhibited in such contexts.
We also need to extend our understanding of the sig-
nificance of culture, conceptualized in multiple ways, on
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224 VOLET, VAURAS, SALONEN
regulatoryprocesses in adaptive learning. It would be particu-
larly useful to investigate the regulatory patterns of teachers
and students, as well as students and students, in cultural
contexts that give more or less importance to autonomy and
collaboration in particular activities. One would also expect
that metacognitive scaffolding and guiding processes might be conceptualized differently depending on beliefs about de-
velopment, and the respective role of teachers and learners.
Multicultural environments generate their own challenges
and this may lead to fruitful questions for research on adap-
tive learning and regulatory processes that relate to the di-
versity of student populations.
To deepen our understanding of processes of individual
and social regulation in real-life, time-framed collaborative
activities, one of the most urgent tasks will be to clarify
the unique contribution and relative independence of each
systemic level (individual, social) in relation to their simul-
taneous interdependence, and in particular, how to concep-
tualize top-down and bottom-up interactions and regulations
at each level. There is a need to pay attention to the fluc-
tuation patterns between forms of regulation that can be
observed in actual real-life learning patterns, with a view
to identifying adaptive pathways that could form the basis
of design experiments. This calls for a search for research
designs, methodologies, data sources, and methods of anal-
yses that would be best suited to examining the complex
relationships between social elements, such as relationships
and sociocultural structures, and individual elements, such as
physiological and intrapsychological processes. Illustrations
of empirical work combining different systemic levels can
be found in developmental research grounded in dynamicsystems theories (e.g., Fogel, 1992; Thelen & Smith, 2006).
For example, Fogel’s work on the coordination of perception
and action during the early formation of infant movement
stresses the coregulations across physiological, psychologi-
cal, and social levels, even with regard to these most elemen-
tary movements. Similarly Thelen and Smith’s research on
understanding learning to reach and grasp objects in infants
provides supportive evidence of the need to combine multiple
levels of the developing system in research designs and anal-
yses. How overall conceptual coherence can be maintained,
if the underlying theoretical assumptions at each level differ,
presents particular challenges in such research.
Another important and promising area for future research
will be to scrutinizefurther the dynamic role of agency,inpar-
ticular the dynamic and coregulatory role of multiple agents
in time-framed collaborative learning settings. Individuals
have a unique capacity to reflect on their experience as it
relates to their engagement in coregulated activities, but to
date, the actual nature of this reflection is not well under-
stood. How perceptions of self-efficacy and collective effi-
cacy interrelate in collaborative learning activities and lead
to specific patterns of regulation needs to be examined. These
issues are consistent with Martin’s (2007) call for consider-
ing more communal conceptualizations of self and agency in
self-regulation research, and educational psychology more
generally.
The phenomena and conditions of shared regulation will
also need further investigation. There is a dearth of empirical
research on how metacognitive and other forms of regulation
interface in constantly evolving socially challenging real-lifesituations. Such understanding is required to investigate how
adaptive learning could be enhanced through metacognitive
instruction that simultaneously addresses regulation of mo-
tivation and emotions. Rare instances of genuine forms of
shared regulation have been observed when individuals en-
gage, as a single mind, in mutual, productive coconstruction
of knowledge. What brings about such episodes of shared
regulation, how do these emerge, and what seems to inhibit
their occurrence are all unanswered questions. If situational,
instructional, or developmental patterns could be identified,
these might guide the design of activities that promote these
productive forms of learning. The emotional and motiva-
tional processes inevitably play a significant role, and these
will need to be included in research designs and analyses.
To conclude, we wish to stress the importance of empiri-
cally scrutinizing the fluctuation patterns between individual
and social forms of regulation, the dynamic role of multiple
agents in the coregulation of collaborative learning, and the
critical events at the microlevel of time-framed learning that
trigger particular cognitive, affective, and motivational pro-
cesses. This calls for multimethod research designs, which
provide a theoretically driven approach for a more coherent
study of the complex, situational, and culturally embedded
processes at both individual and social levels.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This research was supported by grants No. DP0666993
and No. DP0986867 from the Australian Research Council,
awarded to the first author, and grants No. 201782 and No.
114048 from the Council for Cultural and Social Science
Research, the Academy of Finland, awarded to the second
author.
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