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North Texas Star

November 2011

• Prose Poetry by Don Price

• the Peace March continues

• Satanta: Orator of the Plains



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This is Part 1 in a two-part series on the life of KiowaIndian Chief Satanta (White Bear) who played a signifi-ant role in the history of the settlement of frontier Texasuring the turbulent years of the 1860s and 1870s.

Satanta knew his days were numbered as he sat ina Texas prison cell. Through the prison bars hegazed northward toward his beloved hunting

grounds and home far away on the plains. Now in hissixties and with health declining, there was little left for

which to live. With the Indian wars on the southernplains over, prison officials at the Texas StatePenitentiary at Huntsville saw no reason to keep himincarcerated there. On Aug. 10, 1878, prison superinten-dant Thomas J. Goree described him in a letter to AgentP.B. Hill at Fort Sill as being “very feeble. If he remainshere he cannot live long. I will second my effort for hisrelease.” But when Satanta inquired with prison officialsif there was any chance he would ever be released, theanswer was emphatically “no.” His response was, “Icannot wither and die like a dog in chains.”

The events in Satanta’s life that brought him to this

pivotal moment in time flashed before him like ghostsdancing through the smoke of a prairie campfire on theLlano Estacado. It had come down to this and he couldnot and would not live the rest of his life confined in aTexas prison. The remnant bands of Kiowa were now liv-ing on reservations in Indian Territory where governmentefforts to transform them into self-sufficient ranchers andfarmers had failed miserably. Drought and the lack of appropriated annuity funds made these once proud peopledependant wards to the federal government. Satanta andhis people’s warrior society way of life, like the buffalo,had vanished in the dust and whirlwinds of the white

man’s vision of manifest destiny. He knew what he mustdo.It is believed that Satanta was born between 1815 and

1818 on the vast rolling plains region between the NorthPlatt River in western Nebraska and the Canadian Riverof the Texas Panhandle or Oklahoma. Although his moth-er may have been Mexican or Arapaho, Kiowa traditionholds that he was pure Kiowa. His father’s name wasRed Tipi. At birth he was given the name Gauton-bain(Big Ribs) by grandparents or relatives for his large size.

is permanent name was Set-t’ainte (corrupted byEnglish-speaking whites as Satanta) which translated in

English meant White Bear. Since Kiowa parents did notparticipate in the naming of their children, he likelyacquired this name from a dream or merit gained in war,hunting, or in council.

During his 20s, Satanta’s reputation as an outstandingand fearless warrior elevated his standing in the Kiowatribe to a sub-chief under its principal leader Dohasan.Participation in intertribal wars and fights between the

Kiowa, Cheyenne, Pawnee, Shawnee, Osage, Ute,Comanche, Apache and Arapaho Indians across the cen-tral plains of New Mexico, Texas, Oklahoma, Kansas andColorado dominated the life of Satanta for the next 20years. He also led raids into Texas and Mexico to stealhorses and take Mexican captives as more settlers movedinto the Kiowa’s traditional hunting grounds.

Satanta led a raiding party all they way to Durango,Mexico, during the 1850s to steal horses. As they wereescaping with a group of stolen horses, a Mexican vaque-

ro lassoed Satanta and pulled him from his horse, drag-ging him some distance. Though badly bruised andscratched, he was rescued by one of his fellow tribesmenwho cut the rope and took him to safety.

In 1853 the United States government sought to negoti-ate with the Kiowa to stop further depredations and raidsinto Texas and Mexico at a treaty conference in FortAtkinson, Kansas. Satanta, who was near 40 years oldand a noted warrior, participated in the conference, arriv-ing on a “handsome horse” with Spanish equipment andcarrying a cavalry saber. He was received by Maj. RobertHall Chilton, a career soldier who had graduated from

West Point 16 years earlier. Satanta spoke in Spanish andsign language through an interpreter explaining grievanc-es of his people against the whites who had overran thecountry, destroyed game and ignored the Indian’s rights.

When the conference was held, representatives of theKiowa, Comanche and Apache met with agent ThomasFitzpatrick and listened to his peace proposal. It stip-ulated that the Indians were to maintain peacewith the United States and Mexico, return allMexican captives and acknowledge the gov-ernment’s right to build roads and militaryposts within the territory. In return, the

Indians were to receive $18,000 worth of annuities for 10 years with a five-yearrenewal option. The proposal was flatlyrefused but the Indians did agree to stopfuture raids for livestock and captives.However, the Kiowa and Satanta hadno intention of returning Mexicancaptives or ending their raids intoMexico and Texas.

During this time Satanta’s staturein the tribe began to increase whenhis father passed his heraldic

lodge, painted red and deco-rated with red streamers, onto his son. In addition, agingmedicine man Black Horse, whorecognized Satanta’s potential as a greatwarrior and leader, presented him withone of six sacred sun shields he had madein the 1790s. It was to be hung in front

of the Taime image during a Sun Dance. It was said tohave been endowed with powerful medicine. Made of buffalo hide, the highly decorated two-sided shield repre-sented the dual purposes of fighting and ritual. Satantaalways took the shield into battle and considered it one ofhis most prized possessions. He was also known forblowing a bugle he had taken during a fight with federaltroops and used it to signal his fellow warriors or confusesoldiers.

There were many clashes between Satanta and his

Kiowa bands and the United States military officials inColorado and Kansas during the 1850s and early 1860s.With the outbreak of the Civil War, Texas frontier federalmilitary forts were abandoned as troops were sent east tofight, leaving only fledgling state ranger and frontier bat-talion units to protect settlers.

Please see page 4

SATANTA: Orator of the Plainsby Jim Dillard

N b 2011 NORTHTEXAS STAR STORYTELLER & RAMBLER P 4




rom page 3The floodgates were open for Indians to ravage the

egion with impunity, steal livestock, take captives andill the hated Texans. It was during this period that raidsnd depredations in Texas by Satanta and his Kiowa andomanche cohorts set back further settlement of the

egion. A new chapter in the history of Texas was beingritten with the blood and lives of those who would

ncounter Satanta and his Kiowa warriors up close and

ersonal.It is generally believed that Satanta participated in thelm Creek Raid in northwestern Young County on Oct.3, 1864. Comanche Chief Little Buffalo led between50 and 400 Kiowa and Comanche warriors on theloody surprise raid during which they killed five rang-rs, 11 settlers and took seven women and children cap-ive. Most of the captives were taken far to the northwesto the winter camps of the Kiowa and Comanche on theanadian River in the Texas Panhandle. Elizabeth Annitzpatrick, who was later recovered, described one of

he warriors as being named “Satine” who blew a bugle

uring the infamous raid.During November 1863, the Kiowa-Comanche campsere discovered by a force of New Mexico territorial

roops led by Christopher (Kit) Carson near the ruins of illiam Bent’s abandoned trading post located on theanadian River in present Hutchinson County. Carson,nder orders of Gen. James H. Carleton of the Newexico Military District, had been scouting for rogue

ands of Kiowa who were responsible for raiding wagonrains along the Santa Fe Trail. Carson was familiar withhe location of Bent’s trading post and saloon, havingorked there 20 years earlier. Intelligence indicated that

he Kiowa and Comanche winter camps were in thatrea.Carson’s force consisted of 14 officers and 321 enlisteden of the First Cavalry, New Mexico Volunteers, 75 Ute

nd Jicarilla Apache scouts, 27 wagons with provisions,n ambulance and two howitzer canons. The Indianamps were eventually located and routed, but Carsonnd his force were in full retreat when the fight was bro-en off. During the fight Satanta replied to Carson’sugler with his own bugle calls, thus confusing theroops. He also led several attacks against the soldiers.ther noted Kiowa warriors present included principal

iowa chief Dohasan and medicine man Satank. Were itot for setting backfires in the tall grass against thedvancing Indians and use of the howitzers, Carson andis men would very likely have been overrun and massa-red by the superior Indian force that outnumbered them0-to-one. Carson had two men killed and 21 wounded.t was estimated that 60 Indians were killed during theight. This engagement would later be referred to as theirst Battle of Adobe Walls.In an effort to calm the volatile clashes between theiowa, Comanche, Cheyenne, Apache, Arapaho andnited States military establishment, a treaty commission

as appointed to meet and promote a peaceful solutionith the Indians. The council would be held near theouth of the Little Arkansas River on the site of present-

ay Wichita, Kan. On Oct. 14, 1865, treaties were signedith the Cheyenne and Arapaho and three days later with

he Apache. Negotiations between Kiowa chiefs

Dohasan, Lone Wolf, Heap of Bears, Satanta, KickingBird and Stumbling Bear did notgo well as they disliked and mis-trusted Jesse H. Leavenworth,agent for the Kiowa andComanche.

Despite demands for access to alltheir traditional hunting lands fromWyoming to Texas, they finally

relented on Oct. 18 and agreed toaccept the establishment of anextensive reservation area for themsouth of the Arkansas River withan agency at Fort Zarah, Kan. Thereservation would extend south-ward into the panhandles of Texasand Oklahoma. The agreement wasflawed from the start since the fed-eral government could not establisha reservation in Texas without its approval, which it hadnot given. The reservation was never created and the

treaty lasted only two years.Kiowa Chief Dohasan’s health began to decline afterthe Treaty of the Little Arkansas and his leadership rolein the tribe diminished. He would die during the late win-ter of 1866. A heated rivalry between Kicking Bird, LoneWolf and Satanta for leadership over the Kiowa tribebegan in earnest. Kicking Bird realized the day for freeroaming of his people was at an end and used his influ-ence within the tribe to promote the white man’s road of peace and settlement. Lone Wolf and Satanta had differ-ent ideas and chose to revert to the old ways as they con-tended for control of the warring faction of the Kiowa.

With Dohasan now losing control of the different fac-tions within the Kiowa tribe, Satanta was unleashed andrenewed his raiding efforts into Texas. In August 1866 heled a raid deep into central Texas along the military roadbetween Fredericksburg and Fort Mason northwest of Austin. They attacked a wagon train near a river cross-ing, hoping to take it before soldiers in the area werealerted. The teamsters took cover below their wagons andfought off the attack with their Spenser rifles. They killedone of the Indians who was leading the raid; they namedhim Yellow Chief due to his yellow adornments. Severalother Indians were wounded. Satanta appeared to be

directing the fight from a distance and blew his bugle togive orders to the warriors. He dashed in to recover thebody of the Yellow Chief despite heavy fire from theteamsters, a feat that would boost his standing as leaderof the raid.

Having several of their raiding party and horses killed,Satanta began a retreat northward toward the Red River.Near the San Saba River they buried the Yellow Chief.Others who died along the way from their wounds werealso buried. One week later the raiding party reached theElm Fork of the Red River near Gainesville, Texas, inCooke County. There they encountered a wagon with

farmer James Box and his family returning from a visit toneighbors. They killed Box and his 10-year-old son andtook his wife and four other children captive, one of whom died or was killed before they reached their desti-nation. Several days later when the Kiowas went intocamp near Fort Larned, Kan., Satanta went to the post

and

demanded a ransom be paid for the release of his cap-tives. When agent Leavenworth refused to do so, Satantatook them on to Fort Dodge about 40 miles southwestwhere $2,000 was paid for their release by Major HenryDouglass.

Indian wars were raging during 1866 and 1867 inWyoming and Montana between the Sioux, Cheyenne

and the United States military as more roads, forts, rail-roads and settlers moved into lands once controlled bythose tribes. On the southern plains, the Comanche,Kiowa and Arapaho sought to avoid the conflicts and metwith Col. A.J. Smith, agents Wynkoop and Leavenworthand Maj. Gen. Winfield Scott Hancock near Fort Dodgeon April 23, 1867, to express their desire for peace.Satanta was the principal speaker on behalf of the Kiowaand related all their grievances concerning the continuingencroachment of the military and settlers onto theirancestral homelands. It was from such council meetingsand his long-winded speeches that Satanta acquired his

moniker as “Orator of the Plains.”Although Satanta met with government and military

officials on many occasions to talk and negotiate peaceand friendly relations with the Kiowa, he apparently hadno intentions of ever honoring his word or stopping hisraids. His primary interest was in receiving gifts andannuity goods being handed out at the council meetings,and he often complained if they were not of sufficientquality or quantity. At the conclusion of this councilmeeting, General Hancock presented Satanta with a coatof a major general in the United States Army with yellowsash and shoulder epaulets which Satanta would proudly

wear with distinction for many years. (To be continued)

Sources: “Satanta,” by Charles M. Robinson I; “Heap Many Indian Chiefs,” by Roy D. Holt; Handbook of TexasOnline and other Internet sources.

an

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November 2011 NORTH TEXAS STAR STORYTELLER & RAMBLER

Iasked friends on Facebook if anyone had a story about their ancestors or neededsome assistance researching, and if I could use the story for this column. Ireceived quite a few responses, and the one that intrigued me the most was one

rom my friend, David Bullock, one of our local Mineral Wells school board members.o, David, this is just for you and for your mom – and for my readers!The family name is Kimberlin. This is an English name. A Kimberlin was a native of imberley in Nottingham, England, although some sources say that Kimberlin is anmerican name in origin. I tend to believe the English etymology. It is interesting, if

ccurate, that there are very few people with that name. Worldnames.publicprofiler.orghows that most Kimberlins live in the United States, with England second, andermany third, that it is a Western European name, and that in the United States mostimberlins live in Oklahoma and Virginia, while some also live in Missouri, Kentucky

nd Kansas.Interestingly, it appears that David’s bunch of Kimberlins came from Baden-uerttemberg, Germany, sometime after 1723 and before 1786. So, I would guess,imberlin is also a German name!The story I am about to relate takes place in Missouri during the time of the Civilar, or as the Yankees call it, The Great Unpleasantness. Missouri was a border state

uring the Civil War. It supplied troops and equipment to both sides, had its star onoth flags, and had separate governments for each side. This made Missouri a veryloody state.By the end of the Civil War Missouri had supplied 110,000 troops for theorth and 40,000 for the South, and there were battles and skirmishes all over

he state. It was a terrible time for the state and its people, and for many of theamilies who not only fought side-by-side but also against the war in general.s my father said of World War II, “I felt like I was killing my cousins.” And

’m sure many Missourians were doing just that.The Kimberlin family we are studying came from Kentucky. But before that

hey came from Germany, through Virginia, to Kentucky; and then in 1862 theyoved to Jackson County, in western Missouri just southwest of where my fam-

ly was living in Braymer; but, as I have said many times before, “That’s anoth-r story.”In 1855, John Brown, well known for his antics against slave owners, arrived

n Kansas, and in 1858 he sent his Jayhawkers into Missouri. This began theorder War, and the Missourians began to fight back; and we shall soon seehat happened to the Kimberlins in their home close to the Kansas border.J.N. Kimberlin, then a teenager, recounted, “This band of outlaws invaded the

omes of the helpless, murdering the old men and burning their once happyomes.”But the “ sons of old Missouri” did not take this lying down. It wasn’t long

ntil they took up arms to fight back, and soon John Brown and his raiders wereack in Kansas with many fewer men than had started out. So, it was quite for

bout a year, but then John Brown recruited more men and the border war wasn again. This went on until the winter of 1860 when John Brown proceededast and captured Harper’s Ferry.Right before this, however, Charles Quantrill and an older brother started out

rom their home in Leavenworth, Kan., to seek their fortune in gold at Pike’seak. As they were camping one night, a band of Jayhawkers came upon them,illed the brother and wounded Charles. For this, Charles sought revenge.He joined a band of Jayhawkers led by Jim Lane and succeeded in killing

about 18 of them in a trap hatched between himself and a Missouri resident namedWalker. The group became suspicious of him, and Quantrill escaped to Missouri forgood, being extremely proud that he had avenged his brother’s murder.

Quantrill stayed in the Walker home for about a year, but the Jayhawkers or “RedLegs” kept coming from Kansas into Missouri and killing the old men, stripping thewomen and children of their clothing, and burning all the homesteads of anyone whowas on the side of the South.

J.N. Kimberlin stated, “My father and four brothers went out early in the defense of the South. I was too young at the time, but remained at home and did what I was ableto do for Quantrill. Father was severely wounded, which disabled him from active ser-vice, and he came back home to nurse his wounds. On reaching home he soon learnedthat his life was in great danger and took refuge in hiding with the hope that he wouldsoon be able to return to his command. The federal commander Colonel Pennock bysome means learned that Father was at home suffering from wounds and at once begana scheme to capture him.

“We had a neighbor named Massey who was a sympathizer with the Federal Army.He and Father had been for years close friends. Pennock, having gained this informa-tion, at once sought out Massey and had him go to my father and pretend great friend-ship for him and advise that if my father would come in and surrender and take the oath

Please see page 8

Chasing Our Tales: Kimberlin

Kimberin Home

by Sue Siebert

November 2011 • NORTHTEXAS STAR STORYTELLER & RAMBLER • Page 7



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From page 6 of allegiance he could then return home and remain under the protection of theUnited States flag. After considering the proposition made by Pennock through thelying, deceptive Massey, my father accepted the offer, and in company with Masseythey went direct to the Colonel’s quarters. Immediately on my father’s being intro-

duced. Pennock turned to one of hisguards and said, ‘Put this old devil in jail.’

“On the following morning, Father wassent under guard out home where he wasbrutally hanged in his own barn amid thecries and pleadings of my broken heartedmother and her helpless children. Thiswas September 2, 1862. The home wasthen stripped of its contents and burned tothe ground. The barn, having a great deal

of feed stuff stored therein, was notburned at that time; but some two weekslater, after hauling all the feed away, thebarn was burned.”

Later, as these murders went on, othermen of the area were taken to the placewhere the Kimberlin house had stood andkilled on those grounds. During all thesehappenings Quantrill was ever on themove avenging all these murders andburnings.

Kimberlin continues, “President

Jefferson Davis endorsed Quantrill’s actsand commissioned him as a colonel of hisregiment, and no honest man can truthful-ly say that Jefferson Davis was not honestand conscientious.

“I joined Quantrill’s army in the fall of 1862 and remained with him until the surrender, and I know that he was honest,brave, and true to every principle of justice, and that this statement will be verifiedby every member of his command.”

Richard Samuel Kimberlin, who was murdered by Colonel Pennock, was born inWashington, Ky, on Jan. 1, 1809, and died in Blue Springs, Jackson County, Mo., in1862. His son, Julian N. Kimberlin, born 1848, died 1932 in Altus, Jackson County,

Okla. He also lived in Wilbarger County, Texas.Now for some non-Kimberlin information I found interesting, an obituary from the

Breckenridge American, Thursday, Dec. 30, 1948:“Pioneer Woman of Palo Pinto Co. Dies HereMrs. Janie Adaline Polk, 86, pioneer resident of Palo Pinto, passed away

Wednesday night at the home of a daughter, Mrs. R.J. Sperry, 512 West Hullum. Shewas born February 2, 1862 in Missouri and came to Palo Pinto in an ox wagon in

1877, lived there until recently, when she came to Breckenridge to be with her sonDick Polk and Mrs. Sperry. Her husband, P.P. Polk, passed away in 1905. She was amember of the First Christian Church in Palo Pinto over 50 years. Mrs. Polk is sur-vived by children: three daughters, Mrs. Alta Couch of Sulphur, Oklahoma; MissAlva Polk of Palo Pinto and Mrs. Sperry of Breckenridge; sons, Emmett Polk of Carlsbad, N. M., Beauford Polk of Payson, Arizona; Dick Polk of 512 NorthBreckenridge Ave.; Vance Polk of Sulphur, Okla., W.E. Polk of Superior, Arizona,and Finis Polk of Mineral Wells. There are 16 grandchildren and 11 great-grandchil-dren, and two sisters, Mrs. Emma McQuarry of Fort Worth and Mrs. Naoma Wilsonof Butler, Missouri. Funeral plans will be announced from the Kiker Funeral Homedepending on arrival of children.”

Do you want to share a story, as David did, or do you want some information? Let

me know. [email protected] you next time!PSLast month I wrote about the Scott and McClure Ranches near Graford. I have

some information I would like to share, from Betty Scott, widow of the lateLawrence Oscar Scott. Lawrence and his sister, Helen, grew up on the Scott Ranch,which was located on Grassy Ridge Road just south of the Grassy Ridge Schoolsouthwest of Graford. Lawrence was the son of Albert Scott, who, in turn, was theson of Walter O. and Sarah McClure Scott. Thanks, Betty, for clearing some of thisinformation up for us!

Julian on right

Richard Jr.




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July, 1986.

Our number had grown again to about a

thousand. We were members of the Great

Peace March walking to Washington D.C.

to protest the use of nuclear missiles.We’d crossed Nebraska’s state line into Iowa and

our campground was near the bluffs where the IndianCouncil met in 1821– hence the name “CouncilBluffs.”

I set up my tent and in my mind’s eye I could seetepees lined up along the nearby stream, with chil-dren running about, dogs barking and women goingabout their daily chores while chiefs and chieftains of the Cherokee and Creek tribes “pow-wowed” withgovernment officials.

A tornado passed overhead that night. And littlecreatures crawled into my tent.

To keep moving, the March had to have money. If memory serves me correctly, it took over $3,000 perday to feed us and provide gas for the numerous sup-port vehicles. All of them were a bit aged, and con-stantly needed repairs and replacement parts. Therewere permits and fees to be paid. And as with all “cit-ies” there were miscellaneous expenses. Everyonehad to show just cause to get money from our Marchtreasury.

My tentmate bought an old school bus for $200,

had some T-shirts printed with the Peace March logo.Everything we did was on a volunteer basis. I volun-teered to help with selling merchandise. We’d set thebus up near the gate at each campground, and whenvisitors came they could buy a T-shirt or a pin, abook or some of the other souvenir items. We alsotook the bus to rallies, which were fund-raisers forus. Musicians had gotten together in Las Vegas andformed a band, so there would be music at the rallies.And there were speakers, both local peace activistsand marchers.

Another way to fund the March was door-to-doorcanvassing.

I volunteered to go back to Omaha to help withcanvassing. A peace activist offered us the use of herrent house, next door to her home. A delightfulwoman. I enjoyed visiting in her home, which was sofull of knickknacks you could barely walk through.

There were 12 of us marchers staying there to can-vass. Some put their sleeping bags on the floor. Someset up tents in the yard, as I did. Best of all, I was soglad to have a real bathroom to use; I didn’t mindsharing with 11 other marchers.

Keeping clean on the march was a problem. Wewere outside all the time except when we were in our

tents asleep. Once I was brave enough to go to a nud-ist camp to take a shower.

We were invited to use showers in various places -school gyms, city recreation facilities, swimmingpools, motels, spas. Once we used showers in a barn

where 4-H kids showed their animals. It was about 50degrees that day and there was only cold water, but Ishivered through a shower and shampoo and it wasgood to feel clean.

Once we washed in a small running stream near

camp.A few times, firemen came to camp and sprayed us

with their hoses. And a couple of times someonerigged a contraption to the water line going to thetooth brushing and shaving sinks. The sinks were aninvention of an innovative marcher.

Sometimes showers were few and far between, so Itook advantage of every opportunity. Once a youngcouple invited six marchers to come bathe.

I found five others and we went to their home,which was a tiny little house inherited from a grand-parent, barely big enough for them and their two

small children. There was a huge old-fashioned foot-ed bathtub upstairs and a shower in the basement. Ichose the tub and soaked off four days of grime.

To canvass in Omaha, we went in pairs into a sec-tion of the city, and went door-to-door down a streetacross from each other. For our protection we had tobe able to see each other as we canvassed. Therewasn’t instant communication in 1986.

We didn’t ask for money, though people knew wewanted funds. We passed out literature, explainedwhat we were doing, and answered questions.

At one house, a conservatively dressed business-man said, “I believe in our country using nuclearweapons, but I admire you for having the guts to dowhat you’re doing.” And he handed me $20.

Between canvassing forays, I walked downtownand visited their very nice museum. And at everyopportunity marchers visited laundromats, so I didmy laundry. And I visited a health food store, which Idid every time I could.

I enjoyed Omaha, but I was glad to get back to themarch five days later.

I found Iowa to be a delightful contrast toNebraska. It is a beautiful state with its gently rollinghills, and farmlands dotted with farmhouses and out-

buildings in picture postcard settings.The only drawback, in that part of farming country,

were the miles and miles of cornfields that reeked of fertilizers and insecticides.

One young man said his father, with strenuouseffort and against the pressure of the big companiesselling the chemical poisons, had gone organic. Hehad to have a bulldozer come in and take off the toplayer of poisoned soil, then rebuild underneath. Andhe waited for a couple of years before he could plantagain.

The Amana Colonies are in Iowa. I didn’t get to

spend any time sightseeing, but several years laterattended an herbal conference in a nearby town, andvisited the Colonies.

The Inspirationists had come to this country in the Please see page 12

P e

ac e

Ma r c

hby Wynelle Catin




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From page 101800s seeking religious freedom. They settled in sixcolonies or communes a mile or so apart. The colonies,with their original houses, barns and shops are now atourist attraction where you can travel back in time tovisit a blacksmith shop, an old-time general store, printshop with Linotype and printing press, quilt shop, furni-

ture and clock store where everything is handmade,broom and basket shop.My favorite was the Barn Museum where the barn

floor is the setting for a miniature village depicting ruraldays. Over 200 small buildings, constructed by one manover a period of years, are true copies of real buildings.And they are authentic to the most minute detail, suchas real glass windows, cedar shingles, wood siding.

The march didn’t linger going across Iowa becausewe were meeting a Russian delegation of peace activ-ists in Davenport. The group was coming down theMississippi on the Delta Queen riverboat.

Davenport is a beautiful city, laid out around thecollege campus where my tentmate went to school. Ienjoyed spending free time on the beautifully land-scaped grounds, and also went with her to visit someof her relatives in a nearby town.

My tentmate was an unusual person. She and herhusband were both very active but he stayed homeand she came on the march. He came to camp once,took her to an eye doctor where she had cataract sur-gery. Two days later, she was back and walking.

We had gotten to Davenport in time to meet theRussian delegation. There was a language barrier, but

there were a lot of smiles and friendly waves. And afew people got to hug.Leaving Iowa we walked across the river into

Moline, Ill., where John Deere tractors and farmequipment are manufactured.

Next big stop would be Chicago.




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This is Part 5 in a series of articles based on a daily diary kept by Zachariah

Ellis Coombes, school teacher at the Brazos Indian Reservation in Young County,

Texas, between Oct. 7, 1858, and April 27, 1859.

During mid-January 1859, Coombes’ teaching duties at the Brazos reserve

school were confounded by a steady stream of visitors, both Indian andwhite. Every day there were six to 10 visitors who proved to be a dis-

traction for the children. He reflected on the fact that had an interpreter been

assigned at the school, his teaching efforts would have been much easier and per-haps more productive. Regardless, he would make do with the resources at hand

and continue as best he could to provide a beginning education for these Indian

children on the wilds of the Texas frontier.

Cold weather continued as his stockpile of firewood for the school and at hishome slowly but surely diminished. As was commonly the case, there was no meat

for the school boys on January 20 because the Indians usually ran out of their sup-

ply at least one day before the scheduled day for distribution at the agency. Captain

Marlin and Chief Ti-nah, principal chief of all Caddo Indians in Texas, had dinnerat Coombes’ home where the general conversation of the evening centered around

buffalo and Comanches.

Chief Ti-nah (a.k.a. Teiner) had been appointed as chief of all Caddo Indians in

Texas on Sept. 26, 1852, at a meeting at the mouth of the Clear Fork of the Brazoswith special agent for Texas Indians G.W. Hill. Ti-nah was the successor to Caddo

Chief Had-da-bak who had signed the Bird’s Fort Treaty in 1843. Ti-nah now car-

ried the approval of his people to be their leader and professed a warm friendshipwith the whites. It was the opinion of Captain Marlin and Captain Ross that the

Comanches would likely come into the area before or by spring.

A cold norther blew all day on Friday Jan. 21, 1859, as 21 students attended

school. A spelling match between the “Tahwaccaro and Caddoes” was held withthe Caddoes winning the contest. This was the close of the second week of this

session of school as progress continued to be made with the children. In addition

to his school duties, Coombes continued to have a heavy work load with a full

house of guests to attend to at home. His friend Dillingham had apparently beenselling whiskey to all the Delaware Indians on the reserve who were drunk that

evening, resulting in several fights.

The cold norther that continued to blow the following day Coombes described as“verry cold, pinching and cutting cold.” His friend General Scott came by for a

visit and said he had found a good piece of land on the Clear Fork of the Brazos

and encouraged Coombes to take a share in it with him. Zachariah received word

from his brother L.G. (Green) Coombes that he had 13,000 pounds of flour on the

way and that he would also arrive at the reserve himself in a short time. MajorRobert S. Neighbors, agent for all Indians in Texas, arrived and according to

Coombes, he “brags and boasts as much as ever, but seems in an unusually good

humor. Can’t for the life of me see any necessity in the world of his presence atthis place.” A list of other guests that evening at the Coombes home included F.M.

Harris, P.F. Ross (son of Captain Ross,) Kit Carter, Mr. Sisk and William Wallace.

He was completely out of bread to feed the guests but did purchase a hog that eve-

ning.Peter F. Ross, the oldest son of Captain Shapley P. Ross, was born in Iowa July

27, 1836, and graduated from Vernon College in New York. He served as a ranger

captain on the Texas frontier during Sam Houston’s administration where he did

gallant service. During the Civil War he would command a company in Col. B.Warren Stone’s regiment and afterwards be promoted colonel in the Confederate

service. He apparently was on a visit to see his father at the Brazos reserve during

1859.Although the index to the published diary of Zachariah E. Coombes indicates

that the William Wallace who visited on the Brazos reserve during 1859 was none

other than the Texas historical figure “Big Foot” Wallace, it was likely another per-

son by that same name. In A.J. Sowell’s book “Life of ‘Big Foot’ Wallace,” hewrites that William “Big Foot” Wallace who lived in South Texas traveled to

Virginia in 1859 to visit his kinfolks. It is unlikely that at any time he was in north-

west Texas during that year and if so, his well known reputation would surely have

been alluded to in the Coombes diary.Being out of flour with which to make bread, Coombes borrowed a horse from

Jo Harry and went across the Brazos to the camp of General Scott which was

located on the Clear Fork of the Brazos. There he had dinner and was able to

obtain a small supply of flour. After seeing where Scott had set up his camp, hewas impressed with beauty of the area and expressed an interest in possibly buying

Please see page 16

ZACHARIAH E. COOMBES:Frontier Teacher on the Brazos Indian Reservation

by Jim Dillard




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From page 14



...a grand council was held with theIndians on the Brazos reserve at

which Major Neighbors assured themthat he had taken the proper course

of action to have the murderers

brought to justice.

From page 14

some land there if the price was not set too high by the company that owned it. At the

request of Major Neighbors, he traveled to Chesley Dobbs’ place who accompanied himback home where they arrived at 8 p.m. that evening “much tired by the ride.”

Coombes was always uncertain how many students might show up from day-to-day at

the reserve school. A number of new scholars were in attendance at the school on Jan. 24

and some of the old ones, as well. After dinner he took a short walk to look for his cows.Aquaqash (a.k.a. Acaquash), chief of the Waco Indian tribe on the reserve, informed him

that they were likely in the pens, but that was not the case and Coombes walked over

three miles looking for them.Acaquash had always been friendly to the white man and at one time had lived in his

village on the Brazos River at the location of present-day Waco, Texas. Later he moved

his band to a bend of the Brazos River in Young County that now bears the name Waco

Bend before moving onto the Brazos reserve. He had signed the treaty of 1843 at Bird’s

Fort on the Trinity near present-day Fort Worth and the treaty at Tehuacana Creek in1844. In 1846 he was one of the Indian delegates selected to visit Washington, D.C., and

see the president of the United States. Acaquash was known for his long talks and ora-

tions when given the opportunity.

All the Indians on the reserve had become united in their disgust and outrage for themassacre of seven members of Choctaw Tom’s hunting camp in Palo Pinto County in

December of the previous year. United States Army doctors Lingle and Jordan arrived toexamine and certify the condition of the Indians that were wounded during that raid. Oneof the wounded women was given a 50-50 chance of recovery from her wounds. Mr.

Dyche and Gallaher were to depart the next day to start for the lower country and

attempt to arrest a Mr. Fonderburg, who was thought to be one of the men responsible

for leading the raid on the Indian camp.Thirty-one students attended school on Jan. 25 as Coombes continued to make prog-

ress with their education. Although Major Neighbors was supposed to visit at the school

that day, he failed to show up. It was rumored that there was “pretty good circumstantial

evidence he done something towards civilizing a certain Lipan squaw today.” ColonelLeeper, his son and their servant arrived from the Comanche agency and William

Wallace paid a visit to the school during the evening. As had happened on numerousoccasions, Mr. Barnard, Captain Ross, Captain Leeper and Major Neighbors arrived late

for meal time, requiring “that a separate and special meal has to be prepared for theirhonors to feast upon.” They held a special private confab in the west room of Coombes

house that night.

On the following day a grand council was held with the Indians on the Brazos reserve

at which Major Neighbors assured them that he had taken the proper course of action tohave the murderers brought to justice. He asked that they go back to their homes and

begin tilling the soil for crops to be planted in the spring and added they would not be

further molested by the local white citizenry. Later that day an express arrived from

Captain Ford’s Camp indicating that Ford would not make any arrests on the matter even

though he had been ordered to do so by Judge N.W. Battle. He contended that makingsuch arrests was outside his legal jurisdiction and would only serve the purpose of

inflaming tensions on the Texas frontier between reservation Indians and the white citi-

zenry.On Jan. 28, 1858, the Texas Legislature passed a bill authorizing Governor Runnels to

put an additional force of 100 citizen rangers in the field. Renowned Mexican War veter-

an and Indian fighter Col. John S. (RIP) Ford was selected to command all Texas forces

in the field for the purpose of protecting settlers from hostile Indians. A camp was to beestablished at the mouth of Hubbard Creek in present Stephens County which was situat-

ed approximately 20 miles from both the Comanche and Brazos reservations. From this

location the force could scout the area for any hostile Indians that might be raiding

against the reservations or depredations being committed by settlers in the area againstthe reservation Indians.

The camp was actually established on the Clear Fork of the Brazos just to the north of

the suggested site and named Camp Runnels. From that camp several engagements withhostile Indian bands were conducted during 1858 and 1859.

Please see page 17

November 2011 • NORTH TEXAS STAR STORYTELLER & RAMBLER • Page 17 rom page 16 County. He organized the Goshen Methodist Church in 1854 near present-day



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Mr. Snow, Marion Loyd and Zachariah’s brother L.G. arrived on Jan. 27th from

allas with one wagon of flour and some lard. Four additional wagonloads of flourrrived on Jan. 31st. Zachariah and his brother caught up on news from the old neigh-

orhood and talked well into the night. L.G. stayed a

ew days before making the return trip to Dallas.he next day Barnard, Harris, Mangum and Major

eighbors returned from a trip to Fort Belknap and

fter consuming their fair share of whiskey, were in

ood spirits. Over the weekend Coombes spent timeetting his flour accounts settled with Mr. Barnard at

he sutler’s store and making a copy for Major

eighbor’s of his report on the current Indian diffi-

ulties.On the last day of January 1858, Major Ross, F.M.

arris, George M.T. Harris and several Indians left

or Waco to attend a court proceeding concerning the

ecent attack on reservation Indians while on a hunt-ng trip in Palo Pinto County. Coombes expressed

is concern that the group might never return and be

urdered during their trip because of all the ragend hatred that was sweeping through the frontiergainst the Indians on the reserves. Parson C. Vernoy

(or Vannoy) was a guest at supper and announced

hat he and Parson Tackett (Tackitt) would be here

he following Sunday.Robert Pleasant Tackitt (1803-1886,) a Methodists

inister, was born in Henry County, Ky., in 1803. He had entered the mission field

mong the Cherokee Indians during the early days of the new state of Arkansas. From

here he moved to Texas and served in Collin County, Parker County and later in Young

y g p y

Springtown, Texas, and is buried there in the Goshen Cemetery.

Penateka or Southern Comanche Chief Kitemeasah (a.k.a. Katemcy or Ketemoczy)from the Comanche reserve on the Clear Fork of the Brazos took supper at the

Coombes home on Feb. 1 along with Captain Marlin.

Katemcy was the only Comanche chief to move hisband of Indians onto the Comanche reserve that was

established for them along the Clear Fork of the

Brazos in present Throckmorton County in 1854. He

had welcomed German colonists John O. Muesebachinto his camp on the San Saba River in 1847 and per-

suaded other Comanche chiefs to sign a treaty of

friendship with him and other German settlers who

were moving into the Texas Hill Country aroundFredericksburg. He had also met Lt. Robert E. Lee

while he was stationed at Camp Cooper on the Clear

Fork during 1856. Katemcy would lead has band of

Comanches into Indian Territory after the reservationswere disbanded. (to be continued)

Sources: “The Diary Of A Frontiersman,” by Z.E.Coombes; “Heap Many Indian Chiefs,” by Roy Holt,

“Empire of the Summer Moon,” by S. C. Gwynne; The

Handbook of Texas Online, “Lambshead Before

Interwoven: A Texas Range Chronicle 1848-1878,” by

Frances M. Holden, “Rip Ford’s Texas,” by John

Salmon Ford; “Frontier Defense in the Civil War,” by

David P. Smith; “Life of ‘Big Foot’ Wallace,” by A. J. Sowell; and many other Internet

websites. A special thanks to Ted and Nancy Paup for providing a copy of Zachariah E.

Coombes’ published diary. Coombes was Nancy Paup’s great-great grandfather.




Prose Poetryby Don Price

This vignette appeared in the Mineral Wells Indexin the late 1980s. It has been paraphrased.

The hinterland is all round us; some of ushave never seen this, never discovered thesweet water of serenity’s deep well. You’ve

just got to pause long enough to see it, to whiff thewild rose, as it is our bastion, our citadel, ourstrength.

On a dewy morning the early sun’s rays will surelydapple the sandstone fence, filtered through post oak leaves. Then let us observe the rock masonry laid byskilled hands over a century ago, a sandrock fencewith character, a freestanding wall without the aid of mortar.

Yesterday, the rock fence was standing proud, run-ning alongside a Palo Pinto County road a mile fromthe river; a remnant the fence surely was of earlycountrymen, survivors with a purpose.

Today, looking closer, we see tumbled sandstone,shoved askew perhaps by youths, a few persons with-

out discipline, nothing else to do, good old boysseeking thrills, bragging to peer pressure, a test of strength.

There is no sound but that of a cardinal, a voice sosweet, but drowned out by someone driving by with aloud boom box, a real twit? How sad for the rock fence, how sad for us.

It’s fall now, with pockets appearing soon enoughalong the river, a zenith of Indian paints, the cotton-woods and pecans beginning to make us aware of pockets of gold, every leaf a treasure for a thirstysoul.

But you must hurry to quaff it all because the of next norther’s gusto; hurry up not to miss a sun-mot-tled glade in early morn’, not a whisper heard but thecough of a skittish doe.

Little sentinels of shinnery pincushion the knoll,protected by cacti bristling red fruit; and it’s all herein the Palo Pinto, but most never stop to see it, hav-ing been caught up in cell phones’ disruptions andsecular frustrations, worry and attention spans of sixseconds.

For those of us who avoid the fast lane and try notto take it all for granted, we got up this morning andwere able to tie our shoes; we try not to take it forgranted we can see, that we can walk, that we canhear the sweet voice of a cardinal; and we try not totake it for granted we have minds that still work.

Falling on one’s knees could make one humbler, if

you are searching, something spiritual for a famishedsoul, something that satisfies more than Coke orWinston.

No flashbulbs are to be found here, no one to takeyour picture in the live oaks, feeding one’s own vani-ty; there is no hard rock concert, no sound but thesweet voice of a cardinal; you don’t really crave awristwatch, for an hour is not of the essence. Justpeace, time for contemplation. Take a deep breath,

search life’s meaningful direction, as the book of lifeis free under the ancient live oak tree.

A serendipity is the tiny lake, a mirror of tranquili-ty, its surface broken by a feeding bluegill; the pond’sdotted with stumps, ringed with junipers, a pleasantsurprise reeling one back to reality.

Thoughts of trivia are none. You’ll have to pinchyourself to realize this is not a dream. We can’tbelieve it’s Walden Pond. Is that you standing underthe sparse shade of a willow, Henry David Thoreau?

Yes but there is one more place, a picturesque placefor all, a place for one to bask in the quietude of an

old-growth forest and sunshine; it’s our own LakeMineral Wells State Park, only 3 miles from town.

Caught up in sheer happiness, I don’t just drive tothe park; many times I walk to the park, a place of glory, to view the ancient old-growth forest on theslopes. Washington Irving thought so too in 1832,naming our Western Cross Timbers “The Cast IronForest.”

Have you been to Penitentiary Hollow, an unusualescarpment on the east side of the park’s 646-acrelake? You’ll find it a labyrinth of joy. Have youwalked the Cross Timbers Trail in early sun, a 9-mile

loop hugging Rock Creek’s Valley in the park’s3,000-plus-acre north portion? You’ll wind throughcacti, catclaw, and tasajillo in undulating, almost pris-tine, terrain in Rock Creek’s bottomland, surroundedby steep hills of post oak and black jack, mostly.What a priceless escape!

Water trails wend a sylvan landscape for thosecampers who wish to stroll; flora along the primitivetrail, in the spring and in the fall, is worth a camera’sfocus.

Loud talking sort of ruins the ambiance of a quietplace, breaking the golden sheet of serenity, and let’stry to remember that. Please try not to litter; let thefellow behind you know you care. He’ll appreciate it.Thank you.

Just stop to think: NOW it’s our very own LakeMineral Wells State Park & Trailway. Don’t forget

our 100-year-old abandoned railroad corridor – theW.M.W. & N.W. R.R. – no less than 57 curves, veryscenic, and 17 wooden bridges (all but two).

Can’t you just hear the coal-burning iron horsea-coming round the bend pulling 35 cars loaded withcoal (a day’s output) from the Rock Creek Coal Minenear the present-day headquarters of The Bunker HillRanch?

To get there from the east side of the park, you can

test your mettle down the mountain via a switchback.Talk about an escape!

Wouldn’t it be wonderful if we would spend just 10minutes of our hurried lives watching one simplesunrise in the serene park? It could make us humble,perhaps for a few precious moments anyway.

Claude Monet’s art will be peppered here-and-there; the sumac will be blazing along West Texasroads; we must look before it’s gone.

You know, we must look before we’re gone too.Fall began, Sept. 23rd this year, meaning nuances

of coloration in October and November for this Palo

Pinto region, some of it along serpentine FM 4 andthe Comanche’s highway of life, the Brazos. Let usbask in the colors.

Park Manager Jody Lee and his able staff, includ-ing impresario David Owens, are here to assist you.Come on, let’s check it out. Just like the good minis-ter, we can’t keep from proselytizing the joy of ourheritage.




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OUR FAMILY OUR F AMILY KNOWSKNOWS

YOUR FAMILY’S Y OUR F AMILY ’S NEEDS.NEEDS.

WE WE WILLWILL HELP YOUHELP Y OU FEEL BETTER.FEEL BETTER.

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