Notes

Introduction

1. Santos Febres argues that “salsa can be considered a ‘translocal’phenomenon rather than a multinational one. It cuts across nationalboundaries to create a community of urban locations linked by trans-portation, communication technologies, and the international marketeconomy.” See “Salsa as Translocation,” 180. Rondón makes a similarpoint in El libro de la salsa linking different locations for salsa in theCaribbean and Latin America through the experience of the barrio.

2. See Rondón, El libro de la salsa, 233, Pérez Brittmarie, “PoliticalFacets,” 157, and Aparicio, Listening to Salsa. For details on salsamovement and dance, specifically, see Gerard, Salsa! and Renta, “SalsaDance.”

3. Rondón, El libro de la salsa, 33. The word “salsa” also appears in thetitle of Joe Cuba’s 1962 song “Salsa y Bembé,” Charlie Palmieri’s1963 album title Salsa Na’ Ma’ and Ray Barreto’s 1966 “Salsa yDulzura.” In all these cases, the word “salsa” appears to referencethe flavor or swing of the music rather than the type of music itself.

4. As Rondón explains, “the product needed to sell, and one of the firstrules of marketing is to deploy a concise and effective term with whichthe product can be identified.” El libro de la salsa, 23–24.

5. Acosta, “Perspectives,” 10. The term was also perceived in Cuba as an“imperialist plot, designed to further marginalize and disenfranchiseCuba artists under socialism.” See Moore, “Salsa and Socialism,” 62.Palmieri is quoted in Sublette, “Bugalu on Broadway.”

6. Quintero-Rivera and Márquez, “Migration and Worldview,” 85–86.For more on musicians and Latin@ communities in New York, seeGlasser, Music Is My Flag.

7. Washburne, Sounding Salsa, 14.8. For more on how salsa differs from Cuban music, see Quintero-Rivera

and Álvarez, “Libre combinación,” Berríos-Miranda, “Is Salsa a Musi-cal Genre?” Aparicio, Listening to Salsa, and Rondón, El libro de lasalsa, among others.

9. I use the term Latin@ in place of Latina/o so as to denote non-hierarchical gender inclusion.

10. Aparicio, Listening to Salsa, 79.11. Quoted in Sublette, “Bugalu on Broadway.”

132 Notes

12. Washburne, Sounding Salsa, 18.13. For a fuller discussion on how salsa differs from earlier Cuban music,

see Quintero-Rivera and Álvarez, “Libre combinación.”14. It should be noted that Sonora Matancera, although usually asso-

ciated with purely Cuban music, often included lead vocalists fromother parts of the Caribbean and Latin America which Fernándezcredits as facilitating the band’s role in disseminating Cubanrhythms throughout the region. See From Afro-Cuban Rhythms,148–150.

15. See Padilla, “Salsa Music,” Pérez Brittmarie, “Political Facets,” andPadura Fuentes, “Salsa y conciencia,” for more on this point.

16. Sublette, “Bugalu on Broadway.”17. Pérez Brittmarie, “Political Facets of Salsa,” 150.18. Quintero-Rivera and Márquez, “Migration and Worldview,” 217.19. Ibid.20. Rondón, El libro de la salsa, 90.21. Fernández convincingly argues that if we credit market forces and

commercial interests for driving the move from “salsa dura” to “salsaromántica,” we must also recognize those same forces in the rise of“salsa consciente” in Latin America. See From Afro-Cuban Rhythms,19–20.

22. Manuel, Caribbean Currents, 44. Alén Rodríguez places the appear-ance of son as no earlier than the second half of the eighteenthcentury, linking it with the emergence of national thought appearingin literature and the arts. Fuentes Matos, on the other hand, writ-ing in 1893, identifies the first son as “El son de la Ma Teodora,”a sixteenth-century song. For more on this debate, see Rodríguez,De lo Afro-Cubano, 39–40. For more on the early roots of son, seealso Acosta, “On Generic Complexes,” 241–244, and Orozco, Nexosglobales.

23. Benítez-Rojo, “The Role of Music,” 180.24. Chambers, “The Rise of Son,” 499. For more on the instrumental

development of son and its relation to Afrocuban musical traditions,see also Acosta, “The Year 1898,” 10–11 and Manuel, CaribbeanCurrents, 44–46.

25. Fernández, From Afro-Cuban Rhythms, 22.26. Ibid., 2527. Rondón, El libro de la salsa, 6.28. Rodríguez, De lo Afro Cubano, 41. See also Rondón, El libro de la

salsa, 7, Bilby, “The Caribbean,” 203, and the underlying argumentbehind Benítez-Rojo, La isla que se repite.

29. Acosta, “On Generic Complexes,” 246.30. Washburne, Sounding Salsa, 14.31. Ibid. See also Manuel, “Latin Music in the United States,” 104.32. Díaz Ayala, Cuba canta y baila. For more on US corporate involve-

ment in Cuban music, see also Roberts, The Latin Tinge.

Notes 133

33. Acosta, “The Year 1898,” 10.34. For an in-depth account on tourism in Cuba and the role

of US political and economic interests, see Schwartz, PleasureIsland.

35. Works by scholars such as Aparicio and Negrón-Muntaner are notableexceptions.

36. Puleo, “Una verdadera crónica,” 224. For additional discussion ofmisogyny and salsa lyrics, see Aparicio, “Así Son.”

37. Aparicio, Listening to Salsa, 155, 157.38. Flores, “Creolité in the ‘Hood,” 285.39. Santos Febres, “Salsa as Translocation,” 181.40. Cuban percussionist Chano Pozo, who played with Dizzy Gallespie’s

orchestra in the 1940s, influenced the development of Latin jazz, andbecame a legend in Latin music circles in New York, was known asmuch for his musical genius as for his reputation as a tough streetthug. Cuban trumpet player, Chocolate Armenteros, who likewisecontinued his career in New York, also makes references to himselfas a guapo. See Fernández, From Afro-Cuban Rhythms, 50–52.

41. Manuel, Caribbean Currents, 77.42. Washburne, Sounding Salsa, 120. For more on the politics of these

images, particularly in the persona of Héctor Lavoe, see also Valentín-Escobar, “El hombre que respira,” and for the projection of guaperíain Colón and Blades, see Rondón, El libro de la salsa, 80. Apariciohas also pointed out the parallels between Paul Gilroy’s observa-tions regarding “exaggerated masculinity” in African-American rapand that of salsa in the 1970s. See Aparicio, “La Lupe, La India,” 40and Gilroy, The Black Atlantic, 85. The adoption of hyper-masculinepersonas tied to criminality by music artists as responsive to and defen-sive from stereotypic representations is also present in what has beentermed “gagsta rap.” For more on this, see Loza et al., “Los AngelesGagsta Rap,” and Rose, Black Noise.

43. Aparicio, “La Lupe, La India,” 138.

Chapter 1

1. Acosta, “On Generic Complexes,” 240.2. Cushman, “De qué color,” 180.3. For a description and analysis of traditional Rumba’s structure, see

Crook, “A Musical Analysis” and Daniel, Rumba: Dance and SocialChange.

4. Urfé, “La música,” 153.5. Manuel, Caribbean Currents, 27.6. Moore, “The Commercial Rumba,” 168; Acosta, among other musi-

cologists, privileges Bantu origins asserting that “it has been themusical heritage of the Bantú that has had the strongest influence

134 Notes

on Cuban popular music” including rumba. See “On Generic Com-plexes,” 245. For differing perspectives on the origins of rumba, seeOrovio, “La rumba del tiempo” and Basso, “La rumba.”

7. Sublette, Cuba and Its Music, 367.8. Urfé offers a more detailed and extensive classification of the differ-

ent types of rumba while scholars such as Daniel and Martínez-Furéidentify three basic types: yambú, guaguancó, and columbia. The firsttwo are danced by male/female couples while the third is dancedexclusively by men in a competitive setting. For further descriptionof Columbia, see Daniel, “Changing Values.”

9. Sublette, Cuba and Its Music, 272.10. Daniel, “Changing Values,” 2; for further descriptions of guaguancó’s

choreography, see Hensley, “It’s the Sugar,” and Rodríguez, De loAfro Cubano, 52–53.

11. Moore, “The Commercial Rumba,” 169.12. Manuel, Caribbean Currents, 29.13. Moore, “The Commercial Rumba,” 169.14. See Daniel, “Changing Values” and Hensley, “It’s the Sugar.” For

a discussion of racial associations and controls placed on rumbaperformances in New York, see Knauer, “Politics of Afrocuban.”

15. Moore, “The Commercial Rumba,” 170.16. Ibid.17. Teatro vernáculo is also referred to as teatro bufo or teatro de

novedades; for in-depth descriptions and discussion of this genre, seealso Martiatu, Bufo y nación.

18. Fajardo Estrada, Rita Montaner, 395–396; Montaner described hernanny—María Antonia Díaz, decedent of slaves who taught her youngcharge prayers to the orishas—as a “second mother.” See FajardoEstrada, Rita Montaner, 21.

19. For a good overview of this film genre and the role of Cuban femaleperformers, see Pulido Llano, “Las mil y una rumbas.” For moreon filmic representations of rumba as well as “Latin” music moregenerally, see López, “Of Rhythm and Borders.”

20. Teatro vernáculo actually predates teatro bufo in Cuba, but the termsare often used interchangeably due to the overlap in content and form.For example, the use of the “negrito,” “mulata,” and “gallego” asstock characters was dominant in both as well as in zarzuela. Fora fuller discussion of teatro vernáculo and teatro bufo, see Thomas’chapter “Cuban Lyric Theater in Context” in Cuban Zarzuela,Martiatu, Bufo y nación, Lane, Blackface Cuba, and Leal, La selvaoscura.

21. The rise in the popularity of blackface performance in various partsof Latin America in the years of the US Civil War was influ-enced by touring blackface minstrel troupes. For information onUS minstrel troupes in Cuba, see Aretz, “Music and Dance,”189–226.

Notes 135

22. Moore, Nationalizing Blackness, 42; As Moore further notes, “paro-dic representations of Afrocuban music and dance on the theatre stagewas paralleled by developments in other nineteenth-century arts.” Seealso Kutsinski, Sugar’s Secrets and Lane, Blackface Cuba.

23. Gonzalo Roig, Moisés Simons and Ernesto Lecuona, for example,started as composers in teatro vernáculo and zarzuela and would goon to impact nightclub performances as well as popular recordings ofCuban music.

24. Moore, Nationalizing Blackness, 42; for an in-depth discussion onthe mulata as both iconic of Cubanía, or “Cubanness,” and object ofderision, see Kutzinski, Sugar’s Secrets. For a further discussion of thecharacters of the negrito, themulata, and the gallego, see also chapters3 and 4 in Thomas, Cuban Zarzuela.

25. Moore, Nationalizing Blackness, 49.26. The calesero, a variation of the negrito, appears as a gaudily dressed

slave “who inevitably believes himself to be extremely good-looking.”The stereotype appears as early as the mid-nineteenth century incontumbrista art and remained popular until the 1930s in “comictheater and the somewhat more prestigious zarzuela.” See Moore,Nationalizing Blackness, 47.

27. Ibid., 45, 47.28. Thomas, Cuban Zarzuela, 87.29. Arrizón, Queering Mestizaje, 210.30. Thomas, Cuban Zarzuela, 86–87.31. Urfé, “La música folklórica,” 173.32. For a full discussion on the lyrical “whitening” of Cuban songs as they

are rewritten and performed in English, see Pérez Firmat, “Latunes.”Aparicio also offers an analysis of the “American” version in terms ofracial erasure as well as imperialistic gendered ideologies in Listeningto Salsa, 106–108.

33. As Thomas relates, “Librettist Antonio Castells had not originallyconceived of Montaner in the role.” Due to the theater management’sconcerns regarding raising the venue’s standards away from the lowlyteatro vernáculo, it was agreed that the song “Ay Mama Inés” couldbe included only with Montaner in the role. See Cuban Zarzuela, 87.

34. Moore succinctly summarizes the driving forces behind a renewedinterest in Afrocuban arts and music in the Afrocubanista move-ment: “Although the dominant society demonstrated some interestin Afrocuban genres in the nineteenth century, the volatile socialconditions of the 1920s and 1930s forced a broader reexaminationof inherited colonial prejudice and a tentative acceptance of blackworking-class culture. Increasingly antagonistic foreign relations withthe United States, frustrated national aspirations, economic crisis,political instability and revolution, artistic influences from abroad, andtechnological innovations—all combined to shape afrocubanismo.”See Moore, “Poetic, Visual, and Symphonic,” 106.

136 Notes

35. Díaz Ayala, Oh Cuba, 6.36. Moore, Nationalizing Blackness, 189.37. Fajardo Estrada, Rita Montaner, 93–98; El romance del palmar was

Montaner’s sole film role playing a white character as well as thestarring role.

38. Moore, Nationalizing, 173.39. Ibid.40. Ibid., 180. For a full discussion of the musical construction of Latin

America as an amorphous space in the American imaginary, see PérezFirmat, “Latunes,” and López, “Of Rhythms and Borders.” For a dis-cussion of the presence of Latin music in American musical theater, seeSandoval-Sánchez, Oh José Can You See? See also Roberts’ ground-breaking work, The Latin Tinge on the presence of Latin music inAmerican popular music.

41. “Cine de rumberas” is also called “cine de cabaretera.” The associa-tion between the two terms can also connote women who perform innightclubs and may also engage in prostitution or be “loose women.”

42. Moore, Nationalizing Blackness, 174.43. Fajardo Estrada, Rita Montaner, 319.44. For more information on Ninón Sevilla, see Blanco Borelli, “Y ahora

qué?” For more on rumberas and film, see Pulido Llano, “Las mil yuna rumbas” and the documentary by Molina, Rumberas y Vedettes.

45. For more on the origins of the “guarachera” costume, see LapiqueBecali, Música colonial cubana.

46. A clip of the number from Víctimas del pecado is available on YouTubeunder “Ay José con Rita Montaner.”

47. Delgadillo, “Singing ‘Angelitos Negros,’ ” 409.48. For a discussion of Angelitos negros in the context of Mexican rep-

resentations of race, see Hernández Cuevas, African Mexicans andDelgadillo, “Singing.”

49. Wallace-Sanders, Mammy, 2.50. The song was popularized and has become closely associated with

Bola de Nieve, Montaner’s one-time piano player. For an accountof the sometimes fractious relationship between Bola de Nieve andMontaner, see Fajardo Estrada, Rita Montaner.

51. In contrast to Moore and Kutzinki’s position regarding Afrocubanismoas a predominantly white movement that sought to incorporateAfrocuban cultural elements into a discourse of mestizaje that min-imized racial tensions, De la Fuente argues that Afrocubans “were notjust passive objects of representation. They were active participantsin the contested formulation of an ideological and cultural productthat was neither stable nor coherent.” See De la Fuente, Nation forAll, 184; Arnedo-Gómez takes up Del la Fuente’s position highlight-ing the work of marginalized black Cuban intellectuals of the 1930swho contested white Afrocubanista formulations of racial harmony.See Ardedo-Gómez, “Uniting Blacks in a Raceless Nation.”

Notes 137

52. Moore, “Commercial Rumba,” 181–182.53. Ibid., 176; for a rare direct observer account of performances at both

elite and working-class venues, see Leaf, Isles of Rhythm.54. For more on the mulata body in dance and its history at the Tropicana

nightclub, see Ruf, “¡Qué linda es Cuba!” and Arrizón, “Race-ingPerformativity.”

55. “Celeste Mendoza.”56. Valdés, Con música, 234; Lines quoted are originally in Spanish.

Translation is my own.57. Sublette, Cuba and Its Music, 267.58. Hensley, “It’s the Sugar,” 205.59. No production information is available for this short documentary.

Clips are available on Youtube under titles “Nostalgia Cubana-Celeste Mendoza- Como se llama usted,” “Nostalgia Cubana-CelsteMendoza-Fiesta Brava,” and “Nostalgia Cubana-Celeste Mendoza-Seguire.” See Valdés, Con música, Anexo 9.

60. For more on the role of spaces such as the street and thehome in Black Atlantic music, see Stanley Niaah, “Mapping BlackAtlantic.”

61. Hensley, “It’s the Sugar,” 199.62. Motivos de Son was originally published in the Havana newspaper

Diario de la Marina and later as a volume.63. Manabe, “Reinterpretations of Son.” There is a great body of work on

Nicolás Guillén. For an overview, see Ellis, Cuba’s Nicolás Guillén andKutzinski, “Re-Reading Nicolás Guillén.” For a discussion of Guillénin relation to or in contrast to US intellectuals, see Laremont and Yun,“The Havana Afrocubano Movement.”

64. Manabe, “Reinterpretations of Son,” 119.65. Ibid., 130.66. Moore, “Revolución con Pachanga?” 153.67. As part of a campaign to resist cultural imperialism, official support

shifted to the promotion of musical artists such as Sylvio Rodríguezand Pablo Milanés that fell largely under the classification of nuevatrova, a musical expression that favored socially conscious lyrics andthird-world solidarity.

68. For a full discussion of issues of appropriation, commodification, andcommercialization in relation to the international attention given toBuena Vista Social Club, see Finn, “Contesting Culture.”

69. One of the consequences of the blockade, or embargo, of Cubangoods including music after the revolution was the mining of oldCuban musical recordings, which now had no copyright claims. Oneexample is the guaguancó “Se pierde en esta vida,” originally recordedby Celeste Mendoza being revived as a salsa song by performerRoberto Roena and retitled “Contigo no quiero na’.”

70. Phyl Garland refers to the lack of musical exchange between Cuba andthe United States following the revolution as the “sugar curtain.” For

138 Notes

the effects of this on Cuban musicians as well as general audiences onthe island, see “Cuban Music: An Instrument of the Revolution.”

71. Piedra, “Hip Poetics,” 115.

Chapter 2

1. The year of her birth is disputed. In her autobiography she states,“I’ll never reveal the actual year I was born. By no means do I claimto be younger than I am, but I won’t reveal my age.” See Cruz andReimundo, Celia: My Life, 12. Anecdotal evidence puts the actual yearof her birth as 1920. See Fernández, From Afro-Cuban Rhythms, 139.

2. The sole dissenting voice among critics regarding Cruz as the “Queenof Salsa” is Rondón who argues she represents guaracha, or Cubanmusic, but not salsa. Yet, this is contradictory to his identification ofa matancera branch of salsa, within which Cruz is clearly paramount.See El libro de la salsa, 140.

3. For a full discussion on this groundbreaking exhibit, see Rivera-Servena, “Exhibiting Voice.” The exhibit “¡Azúcar! The Life andTimes of Celia Cruz” is digitally documented on the SmithsonianInstitution’s website.

4. For a biography, see Valverde, Celia Cruz and Marceles, ¡Azucar! Forbiographies aimed at young readers, see Brown, My Name Is Celiaand Chambers, Celia Cruz.

5. Only two other women have had success in salsa music. The first isLa Lupe who had an intense but short career in Cuba as well as inthe United States, and the second is La India who shows promise as afemale salsa performer with staying power.

6. She later studied piano at the Music Conservatory, but had no trainingis voice.

7. Moore, Nationalizing Blackness, 160.8. Performances that adhered more closely to traditional forms of rumba

were permissible in nightclubs in marginalized neighborhoods inHavana that catered to predominantly black audiences.

9. For a full discussion of the figure of the Black Venus, see NederveenPieterse, White on Black and Sharpley-Whiting, Black Venus.

10. For a discussion on medical discourse and the pathologizing of theblack female body, see Gilman, “Black Bodies/White Bodies.”

11. Naderveen Pieterse, White on Black, 183.12. A video clip is available under the title “Celia Cruz y Las Mulatas del

Fuego” on Youtube.13. Woodward, “Performing Age,” 170.14. Fernández, From Afro-Cuban Rhythms, 149.15. Ibid., 23.16. Baron, “Syncretism and Ideology,” 215.17. Sublette, Cuba and Its Music, 70.

Notes 139

18. Generally speaking, Cubans on the island as well as those in New Yorkdid not embrace the term “salsa,” insisting that the form was essen-tially Cuban music from the 1940s onward to the 1960s. Even TitoPuente, who although Puerto Rican identified with Cuban music, alsoresisted use of the term. See Acosta, “Perspectives,” 10.

19. Sublette, Cuba and Its Music, 575–576. The Puerto Rican singer,songwriter and percussionist Myrta Silva was the first female leadvocalist for the band. Her voice and style were quite different fromCelia’s, but her talent and charisma are still evident in recordings andtelevision footage.

20. Ibid., 575.21. Fernández, From Afro-Cuban Rhythms, 152.22. Ibid., 151–152.23. Aparicio, “Blackness of Sugar,” 227.24. Fernández, From Afro-Cuban Rhythms, 150; Benítez-Rojo, among

other critics, asserts a shared cultural heritage among the many partsof the Caribbean as traceable to its distinct geography and history,which shares a legacy of the plantation system. He goes on to positthat the region also shares a certain commonality that manifests itselfin specific rhythm. See La isla que se repite.

25. For many critics, salsa “is essentially Cuban music.” See Steward,“Cubans, Nuyoricans,” 485. Peter Manuel takes a slightly differ-ent perspective in highlighting the presence of Cuban influences onPuerto Rican music on the island, prior to the emergence of salsa,as well as its presence on Nuyorican musical expression. See “PuertoRican Music and Cultural Identity.” Others prioritize Puerto Rico as asource. See, for example, Quintero-Rivera, “Salsa, Sabor y Control.”

26. Aparicio, “Así Son,” 662.27. Fernández, From Afro-Cuban Rhythms, 13.28. Celia Cruz’s performance in Larry Harlow’s 1973 musical Hommy

was also instrumental in launching her career in salsa.29. Rondón, El libro de la salsa, 85–86.30. For more on Pacheco’s role in promoting Celia Cruz within salsa as

well as his role in the industry as a whole, see Padura Fuentes, “JohnnyPacheco.”

31. Cruz had to battle Fania executives to include this song on the album.Fernández, From Afro-Cuban Rhythms, 155.

32. Santos Febres, “Salsa as Translocation,” 184.33. Ossa, “Conciencia social,” 65. Sawyer has similarly pointed out the

resemblance between the story in “Rebelión” and Du Bois’ chapter inSouls of Black Folks entitled “Of the Coming of John,” which recountsa story of violence and revenge where a Black man protects the virtueof a Black woman. See “Du Bois’s Double Consciousness,” 91.

34. Luis, Literary Bondage, 53.35. Sawyer, “Du Bois’s Double Consciousness,” 91.

140 Notes

36. For a fuller discussion of the song in relation to domestic violence, seePoey, “Striking Back.”

37. Aparicio, Listening to Salsa, 174.38. Quintero Herencia also makes the case that Cruz’s song

“Burundanga” tackles the “origin of violence between male entities.”See “Notes toward a Reading,” 212.

39. Padilla, “Salsa Music,” 34.40. The clave is a musical instrument consisting of two sticks. It is used to

sound out the beat pattern. For a fuller discussion on the role of theclave as well as the usage of the term to designate particular beats, seeAcosta, “On Generic Complexes,” 233–238.

41. Cruz did speak and sing in English in her role as a santera and clubowner in the Hollywood film The Mambo Kings; Acosta points outthat the instrument referred to as clave (or las claves) itself is not theactual backbone of the rhythm, arguing that “what is important inall Afro-Cuban music is not the clave . . .but rather the polyrhythm inwhich the respective clave is only one part.” See Acosta, “On GenericComplexes,” 236–237.

42. The translations of all lyrics are my own.43. Benítez-Rojo, La isla que se repite.44. Pan-latino identification has a strong and long tradition in Latin

American intellectual history. Perhaps the most obvious, especially inCruz’s context, is José Martí’s essay “Nuestra América.” Interestingly,in the essay Martí contrasts “Our America” or Latin America to “theAmerica which is not ours” or the United States.

45. Cruz’s performance is documented in Levy-Hinte’s 2008 documen-tary film Soul Power.

46. A video clip of the performance is also available under the title“Celia Cruz and The Fania All Stars-Quimbara-Zaire, Africa 1974”on Youtube. Another reason Cruz’s music seemed familiar to the audi-ence in Zaire (Congo) is the popularity of Cuban son in several parts ofAfrica. See Montes Pizarro, “Influencias del son” and for an in-depthstudy specific to Zaire, see White, Rumba Rules.

47. Román-Velázquez, “Locating Salsa,” 210.48. Negrón-Muntaner, “Celia’s Shoes,” 67–68.49. Woodward, “Performing Age,” 163.50. For a more complete discussion of Wyclef Jean’s resemanticizing of

“Guantanamera,” see Aparicio, “The Blackness of Sugar.”51. Ortiz, Cultural Erotics, 272.52. Quintero-Rivera and Ortega Breña, “Migration, Ethnicity, and Inter-

actions,” 90.53. Ibid., 88. Juan Flores provides a history of the contributions of

Latin@s in the early development of hip-hop in From Bomba to HipHop. Raquel Rivera’s more recent study, New York Ricans from theHip Hop Zone, is even more in-depth.

Notes 141

54. Quintero-Rivera and Ortega Breña, “Migration, Ethnicity, and Inter-actions,” 90. For more on the parallels between reggaeton andsalsa in terms of their promotion of latinidad, see Kattari, “BuildingPan-Latino Unity.”

55. Samporano, “Oye mi canto,” 489.56. For details of the logistics of the massive public viewing as well as the

politics behind it, see Delgado, “Over Her Dead Body.”57. Other forms of memorializing include a tribute to her at the 2003

Latin Grammys, which consisted of an all-star medley of her mostwell known songs and perhaps the ultimate cyber memorial, a GoogleDoodle of Celia Cruz, which appeared on the search site on herbirthday, October 21, 2013.

58. Abreu, “Celebrity, ‘Crossover,’ and Cubanidad,” 94.

Chapter 3

1. Rondón, El libro de la salsa, 46; The lines quoted are originally inSpanish. The translation is my own; Díaz Ayala suggests that herperformance style was influenced, at least early on, by the Flamencosinger Lola Flores who performed in Cuba and similarly displayedexcess in terms of emotion in both her voice and gestures on stage.It is a notable observation in terms of transatlantic musical migrationsas well as stagings of gender and affect. See Díaz Ayala interview in E!Historias Verdaderas: La Lupe, Queen of the Latin Soul.

2. She was fired from the Broadway play early in its run. Althoughaccounts as to why she was fired vary, none cites her actual perfor-mance on stage.

3. The play was written by Carmen Rivera. It premiered in New York butwas also performed in other cities including Miami. For additional dis-cussion of the posthumous appreciation and recognition of La Lupe,see Quiroga, Tropics of Desire, 162–170.

4. For an in-depth discussion of the figure of “la mulata” in the localform of music theater known as Cuban zarzuela popularized in the1920s, see Thomas’ chapter, “The Mulata Makes and Entrance,” inher book Cuban Zarzuela. For of the enduring and contested mulatafigure in twentieth-century Cuban painting and film, see Fraunhar,“Tropics of Desire.”

5. Kutzinski, Sugar’s Secrets, 7.6. For an in-depth discussion of Benjamín de Céspedes’ text and its place

in “Scientific Costumbrismo,” see Lane, Blackface Cuba, 187–197.7. Betancourt, “The Image,” 104.8. Cabrera, Yemayá y Ochún, 69. The lines quoted are originally in

Spanish. The translation is my own.9. Martínez Rodríguez, “Lo trágico,” 2.

10. Fernández, “The Musicalia,” 268.

142 Notes

11. Tongolele (Yolanda Montes) was born in the United States of Tahitianheritage. Because she was the star of the Tropicana nightclub showfor some time, many assumed she was Cuban. See Arrizón, QueeringMestizaje, 108.

12. Aparicio, Listening to Salsa, 175.13. Quiroga, “Boleros, Divas,” 124.14. I owe this anecdote to José Gómez, an informant who shared his

extensive knowledge of La Lupe with me in the course of an interviewthat took place December 20, 2001.

15. Footage of this performance is available on Lalupeonline.com as wellas Ela Troyano’s documentary on La Lupe, Queen of Latin Soul.

16. Quiroga, “Boleros, Divas,” 125; For a description of bolero as a formhighlighting both sentimentality and eroticism as well as the form’soverlapping with other forms such as tango and blues, see Zavala, Elbolero.

17. For a description of how the Bolero was transformed as it travelledthrough transnational routes, see Leal, “Boleros.”

18. See Dueñas, “Bolero: Historia documental,” 13, and Orovio, ElBolero cubano, 4.

19. Orovio, El Bolero latino, 7.20. Quiroga, “Boleros, Divas,” 116.21. La Fountain-Stokes, “Trans/Bolero/Drag/Migration,” 192.22. Díaz Ayala, Música cubana, 274.23. Strongman, “The Latin American Queer Aesthetics,” 50–51.24. The best known among these is probably El Lupo who performed in

various New York clubs.25. Strongman, “The Latin American Queer Aesthetics,” 45. See also

Aparicio, Listening to Salsa, 137 and Oropesa, “Gender/genre inMexican Bolero,” 150–151.

26. Aparicio, Listening to Salsa, 177, 179. As Aparicio points out, LaLupe is not the only female bolerista that has “appropriated negativeconstructs of the feminine and deployed them against men,” 132.

27. Translated in Aparicio, Listening to Salsa, 180.28. For a fuller discussion of “double voiced” texts, see Gilroy, The Black

Atlantic. For a critique of Gilroy’s extension of W. E. B. Duboise’sterm “double-consciousness” into “double-voiced,” see Hale.

29. Aparicio, Listening to Slasa, 174.30. Ibid., 179.31. Gilman, “Black Bodies, White Bodies”; Sharpley-Whiting, Black

Venus.32. For a fuller discussion and historical contextualization of this, see

Martínez Aliers, Racismo y sexualidad.33. For more on the meaning and importance of sabor in Cuban music

specifically, see Fernández, From Afro-Cuban Rhythms, 42–52.34. Arrizón, Queering Mestizaje, 112.

Notes 143

35. I use the term “liminality” as Bhabha has defined it in postcolonialcritical interventions as “the liminal signifying space that is internallymarked by the discourses of minorities, the heterogeneous histories ofcontending peoples . . .” As such, liminality is marked by articulationsof cultural difference. See Bhabha, The Location of Culture, 148.

36. Apter, Black Critics and Kings, 215.37. Ibid., 216.38. Arrizón, “Race-ing Performativity,” 137.39. Kutzinski, Sugar’s Secrets, 7.40. Aparicio, Listening to Salsa.41. For an in-depth description of rumba as well as its place within the

Cuban national imaginary, see Daniel, Rumba.42. Crook, “The Form and Formation,” 33.43. Moore, Nationalizing Blackness, 168.44. Crook, “The Form and Formation,” 33.45. Gerard, Salsa!, 61.46. Moore, Nationalizing Blackness, 168; See also Leaf, Isles of Rhythm.47. Moore, Nationalizing Blackness, 168.48. Ibid., 169.49. Lefever, “When the Saints,” 4.50. Hazzard-Gordon also documents legislation banning certain forms

of dance and drumming in slave states in the United States prior toemancipation. See Jookin’: The Rise of Social Dance, 32–34.

51. See Leaf, Isles of Rhythm.52. Angeloro, “Back-to-Africa,” 301.53. The promotion of Santería-based musical expressions as Cuban music

is not unique to La Lupe. In the 1950s, Celia Cruz and MerceditasValdés recorded sacred Santería chants in Yoruba dialects on theCuban Panart label. However, “such trends did not please all crit-ics . . . [who] attacked recordings such as those by Cruz and Valdésas unmusical and ‘un-Cuban.’ ” See Moore, Nationalizing Blackness,160. What is unique in La Lupe is her overt equation of Santería withthe nation and nationality.

54. For a compelling and well-documented discussion of this contradic-tion, see Moore, Nationalizing Blackness.

55. Cabrera, Yemayá y Ochún, 71.56. Ibid., 71.57. Ibid., 69.58. For a full historical background and comprehensive documentation on

La Virgen de la Caridad del Cobre, see Portuondo Zúñiga, La Virgendel Cobre.

59. Her last two LPs, La Samaritana and En Cristo were bothdedicated exclusively to Christian songs. Tracks are available onlalupeonline.com.

60. Wirtz, “Santería in Cuban National,” 416.

144 Notes

61. Ibid., 417.62. Lefever, “When the Saints,” 319; However, it should be under-

stood that the oppositional, revisionary, and subversive dimensionsof Santería did not arise solely as a response to the colonial andimperial contexts in which the slaves and ex-slaves found themselves.Rather, these dimensions were intrinsic to the “indigenous, criticalhermeneutics of Yoruba religion.” See Apter, Black Critics and Kings,210.

63. Piedra associates the term “mulata de rumbo” with “mulata derumba,” epithets that evoke “images of ‘women of the song and danceroutine,’ ‘women of the street,’ ‘free women,’ ‘women of direction,’and/or ‘women of destiny.’ ” “Hip Poetics,” 112.

64. Bettelheim, “Ethnicity, Gender, and Power,” 196.65. Piedra, “Hip Poetics,” 116–117.66. Ibid., 124.67. She recorded two versions of “Fever,” one on an LP released in Cuba

in 1960 and the other in 1968 released as part of an LP as well as a45 single. I use the 1968 recording for this discussion.

68. For more on Bugalu, see Sublette, “The Bugalu on Broadway” andFlores, “Cha-Cha with a Backbeat.”

69. Salazar, “Afro-American Latinized Rhythms,” 247.70. Puleo, “Una verdadera crónica,” 231.71. La Lupe’s 1968 recording is titled La Lupe Reina De La Canción

Latina/Queen of Latin Soul, and one of her recordings released in1969 is similarly titled La Lupe Es La Reina!/La Lupe the Queen!

72. The film stars Lauren Veléz, who also starred in the stage play, and isdirected by James Manos. A preview clip is available on youtube.comunder “ ‘They Call Me La Lupe’-The Movie-First Look.”

73. Muñoz, Disidentifications, 182.74. Chicas 2000, written by Carmelita Tropicana and directed by Uzi

Parnes, was first performed in 1997 in New York City.75. Muñoz, Disidentifications, 192.76. Aparicio and Valentín-Escobar, “Memorializing La Lupe and

Lavoe,” 98.

Chapter 4

1. The term “1.5 generation” was coined by Rumbaut and elaboratedin the context of Cuban-Americans by Pérez Firmat. See Rumbaut,“The Agony of Exile” and Pérez Firmat, Life on the Hyphen.

2. The television special Aretha Franklin Duets Live (1993), the albumDuets (1993) with Frank Sinatra and Viva Duets (2012) with TonyBennett.

3. Biographies of Gloria Stefan geared to Young Readers include Shirley,Gloria Estefan: Queen of Latin Pop; De Stefano, Gloria Estefan: The

Notes 145

Pop Superstar from Tragedy to Triumph; Stazzabosco, Learning aboutDetermination from the Life of Gloria Estefan; and Catalano, GloriaEstefan.

4. Pérez Firmat, Life on the Hyphen, 6.5. She also spent a brief period of time in San Antonio, Texas, where her

father was stationed while serving in the US Army.6. In its early days, Miami Sound Machine had a second female vocalist,

Mercy Murciano.7. See, for example, Helling, “Inside Our Happy Home,” which empha-

sizes her long-term marriage as well as material success and Genz,“Golden Girl,” which highlights her multitasking as mother andrecording artist.

8. Nijman, Miami, 12.9. Ibid., 45; Portes and Stepick, City on the Edge, 95–97.

10. Nijman, Miami, 47.11. Pérez, “Cubans in the United States,” 129.12. Alberts, “Changes in Ethnic Solidarity,” 233. See also Boswell and

Curtis, The Cuban-American Experience and Masud-Piloto, FromWelcomed Exiles.

13. Federal aid took the form of immediate relief such as food, clothing,housing, and medical services as well as additional help in integratinginto US society through bilingual programs in schools and retrainingprograms for professionals. See Masud-Piloto, From Welcomed Exilesand Portes and Stepick, City on the Edge.

14. The memorandum of understanding between the two countries was inresponse to Castro’s announcement in 1965 that anyone who wantedto leave the country could do so if their relatives came to get themthrough the port of Camarioca. The brief flotilla that ensued was cutshort due to weather and safety concerns, leading to the negotiationfor the “Freedom Flights.” See García, Havana USA.

15. Relocation efforts were intended to ease the burden of the influxin South Florida and the height of the resettlement process tookplace between 1965 and 1973. The bulk of relocated Cubans wentto New York, New Jersey, California, and Illinois. By the 1970s,however, many of those relocated had moved to Miami in a “trickleback” pattern. See Prohías and Casal, The Cuban Minority, 109–110,117–120.

16. Portes and Stepick, City on the Edge, 102.17. Ibid., 104.18. Skop, “Race and Place,” 454.19. Nijman, Miami, 57.20. For a more detailed discussion as well as its historical context, see

Marable, “The Fire This Time.”21. See Stepick, “Haitian Boat People” and Stepick and Portes, “Flight

into Despair.”

146 Notes

22. Stepick and Portes, “Flight into Despair,” 334.23. Ibid.24. Ibid., 335.25. Between 1960 and 1990, the city’s non-Hispanic white population

went from 80 percent to about 30 percent due to both the influxof Latin@s, no just Cuban but from various parts of Latin America, aswell as out-migration by Anglos. The trend continued so that between1990 and 2000 the county’s non-Hispanic white population plungedby an additional 22 percent. See Nijman, Miami and Stepick et al.,This Land Is Our Land, 138.

26. The “undesirables” that the Cuban government put on the boatsincluded homosexuals, some of whom had been imprisoned due totheir sexual orientation as well as others who chose to leave due topersecution and harassment. See Eckstein and Baberia, “GroundingImmigrant Generations,” 805 and Jones, “Cuban Lesbians.”

27. Stepick et al., This Land Is Our Land, 39.28. Ibid., 99; see also Tatalovich, Nativism Reborn; Castro, “The Politics

of Language,” and Castro, Haun and Roca, “The Official EnglishMovement.”

29. Portes and Stepick, City on the Edge, 147.30. Ibid., 109; The narrative of the Cuban “success story” has also been

questioned by scholars such as Mirabal who, along with others, drawsattention to the Cuban presence in the United States prior to 1959 aswell as migrations to cities other than Miami as a means to contest thenarrow focus of the 1959 exile paradigm. See Mirabal, “Ser de Aquí,”and Poyo, With All and for the Good of All.

31. Nijman, Miami, 202–203. For further description of Miami’s place asa link between the United States and Latin America, see also Levine,“The Capital of Latin America.”

32. Nijman, Miami, 111.33. Cohen, “There’s Something about Miami,” 52.34. “Godfather of the Miami Sound”35. Garofalo, Rockin’ Out, 9–10.36. Pérez Firmat, Life on the Hyphen, 126–127.37. Ibid., 127.38. Catalano, Gloria Estefan, 76.39. Pérez Brittmarie, “Political Aspects of Salsa,” 156–157.40. Desmond, “Embodying Difference,” 43, 48.41. Guevra, “La Cuba de Ayer,” 35.42. Taylor, “Gloria Estefan’s Format.”43. “Power of the Dream” was the actual “official” song but Estefan’s

“Reach” “earned on its own merits the status of unofficial theme songof the Atlanta Olympics and figured prominently in the closing cere-monies.” See Dilling, “The Sound of the Games,” 318. The song wasincluded in the R and B CD put out by the Olympic Committee as

Notes 147

well as the Spanish language CD, Voces Unidas, aimed at US Latin@and Latin American audiences, which included the Spanish version,“Puedes llegar.”

44. Torres, In the Land of Mirrors, 37.45. Boyarin, Remapping Memory. See also Muñoz, “No es fácil” on the

politics of forgetting, or the loss of memory, in a Cuban-Americancontext.

46. León, “A Panorama,” 16.47. Calvi, “Gloria Estefan’s Dreams.”48. Martínez, “American Idols,” 388.49. The inclusion of other Latin@ performers along with an open recog-

nition of their contributions and innovations also counterbalances thecriticism often directed at the Estefans for promoting themselves asthe first to fuse Latin American or Caribbean musical influences withthose from the United States. See Cepeda, “Mucho loco for RickyMartin.”

50. Kornbuth, “Gloria Estefan: ‘Like Coming Home.’ ”51. De la Fuente, “Slave Law and Claims Making in Cuba,” 359–360.52. See Benítez-Rojo, The Repeating Island.53. Torres, In the Land of Mirrors, 37.54. Watson and Anand, “Award Ceremony,” 42.55. The fact that the LARAS headquarters are in Miami and not Los

Angeles is also indicative of the city’s dominance in the productionand dissemination of Latin music and entertainment aimed at Latin@audiences in the United States as well as Latin America.

56. Martínez, “American Idols,” 382.57. Ibid.58. Ibid., 384.59. Ibid., 385.60. Watson and Anand, “Award Ceremony,” 53.61. The event was broadcast by PBS and later Telemundo. It is available

at PBS.com.

Chapter 5

1. Capiro, “Exclusive Interview.”2. Other salsa artists such as Willie Colón with his 1999 album

Demasiado Corazón and Grupo Niche with their album A Golpe deFolklore, also released in 1999, have similarly rebelled against the dom-inance of multinational record conglomerates by self-producing theirown work.

3. She performed “Guantamera” at one of the Clinton Inaugural Balls in1996. The documentary is Toda Una Vida directed by Joe Cardona.

4. The lines quoted are originally in Spanish. The translation is my own.The lines seem to be taken from Clary’s 1995 article, which contains

148 Notes

the following line (in English): “Albita seems the reincarnation of a1930s European chanteuse, a Berlin cabaret singer transfused withLatin blood.”

5. Clary, “A singer Unlike Anything Else.”6. Ortiz, Cultural Erotics, 145.7. Junco, “All-New Albita.”8. Clary, “A Singer Unlike Anything.”9. Torres, In the Land of Mirrors, 161.

10. Ibid., 160.11. Ibid.12. Ibid., 161.13. The reference to guajira and santera is also repeated in the lyrics of the

songs “Qué culpa tengo yo” (1995) and “Mis tacones” (2009).14. Manuel, “The ‘Guajira,’ ” 137.15. Pasmanick, “ ‘Decima’ and ‘Rumba,’ ” 252.16. Ibid., 254.17. Naranjo Orovio, “La historia se forja,” 159. The essay is originally in

Spanish and the translation is my own.18. Projects of “whitening” were common throughout Latin America.

In Cuba, these took the form of selective and exclusionary immi-gration policies in the early twentieth century, which favored andencouraged European immigration while attempting to eliminateentrants from other regions such as Jamaica and Haiti. On “whiten-ing” and immigration policy in Cuba, see Helg, “Race in Argentinaand Cuba.” For a full discussion of the economic forces and inter-ests behind “whitening” and immigration, see de la Fuente, “TwoDangers, One Solution.”

19. Guevara, “Narratives of Racial Authority,” 264.20. Ibid., 271.21. The Santa Bárbara referred to here is not an official Catholic Saint.

She is often represented on horseback, which may be her connec-tion to Changó (or Shangó) who in one tale escapes from enemies bydisguising himself as a woman and riding away.

22. Watrous, “An Androgynous Salsa,” C12.23. Campos, “Albita’s Queer Nations,” 51.24. Dittmar, “The Straight Goods,” 325.25. Ibid., 326.26. Clark, “Commodity Lesbianism,” 193.27. Campos, “Albita’s Queer Nations,” 52.28. Ibid., 51.29. Ortiz, Cultural Erotics, 148.30. Muñoz, “Performing Greater Cuba,” 252.31. Ibid., 144.32. Ibid., 146.33. Butler, “Critically Queer,” 12.

Notes 149

34. Muñoz, “Performing Greater Cuba,” 259.35. Ibid., 252.36. Wesling, “Why Queer Diaspora?” 31.37. Ibid.38. Orozco, “Albita—Una Mujer.”39. Aparicio, Listening to Salsa, 45.40. Tseëlon, Masquerade and Identities, 2.41. Gilberto Santa Rosa also recoded this song although more in a “salsa

romántica” style. His version also differs in that the line in Albita’sversion that identifies “tu sexo,” Santa Rosa’s version uses the words“tu cuerpo” (your body).

42. Doane, “Film and Masquerade,” 82.43. Leibetsender, Queer Tracks, 90.44. Weinberg, “Things are Queer,” 12.45. Butler, Gender Trouble, 32.46. “A quién le importa” was written by Jorge Luís Piloto, who has

written songs for numerous salsa and Latin Pop stars includingCelia Cruz.

47. Washburne, “Salsa Romántica,” 119.48. Aparicio, “La Lupe, La India, and Celia,” 39–40; it should also be

noted that although “salsa romántica” has been feminized, there arealso male salseros such as Mark Anthony that are associated with thesub-genre.

49. Ibid., 42.50. Freddy was also the inspiration behind Guillermo Cabrera Infante’s

protagonist Estrella Rodríguez in Ella cantaba boleros.51. Freddy’s voice is deeper and more masculine than Albita’s, aurally

closer to that of African-American Blues singers.52. Another matrilineal connection is that the song “Freddy” was writ-

ten specifically for the singer by the Cuban female song writer, ElaO’Farril.

53. My analysis departs sharply from Riviere in that I do not posit the useof feminine masquerade as a means for appeasing male authority (thefather).

54. For a discussion on the limits and possibilities of masquerade as afeminist practice, see Machelidon, “Masquerade.”

55. Benstock and Ferriss, Footnotes, 5.56. Kaiser et al., “Cultural Codes,” 15.57. Gamman, “Self-Fashioning,” 100.58. The association between high heels and femininity was not always

present as men, specifically from the highest classes, also worehigh heels as far back as the sixteenth century. For a history ofthe high heel in Europe, see Riello and McNeil, “Footprints ofHistory.”

59. For a fuller discussion of this, see Faust,Women, Sex, and Pornography.

150 Notes

60. See, for example, Brownmiller, Femininity, 144–145 and Wright,“Objectifying Gender.”

61. Gamman, “Self-Fashioning,” 96–97; see also Wilson, “Fashion andthe Postmodern Body.”

62. Albita makes an even clearer reference to cojones in the title of hermore recent album Mujeres con cajones (Women with Boxes) whichis a transnational collaboration with Eva Ayllón from Peru and OlgaCerpa from the Canary Islands.

Conclusion

1. See, for example, the career of Nora, lead vocalist for Orquesta de laLuz in Japan discussed in Hosokawa, “Salsa no tiene frontera.” Formore on salsa in Europe see Román-Velázquez, The Making of LatinLondon and Ruel, Les soirées salsa a Paris; and for salsa’s influence inAfrica see Montes Pizarro, “Influencias del son.”

2. Umberto Valverde and Rafael Quintero have also written the first full-length book on the subject, centering on a journalistic account of thephenomenon, Abran paso, historia de las orquestas femeninas en Cali.

3. Her first producer was Jellybean Benitez who was also instrumentalin the early years of Madonna’s career. La India’s move to salsa wasspurred in part by Hector Lavoe.

4. Aparicio, “La Lupe, La India,” 38.5. “Que te pedí” and “Si vuelves tú.”6. Aparicio, Listening to Salsa, 167.7. Derno and Washburne, “Masquerading Machismo,” 140.8. Aparicio, “La Lupe, La India,” 47.9. Derno and Washburne, “Masquerading Machismo,” 145.

10. Ibid., 50–51.11. Derno and Washburne, “Masquerading Machismo,” 153.12. Celia Cruz observed that a major obstacle to women’s inclusion as

musicians was their lack of access to formal training in popular music.13. For a detailed first-person account of the orchestra’s history, see

Castro’s, Queens of Havana.14. Waxer, “Las caleñas,” 231.15. Ibid., 235.16. Kattari, “Building Pan-Latino Unity,” 118.17. More recently, Las Krudas/Krudas Cubensi includes only Odaymara

Cuesta and Olivia Prendes.18. Other female rappers in Cuba include Magia of the group Obsesión

and Danay Suárez as well as the all-female rap group Instinto. Allof these offer alternative representations of gender that “challengethe imagery of the scantily clad Tropicana dancer and the ron mulatasymbol as representative of Cuban popular culture.” See Fernandes, “Fear of a Black Nation,” 601.

Notes 151

19. Ibid., 578.20. West-Durán, “Rap’s Diasporic Dialogues,” 8.21. Fernandes, “Fear of a Black Nation,” 578–579. See also De la Fuente,

A Nation for All, 326; and for more on how the crisis was differen-tially experienced by black women, see Fernandes, “Proven Presence,”5–6.

22. Perry, Los Raperos, 138. The attention paid to racial inequity is notuniversal as some Cuban hip-hop artists, such as the most well knownand commercially successful group, Orishas, deny that racism existson the island. See interview with Orishas in Matos, “Hip Hop.”

23. Tickner, “Aquí en el Ghetto,” 121.24. Pacini and Garofalo document Cuban rappers’ difficulty in expressing

racial divisions. See “Hip Hop in Havana.” West-Durán also discussesthese particular challenges for Cuban rappers in “Rap’s DiasporicDialogues.”

25. Armstead, “Las Krudas,” 136.26. Ibid., 138. For more on Las Krudas and street theater, see also Rivera-

Velázquez, “Brincando bordes,” 103.27. Fernandes, “Proven Presence,” 7.28. Rivera-Velázquez, “Brincando bordes,” 99.29. Armstead, “Growing the Size,” 115.30. Saunders, “La Lucha Mujerista,” 11.31. The video for the song is available on YouTube under “Horizontalidad/

Krudas Cubensi.”32. Maeckelbergh, “Horizontal Democracy Now,” 211.33. Rivera-Velázquez, “Brincando bordes,” 110.

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Discography

Arroyo, Joe. “Rebelion” Track 3. Grandes Exitos. 1999 by Disco Fuentes. CDBarreto, Ray. “Salsa y Dulzura.” Track 2. El “Ray” Criollo. 1968 by United

Artists. LPCelina y Reutilio. “A Santa Bárbara (Viva Changó)” Track 1. Santa Bárbara.

1990 by Antilla Records. CDColón, Willlie. Demasiado Corazón. 1999 by Azteca Music. CD——. Cosa Nuestra. 1972 by Fania. LP——. Crime Pays. 1972 by Fania. LP——. La Gran Fuga. 1970 by Fania. LP——. The Hustler. 1968 by Fania. LP——. El Malo. 1967 by Fania. LPCruz, Celia. La negra tiene tumbao. 2001 by Sony Discos. CD——. Siempre viviré. 2000 by Sony Music. CD——. “Guantanamera.” With Wyclef Jean. Track 3. The Carnival. 1997 by

Columbia Records. CD——. Celia Cruz, Irrepetible. 1994 by RMM Records. CD——. Lo major de Celia Cruz. 1993 by Tico Records. CD——. “Loco de amor.” With David Byrne. Track 6.Rei Momo. 1989 by Luaka

Bop/Sire. CD——.Celia y Willie. With Willie Colón. 1981 by Vaya Records. CD——. La ceiba: Celia Cruz y la Sonora Ponceña. 1979 by Vaya Records. LP——. Cruz and Colón, Only They Could Have Made This Record. 1977 by

Vaya Records. LP——. Homenaje a los Santos. 1975 by Seeco Records. LP——. Homenaje a los Santos, vol 2. 1975 by Seeco Records. LP——. Celia y Johnny. With Johnny Pacheco. 1974 by Vaya Records. LP——. Algo para recordar. With Tito Puente. 1972 by Tico Records. LP——. Alma con alma, The Heart and Soul of Celia Cruz and Tito Puente.

With Tito Puente. 1971 by Tico Records. LP——. Nuevos éxitos de Celia Cruz. 1971 by Tico Records. LP——. Quimbo-quimbumbia. With Tito Puente. 1969 by Tico Records. LP——. Celia Cruz, Son con guaguancó. 1966 by Tico Records. LP——. El Nuevo estilo de la guarachera Celia Cruz. 1966 by Seeco

Records. LP——. La tierna, conmovedora, bamboleadora. With Sonora Matancera. 1962

by Seeco Records. LP

154 Discography

——. ¡La Dinámica! With Sonora Matancera. 1960 by Seeco Records. LP——. Mi diario musical. With Sonora Matancera. 1959 by SeecoRecords. LP

——. La incomparable Celia. With Sonora Matancera. 1958 by SeecoRecords. LP

Cuba, Joe. “Salsa y Bembé” Track 4. Steppin’ Out. 1962 by Seeco Records. LPEstefan, Gloria. “Who Can I Turn to (When Nobody Needs Me).” Track

7. Viva Duets. With Tony Bennett. 2012 by RPM/Columbia. CD——. Miss Little Havana. 2011 by Crescent Moon Records. CD——. 90 Millas. 2007 by Burgundy Records. CD——. Alma Caribeña/ Caribbean Soul. 2000 by Epic. CD——. “Puedes llegar.” Track 1. Voces Unidas. 1996 by EMI Latin. CD——. “Reach.” Track 8. Rhythm of the Games: 1996 Olympic Games Album.1996 by LaFace Records. CD

——. Abriendo Puertas. 1995 by Epic. CD——. “Come Rain or Come Shine.” Track 5.Duets. With Frank Sinatra. 1993

by Capitol Records. CD——. Mi Tierra. 1993 by Epic. CD——. Into the Light. 1991 by Epic. CDEstefan, Gloria and Miami Sound Machine. Let It Loose Anything for You.

1987 by Epic. CD——. Primitive Love. 1985 by Epic. CD——. Eyes of Innocence. 1984 by Epic. CD——. Miami Sound Machine. 1980 by Discos CBS International. LP——. Live Again (Renacer). 1977 by Audiofon. LPFreddy. “Freddy” Track 1. Ella cantaba boleros. 1998 by International

Music. CDGrupo Niche. A Golpe de Folklore. 1999 by PPM. CDLa India. Sola. 1999 by RMM Records. CD——. Dicen Que Soy. 1994 by Sony Records. CD——. Llegó La India. 1992 by RMM Records. CDLa India. With Celia Cruz and La Lupe. Las Reinas de la Salsa. 2007 by Sony

BMG. CDLa Lupe. La Lupe, Greatest Hits. 2009 by Fania Records. CD——. La Lupe es La Reina. 1969, 2006 by Fania Records. CD——. Definitely La Yi Yi Yi. 1969, 1992 by Tico Records. CD——. Un encuentro con La Lupe. With Tite Curet Alonso. 1974 by Tico

Records. LP——. La Lupe, Queen of Latin Soul. by Tico Records. LP——. La Lupe, The Queen Does Her Own Thing. 1969 by RouletteRecords. LP

——. Tito Puente Swings, The Exciting Lupe Sings. With Tito Puente. 1965 byTico Records. LP

——. Mongo Introduces La Lupe. With Mongo Santamaria. 1963 by RiversideRecords. LP

Discography 155

Las Krudas/ Krudas Cubansi. “Horizontalidad.” Track 2. Levántate. 2012self produced. CD

——. “La Gorda.” Track 28. Internationally Known Vol. 2. 2012 by NomadicWax. CD

——. Cubensi. 2003 self-produced. CDMendoza, Celeste. La voz de Celeste Mendoza. With Bebo Valdés and Ernesto

Duarte. 1961 by Seeco Records/ Remasterd 2013 Caribe Sound. CD——. La Soberana. 2001 by Egrem. CD——. La Reina de la Rumba. 1997 by Egrem. CD——. La Reina y El Bárbaro. With Benny Moré. 1992 by Egrem. CD——. Celeste Mendoza con Sierra Maestra. 1990 by Egrem. LP——. Celeste Mendoza y Los Papines. 1990 by Egrem. LP——. La Reina del Guaguancó. 1989 by Areito. LP——. Celeste Mendoza, La Reina del Guaguancó. With Los Papines. 1962 by

Gema. Reissued 1988 by Areito. LP——. Aquí el guaguancó.With Coro Folklórico Cubano de Guaguancó. 1966

by Egrem. LP——. Sabor a Cuba: Celeste Mendoza. Circa 1960 by Egrem. LP——. Celeste Mendoza. With Bebo Valdés. 1959 by Gema. LPMontaner, Rita. Unica 1928–1929. 2009 by Alma Latina. CD——. La Unica. 2003 by Orfeon. CD——. Rita Montaner. 1995 by Alma Latina. CD——. Rita Montaner, Rita de Cuba. 1994 by Tumbao. CD——. Música de la película María La O. 1947 by Ariel. LP——. El manicero. Circa 1927 by Columbia Records. 78——. Niña Rita: ¡Ay! Mamá Inés. Circa 1927 by Columbia Records. 78——. Niña Rita: El Calesero. Circa 1927 by Columbia Records. 78Palmieri, Charlie. Salsa Na’ Ma’. 1963 by Alegre Records. LPRoberto Roena y Su Apollo Sound. “Contigo no quiero na’.” Track A4. El

progreso. 1978 by International Records. LPRodríguez, Albita. Una mujer que canta. 2013 by Angels Dawn

Records. CD——. Mujeres con Cajones. With Eva Ayllón and Olga Cerpa. 2014 by Angel

Dawn Records. CD——. Toda una vida. 2010 by Angels Dawn Records. CD——. Mis tacones. 2009 by Angels Dawn Records. CD——. Albita llegó. 2004 by Agels Dawn Records. CD——. Hecho a mano. 2002 by Times Square Records. CD——. Son. 2000 by Times Square Records. CD——. Una mujer como yo. 1997 by Sony BMG. CD——. Dicen que. 1996 by Epic Records. CD——. No se parece a nada. 1995 by Epic/Crescent Moon Records. CD——. Cantaré. 1992 by Foncaribe. CD——. Si se da la siembra. 1991 by Foncaribe. CD——. Habrá música guajira. 1988 by EGREM. CD

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Son de Azúcar. Con amor y dulzura. 1995 by Sony Music. CD——. Endulzando al mundo. 1994 by Sony Music. CD——. Con sabor a caña. 1993 by Discos CBS. CD——. Más dulce. 1991 by Discos CBS. CD

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I ndex

Note: The letter ‘n’ following locators refers to notes.

Afrocubanismo, 91, 104, 135n.34,136n.51

Almodovar, Pedro, 74Anacaona, 124Angelitos negros, 22–5, 136n.48

see also “Píntame angelitosnegros”

Anthony, Marc, 51, 52, 97, 149n.48appropriation, 8, 14, 19, 20, 42, 86,

106, 137n.68Arroyo, Joe, 42“Ay, José”, 22, 136n46“Ay, Mama Inés”, 18–19, 24, 30,

135n.33

Baker, Josephine, 16“Bemba colorá”, 25, 38“Besito Pa’ Ti”, 71–2bilingualism, 5, 72, 73, 83, 84blackening, 26–8blackface, 17–18, 24, 25, 134n.21Blades, Rubén, 6, 133n.42blues, 14, 73, 93, 142n.16, 149n.51Bola de Nieve, 27, 136n.50bolero

and affect, 60–3, 107, 142n.16description, 11, 59, 61and gender, 58, 60–1, 62, 122,

142n.26history, 59–60, 142n.17

bomba, 32, 45, 50Buena Vista Social Club, 27, 32,

137n.68

bugalu (boogaloo), 5, 72, 73,144n.68

cabaret, 15, 20, 22, 59, 66, 101,105, 148n.4

cabaretera, 22, 58, 136n.41see also cine de rumberas

Cabrera, Lydia, 57, 69Cabrera Infante, Guillermo, 108,

149n.50“Café con leche”, 64–5“Canta Bajo”, 72Carpentier, Alejo, 13Cepeda, Junior, 40Changó, 22, 70, 104–5, 148n.21chusmería, 74, 122Civil Rights Movement, 3, 4, 130clave, 7, 43, 44, 140n.40, 140n.41Colón, Willie, 2, 6, 9, 33, 133n.42,

147n.2“Conga”, 78, 85–6“Contrapunto musical”, 45–6cross-dressing, 17, 25, 101,

105, 111crossover, 12, 44, 52, 77–8,

84–9, 97Cruz, Celia, 1, 4, 10, 11, 12, 14, 16,

26, 28, 32, 73and aging, 11, 36, 47–51biography, 27, 33–5, 36and latinidad, 45–7memorializing, 51–3and migration, 38, 45, 47, 52

174 I ndex

Cruz, Celia—continuedmusical performance, 25, 27, 35,

36–7, 38–44, 46–7in salsa, 38, 40, 42–3, 45–6, 47,

51, 56, 58with Sonora Matancera, 36–9

Cuba B.C., 92, 96Cuba de ayer, 90, 92, 107Cuban-American

community, 78, 80, 82–3, 89, 96,101, 145n.13

culture, 78, 89, 93, 96, 101, 102,108, 144n.1, 147n.45

term, 83Cubanidad (cubanía), 12, 30, 70,

91, 93, 101, 104–5, 108–10,135n.24

Curet Alonso, Tite, 62

danzón, 7, 13decimal, 99, 103–4diaspora, 12, 23, 35, 47, 92, 93,

94, 109Cuban, 90, 92, 93, 94

double consciousness, 139n.33,142n.28

double voiced, 63, 70, 142n.28drag, 61, 101, 111, 142n.24

see also cross-dressingdrumming (prohibitions against),

15, 28, 67, 86, 143n.50“Dueña del cantar”, 64, 65–6

Elegua, 92, 122“El manicero” (The Peanut

Vendor), 19, 102embargo (Cuban), 3, 4, 137n.69engaño (deceit), 61–3, 122Escalona, Phidias Danilo, 2Estefan, Emilio, 77, 84, 89,

95–6, 100Estefan, Gloria, 11, 51, 100, 106,

107, 110, 122biography, 78–9, 88, 144–5n.3,

145n.5

and Cuban music, 12, 14, 16,89–94, 107

and latinidad, 77, 88, 94–7and multiculturalism, 78, 86–7,

88, 89and pop music, 77, 84–6,

89, 97see also Miami Sound Machine

Fania, 2, 4, 6, 10, 38, 39, 40, 43,46, 73, 96, 139n.31

femininity, 11, 56, 61, 111–13,115–18, 125, 149n.58

femme fatale, 62, 63, 111–12, 115“Fever”, 72–3Freddy, 116, 130, 149n.50–2Freedom Flights, 80, 145n.14

gender violence, 9, 42–3, 110, 118,139n.33, 140n.36

Golden Exiles, 80Grenet, Eliseo, 18, 24, 30guaguancó, 14–15, 26, 28–9, 40,

66–7, 91, 110, 134n.8,134n.10, 137n.69

“Guaguancó Bembé”, 66–9, 91guajira (música), 91, 99, 100,

103–4, 118guajiro, 91–2, 103–4,

105, 109“Guantanamera”, 47, 49, 50, 102,

140n.50guapería, 9, 128, 133n.40guaracha, 3, 8, 38, 45, 126,

138n.2guarachera costume, 21, 136n.45Guillén, Nicolás, 30, 92, 137n.63

Haitian immigration, 81–2Haitian Revolution, 60hip hop, 45, 49, 50, 51, 121, 122,

125, 126, 130, 140n.53in Cuba, 121, 124, 126–8, 130,

151n.22–4Hommy, 139n.28horizontality, 129–30

I ndex 175

Jean, Wyclef, 33, 49–50jintanjáfora, 40, 92Jolson, Al, 16, 19

Krudas Cubensi, 12, 124, 125–30,150n.17, 151n.26

La India, 12, 73, 75, 92, 121–3,124, 138n.5, 150n.3

La Lupe, 4, 10, 11, 14, 26, 28, 31,32, 100, 110, 121–2, 123, 127,138n.5, 142n.14, 142n.26

biography, 55–6, 141n.2and boleros, 59–63and dance music, 69–73and “la mulata”, 56–8, 62, 64–5,

70, 71, 74, 87, 110, 119memorializing, 73–5, 141n.3,

144n.72and Santería, 16, 35, 68–70, 89,

122, 143n.53La negra tiene tumbao, 49–51La niña Rita o la Habana en, 1830,

17–18, 25LARAS (Latin Academy of

Recording Arts and Sciences),95, 96, 147n.55

Latin Grammys, 95–6, 141n.57latinidad, 8, 12, 39, 43, 44, 56, 77,

84, 94, 96, 97, 141n.54Latin music, 5, 6, 20, 21, 25, 42,

49, 72, 77, 79, 84, 85, 86, 95,96, 97, 124, 133n.40, 134n.19,136n.40, 147n.55

Latin@ (term), 131n.9“Latinos en Estados Unidos”, 47“La última rumba”, 29–30Lavoe, Héctor, 9, 30,

133n.42lesbian chic, 105–6liminality, 58, 59, 65, 73, 93, 119,

143n.35

mambo, 3, 13, 27, 34, 126Mammy, 22–4, 25Mariel boatlift, 81–3, 87, 101

marketing, 2, 4, 43, 44, 85, 87, 100,105, 106, 131n.4

Martí, José, 49, 50, 140n.44masculinity, 10, 105, 111–15, 118,

128, 133n.42masquerade, 12, 101, 106, 110–18,

149n.53–4McDuffie uprisings, 81–2memorializing, 51–2, 73–4,

141n.57memory, 29, 35, 90–1, 92, 94, 110,

147n.45Mendoza, Celeste, 10, 11, 14, 16,

19, 21, 25, 35, 56, 58, 66, 87,89, 99, 110, 137n.69

biography, 26–8, 31musical performance, 26, 27,

28–30, 32, 110mestizaje, 23, 56, 70, 136n.51Miami, 1, 12, 77, 83–4, 90, 96,

97, 100, 127, 141n.3,146n.31

Cuban presence, 78, 79, 80–1,83, 96, 101–2, 145n.14–15,146n.30; see also GoldenExiles; Freedom Flights

Haitian community, 81–2history, 80–4, 88race relations, 81, 82, 83,

146n.25; see also McDuffieuprisings; Mariel Boatlift

Miami Sound, 6, 84, 96, 97Miami Sound Machine, 77, 78–9,

85–6, 145n.5migration

Caribbean, 3, 10, 34, 44, 45Cuban, 10, 34, 52, 80–3,

101–2and music, 8, 34, 44, 45, 47,52, 60, 63

Miss Little Havana, 89“Mis tacones”, 106, 115, 116–18,

148n.13Mi Tierra, 79, 90–2, 93, 97, 106

176 I ndex

Montaner, Rita, 10, 11, 27, 28, 32,34, 35, 56, 58, 66, 87,97, 110

biography, 16–17, 21, 134n.18,136n.50

in film, 20–5, 136n.37musical performance, 21–2,

24–5, 66in theatre, 16–19, 127, 135n.33

montuno, 7, 30, 67, 69Moré, Beny, 27, 37Mujerista, 129mulata, 11, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23,

25, 26, 27, 42, 56, 58, 62,64–5, 71, 73, 87, 109, 110,128, 134n.20, 137n.54,141n.4, 144n.63

and national identity, 56–7, 64,65, 68–70, 135n.24,150n.18

Mulatas de Fuego, 21, 35–6, 58mulatez, 64, 65, 104, 109multiculturalism, 78, 79, 87

New York City, 12, 52, 55, 70, 74,79, 81, 100, 124, 127, 144n.74

Latin@ communities, 3, 4, 8, 39,55, 79, 97, 131n.6, 141n.15

music in, 2–5, 8, 9 , 14, 16, 19,38, 39, 63, 79, 84, 85, 86,97, 123, 126, 133n.40,134n.14

Puerto Rican community, 3, 55,97, 131n.6, 140n.53

90 millas, 79, 90, 92–4No se parece a nada, 100, 103,

105–10, 111nostalgia, 24, 50, 90, 107, 110

Ochún, 57, 69–70, 71, 1221.5 generation, 77, 83, 144n.1

Pacheco, Johnny, 33, 40, 139n.30Palmieri, Charlie, 131n.3Palmieri, Eddie, 2, 4, 6

pan-latino, 4, 44, 46, 72, 77, 125,140n.44

Pérez Prado, Damaso, 34Piñeiro, Ignacio, 2, 8“Píntame angelitos negros”, 23Pons, María Antonieta, 20Portuondo, Omara, 27, 130Puente, Tito, 2, 33, 39, 55, 139n.18punto cubano, 99, 103, 107“Puro Teatro”, 58, 61, 62–3, 74

queeraesthetics, 12, 74, 101, 105, 110,

114, 118diaspora, 109identity, 108, 109, 127performance, 74, 101queering, 12, 112

“A quién le importa”, 113–15,149n.46

“Quimbara”, 40, 47, 51

racial democracy, 42, 93, 104rap, 45, 49–50, 121, 126–7, 128,

133n.42, 150n.18see also hip-hop

“Reach”, 79, 87, 88, 146n.43reappropriation, 30, 32, 44“Rebelión”, 42–3, 139n.33reggaeton, 50, 51, 125, 141n.54rock and roll, 3, 5, 6, 32, 45, 85Rodríguez, Albita, 11, 12, 14, 16

biography, 79, 99–100, 101musical performance, 19, 102–3,

104–5, 107–8, 110, 111,116, 117

and sexuality, 101, 105, 106,108–9, 110–15, 116, 117–18

videos, 110–15Rodríguez, Arsenio, 37rumba, 7, 8, 11, 13, 14–15, 18, 29,

40, 91, 133n.6, 134n.8,134n.19, 143n.41

dance, 11, 13, 14, 22, 29–30, 66,144n.63

I ndex 177

and race, 10, 13, 14, 25–6, 29,66, 103, 134n.14

Rumba Craze, 8, 14, 20, 25, 32traditional rumba, 14–15, 26, 29,

32, 35, 133n.3, 138n.8rumberas, 14, 20–1, 28, 71

cine de rumberas, 16, 20rumberos, 9, 25, 28Rumble in the Jungle, 47

sabor, 64–5salsa

and Cuban Revolution, 3–4, 8dance, 1, 2, 86definition, 2–3, 4–5, 8, 37, 39and gender, 9–10, 42, 43, 56, 63globally, 1, 4, 5, 11, 38, 43, 44,

45–6, 47, 131 n.1and New York, 2, 3–5, 6, 14, 19,

39, 43, 84, 85, 97Puerto Rican influences, 2, 4, 5,

39, 139n.25salsa consciente, 6salsa dura, 4, 6, 113, 121,

132n.21salsa matancera, 4, 40, 138n.2salsa romantic, 6, 113–14, 122,

132n.21, 149n.41, 149n.48Santamaría, Mongo, 34, 55, 71Santería, 16, 28, 57, 69–70, 89, 92,

105, 123and music, 16, 22, 28, 34, 35,

122, 143n.53and national identity, 67–8, 70,

92, 103, 110, 143n.53and race, 11, 22, 28, 67, 70, 103,

143n.53, 144n.62Sevilla, Ninón, 20, 21Sheila E., 92, 97Silva, Myrta, 130, 139n.19

slavery, 14, 42, 57, 65, 68, 93–4,127, 143n.50, 144n.63

son, 3, 7–8, 13, 14, 25, 26, 36–7,38, 40, 45, 91, 103, 107, 124,126, 130, 140n.46

origins, 3, 7–8, 91, 132n.22,132n.24

and poetry, 30, 137n.62–3and salsa, 3, 5, 7, 13, 40

Son de Azúcar, 124–5“Sóngoro Cosongo”, 30Sonora Matancera, 4, 36–8, 39, 51,

132n.14Soul Power, 140n.45

see also Rumble in the Jungle“Soy una mujer”, 116

teatro vernáculo, 15, 17, 26, 127,134n.17, 134n.20, 135n.23,135n.33

Tongolele, 58, 142n.11tourism, 8, 25, 66, 133n.34translocal, 1, 125, 126, 131n.1Tropicana, Carmelita (Alina

Troyano), 74, 144n.74Tropicana Night Club, 26, 27, 58,

137n.54, 142n.11, 150n.18Troyano, Ela, 56, 73

Valdés, Bebo, 27Valdés, Merceditas, 130, 143n.53Venus Noir, 36, 56, 57, 58Víctimas del pecado, 21, 22–3Virgen de la Caridad del Cobre, 57,

69–70, 143n.58

whitening, 19, 20, 104, 135n.32,148n.18

zarzuela, 15, 18, 134n.20, 135n.23,135n.26, 141n.4