156

Notes

1 Introduction

1. As we shall see, this approach characterises the ‘Drivers of Change’ approach developed within DFID. It is also to be found in the Developmental Leadership Program developed by Adrian Leftwich and Steve Hogg, and within studies by t he Centre for the Future State, Overseas Development Institute and even the World Bank. These will be examined in later chapters.

2 Realities of Political Economy: The Elephant in the Room

1. Some examples of the use of structural political economy in analysis of the politics of markets include, Chaudhry (1997), Hughes (2003) and Robison and Hadiz (2004).

2. The view that institutions are both an explanation for political and social problems and a solution for them is a central theme in World Bank think-ing. See also Bates (2006) and Levi (2006).

3. These include such figures as Museveni of Uganda, Rawlings of Ghana, Chiluba of Zambia, Muapa of Tanzania and Kibaki of Kenya.

4. It has often been the best remunerated and trained sections of the civil service, including in the financial ministries and central banks that have been at the heart of many financial scandals (see, for example, Hamilton-Hart, 2001). Yet, salary increases for civil servants as a means of reducing corruption are still seen by neoliberal economists as an effective way to change behaviour within the public bureaucracy (see McLeod, 2005). But this assumes a short-term rational choice calculation that ignores the role of corruption as cement for wider political and social relations. As Harrison (2005: 252) has observed, higher pay scales have simply fed into existing systems of clientalist and informal politics in many African countries.

5. James Dorn (1993: 601) of the Cato Institute has argued that, ‘Democratic government is no substitute for the free market’. Hayek (1967: 161) him-self saw the ideal market state as one that essentially guaranteed individual property rights and contracts, and that might not be a democratic state.

6. The opportunities to access Chinese development assistance and loans became, for example, the basis of Chad’s refusal of World Bank demands that it restricts the use of its loans for development programmes rather than for arms purchases (Massey and May, 2006) and the continuing abil-ity of Sudan to chart an independent course in economic and geopolitical strategy. Former World Bank Head, Wolfowitz, has expressed concern that

Notes 157

Chinese bank loans, particularly in Africa, could undo the objectives of debt forgiveness programmes introduced by the West by opening oppor-tunities for further plunges into debt (Crouigneau and Hiault, 2006). In Southeast Asia, too, the surge of investments from China, Singapore, Malaysia and Taiwan (see Watts, 2006; UBS, 2006) brings quite different implications for the broader politics of governance in that region.

3 Development Agencies and the Political Economy Turn

1. Interestingly, Gibson et al. (2005: 148–9) did not find evidence in their research on the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA) that past project performance impacted on staff promotions.

2. This section draws on Schakel et al. (2010).3. The overview of Drivers of Change country studies at the Governance and

Social Development Resource Centre website mentions studies on: Angola, Bangladesh, Bolivia, Cambodia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ghana, Kenya, Kyrgyzstan, Malawi, Mozambique, Nigeria, Pakistan, Peru, Tanzania, Uganda, Vanuatu and Zambia (http://www.gsdrc.org/index.cfm?objectid=597A76DB-14C2-620A-2770D688963DF944#doc, accessed 19 November 2013).

4. Van Ardenne broadened the group of partner countries to 36; one of the criteria for selection was ‘the quality of policies and governance in recipient countries’ (Minister for Development Cooperation, 2003: 19–20, 32, translated from Dutch). Koenders selected 33 countries across three different ‘profiles’: countries with a focus on accelerated achieve-ment of the Millennium Development Goals, fragile states and (near) middle income countries. The least-developed and low-income countries in the first group were required to have ‘a reasonable level of stability and improving governance’ (Minister for Development Cooperation, 2007: 38–9).

The subsequent Minister for European Affairs and International Cooperation, Christian-Democrat Ben Knapen, in 2011 announced a sharp reduction in the number of partner countries to 15. Good govern-ance, including democratisation, respect for human rights and the fight against corruption, has remained a criterion, together with six other crite-ria, such as the prospects for obtaining results, the level of poverty and the opportunities for the Netherlands to work on four ‘spearheads’: security and rule of law, food security, water, and sexuals and reproductive health and rights (Minister for European Affairs and International Cooperation 2011: 14–17).

5. At the time of the launch of SGACA, DMH was called the Department of Human Rights and Peacebuilding.

6. Personal communication with Wil Hout by a staff member of the Department for Human Rights and Peace Building (DMH’s predecessor), The Hague, 15 May 2006.

158 Notes

7. The track record, which was designed in the mid-1990s to assist the Ministry with decisions on macroeconomic support, has evolved into an instrument to judge whether countries qualify for particular aid modali-ties. The track record consists of four clusters: poverty reduction, eco-nomic order, good governance and policy dialogue. The Dutch embassies score the performance of partner countries on two criteria per cluster (see Hout, 2007: 58–61).

8. Staff members at ECORYS Nederland, interview with Wil Hout, Rotterdam, September 2009. It is remarkable that two papers by DEK staff members (Harth and Waltmans, 2007; Waltmans, 2008) on the need for political economy analyses of the reality ‘behind the façade’ do not mention SGACA even once. Details of interviews and interviewees are included in Schakel et al., 2010: Annex II.

9. The similarity between Drivers of Change and SGACA is due, in part, to the involvement of Sue Unsworth, former Chief Governance Advisor at DFID, as a consultant in the process of setting up the SGACA framework.

10. In 2007, discussions started on the extension of the SGACA framework to make it applicable to fragile states. After his appointment in February 2007, the new Minister for Development Cooperation, Bert Koenders, had been placing emphasis on the inclusion of fragile states into the Dutch development assistance framework. The extended SGACA frame-work, which included a security component, was approved in September 2008. A pilot was done with the extended framework in the Democratic Republic of Congo and Burundi, but the revised SGACA has never been applied to fragile states because most SGACAs had been completed before the original deadline of October 2008 (Schakel et al., 2010: Annex III).

11. Staff members at ECORYS Nederland, interviews with Wil Hout, Rotterdam, September 2009; staff members/consultants at Clingendael Institute, with Wil Hout, The Hague, October and November 2009.

12. Staff members at ECORYS Nederland, interview with Wil Hout, Rotterdam, September 2009.

13. Senior consultant, telephone interview with Wil Hout, January 2010.14. Personal communication with Wil Hout by a staff member of the DMH,

The Hague, September 2010.15. A good summary of the criticism has been given in Alexander (2004).16. A new formula for calculating the Country Performance Rating was

introduced in the 15th replenishment period of IDA (IDA15, from 2008 to 2011). This formula is

Country Performance Rating = (0.24 * CPIAA–C + 0.68 * CPIAD

+ 0.08 * PORT),

in which CPIAA–C stands for the average score on the clusters on eco-nomic management, structural policies and policies for social inclusion/equity, CPIAD represents the average on the five components of the governance cluster, and PORT represents the assessment of portfolio

Notes 159

performance (International Development Agency, 2007: 9–10). In ear-lier periods, a so-called ‘governance factor’ had been used to emphasise governance-related criteria in the Country Performance Rating (see Hout, 2007: 31–40 for a detailed analysis).

4 Development as Collective Action Problems

1. Examples include the Overseas Development Institute, Oxford Policy Management, The Policy Practice, Institute of Development Studies (IDS), Developmental Leadership Program, the Elites, Production and Poverty Project (Copenhagen), UN-WIDER, The Asia Foundation, etc. However, collaborative outputs have been published by donors, for example DFID-funded research by The Centre for the Future State and the Development Research Centre on Citizenship, Participation and Accountability (both at IDS), the Crisis States Research Centre (London School of Economics), and the Centre for Research on Inequality and Ethnicity (Oxford University).

2. Hyden refers here to the functionalism of Talcott Parsons. The influential publication, An Upside Down View of Governance (Centre for the Future State, 2010: 9), focuses on ‘public authority’ as the capacity to ‘undertake core governance functions’.

3. The ongoing research into pro-poor active citizenship has continued to delve into the politics of collective action more strongly in relation to power relations rather than collective action problems (see Joshi and Houtzager, 2012; Gaventa and McGee, 2010). Thus here there is a more strongly relational conception of collective action and how it is shaped by ideology, historical legacies, the nature of alliances and tactics, and posi-tion within power relations (Hickey, 2009). We return to the distinction between collective action in relation to power relations rather than collec-tive action problems later in this chapter.

4. Leftwich defines politics as ‘all the activities of cooperation, conflict and negotiation involved in decisions about the use, production and distribu-tion or resources’ (Leftwich, 2007: 13) and as ‘the pervasive and unavoid-able (and necessary) activities of conflict, negotiation and compromise involved wherever and whenever human beings in groups have to take decisions about how resources are to be used, produced and distributed’ (Leftwich, 2011: 1).

5. Wright (2000), for example, discusses the ‘associational power’ of workers which comes from collective organisation and is therefore weakened through division and fragmentation.

5 Understanding the Development Problem

1. Socialised housing entails some level and form of subsidy so as to meet the shelter needs of households which cannot otherwise afford housing through the private market.

2. Ministry of Interior senior official, interview with Caroline Hughes, Phnom Penh, July 2010.

160 Notes

3. Ibid. 4. Civil society activist, interviewed by Universitas Gajah Mada research

team, Mataram, October 2009. 5. Civil society activist, interviewed by Universitas Gajah Mada research

team, Mataram, July 2010. 6. This section on the informal sector in Jakarta draws on Ian Wilson’s ‘The

streets belong to who?: ‘Governance’ and the Urban Informal Sector in Jakarta, Indonesia’ in the policy monograph, The Elephant in the Room: Politics and the Development Problem, presented at a Murdoch University workshop, 13–14 December 2010.

7. Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation officer, interview with Ian Wilson, Jakarta, August 2009.

8. FAKTA representative, interview with Ian Wilson, Jakarta, August 2010. 9. Housing Urban Development Coordinating Council senior officer, inter-

view with Jane Hutchison, Metro Manila, August 200910. Urban poor community organiser, interview with Jane Hutchison, Metro

Manila, 2006.11. Since 2010, the ADB’s Involuntary Resettlement Policy has been

incorporated into its Safeguard Policy Statement, at http://www.adb.org/documents/safeguard-policy-statement?ref=site/safeguards/publications

6 Analysing Reform and Reformers

1. Different states, and different institutions within a particular state, do nevertheless have different degrees of autonomy, depending on the extent to which state officials are successfully able to monopolise key functions through their professionalisation and or the extent to which they are able to forge alliances with wider non-state forces to promote their autonomy.

2. This is not to say that elite individuals never ‘cross over’ to support causes that oppose their class interests: they do, and may bring along considerable resources, however, in structural terms their power is diminished.

3. Previously, the ADB had sought to release its loan to the national govern-ment; however, after many meetings it failed to convince the Department of Finance that the programme was viable (ADB, personal communication with Jane Hutchison, 2009).

4. The significance of a national government programme is that the subsidy is not provided locally.

5. Interview with Jane Hutchison, Metro Manila, 2010.6. Interview with Jane Hutchison, Metro Manila, 2010.7. Interview with Jane Hutchison, Metro Manila, 2010. 8. Housing Urban Development Coordinating Council senior officer, inter-

view with Jane Hutchison, Metro Manila, August 2009. 9. Urban poor community leaders, interview with Jane Hutchison, Metro

Manila, January 2010.

Notes 161

10. Interviews with various civil society activists, Mataram, July 2010.11. Royal Government of Cambodia, Chbap Stey pi Kar Prachang Ampoeu Puk

Roluey (Law on Anti-Corruption), draft submitted to National Assembly, 24 February 2010, Article 41, author’s translation from Khmer.

12. World Bank official, interview with Caroline Hughes, Phnom Penh, June 2009.

13. World Bank official, interview with Caroline Hughes, Phnom Penh, June 2009.

14. Silaka, interview by Caroline Hughes, Phnom Penh, June 2009.15. Ministry of Interior senior official, interview with Caroline Hughes,

Phnom Penh, July 2010.16. Ibid.17. Ibid.18. NGO activist, interview with Caroline Hughes, Phnom Penh, July 2009.19. NGO activist, interview with Caroline Hughes, Jakarta, Phnom Penh, July

2009.20. Jakarta City Market Authority official, interview with Ian Wilson, Jakarta,

August 2009.21. FAKTA member, interview with Ian Wilson, Jakarta, August 2009.22. Group of Musrenbang participants, interview with Ian Wilson, Jakarta,

August 2009.

8 Conclusion: The Road to Nowhere?

1. This point has also be made in relation to political economy analyses by Fisher and Marquette (2013: 3), who argue that ‘[i]n the last five or so years … PEA has moved away from largely donor-designed broad political analy-sis frameworks for understanding the overall political context in a given country, to largely standalone products, designed by specialist consultants or academics, for individual donor agencies, but sharing many common features (and designers)’.

2. This seems to be the implication of the United Nations Development Programme’s work on global public goods, though this conclusion remains largely implicit, see Kapstein (1999).

162

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182

Index

accountability, 40, 53, 62social accountability, 57, 59–62,

88, 93, 120, 121–4, 139Accra Agenda for Action, see aid

effectiveness agendaagency, 44, 63, 66

political, 8, 58, 62–8, 71, 81see also structure and agency

agents of change, 44, 103see also progressive forces;

reformers, aid, aid industry, 37, 56, 101, 149

aid selectivity, 34, 46, 157aid programming, 8, 9, 77, 78, 79,

82, 101, 102, 103, 108, 130–1, 134, 152

changing global contexts of, 153–4see also development;

development agencies; donor countries, or governments; recipient countries

aid agencies, see development agencies

aid effectiveness agenda, 6, 39, 130, 131, 135, 153

Africa, sub-Saharan Africa, 21, 24, 25, 26, 34, 156, 157, 158

alliances, 9, 61, 108, 109, 110, 115, 127–9, 130–9

collaborative, 131, 136controlling, 131, 137–8dedicated, 108, 135–6, 152see also, solidaritypragmatic, 116, 117tactical, 6, 9, 108, 135–8, 139,

141, 142–5, 146–7, 151–2typology of, 9, 131, 135–9

‘anti-politics machines’, see development agencies

Asia Foundation, The, 91, 115, 159

Asian Development Bank (ADB), 83, 97–8, 100, 110–14, 141, 143–5, 160

Pasig River Rehabilitation Program, Metro Manila, 144–5

Urban Services for the Poor, Metro Manila, 83, 97–8, 101, 110–14, 128, 141, 144

Asian Financial Crisis, 17, 19, 24, 29, 30, 32, 88, 89, 90, 106, 140

Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID), 4, 60

Brinkerhoff, Derick, 35

Cambodia, 9, 23–24, 82, 83, 84–8, 89, 93, 101, 102, 110, 117–125, 128, 129, 139, 142

Cambodian People’s Party (CPP), 24, 85–7, 118, 120, 123–4, 128, 143

civil society, civil society organisations, NGOs, 87–8, 118, 119–25, 139

corruption, anti-corruption, 87–8, 118–25

Demand for Good Governance Program, see World Bank

European Union (EU) arms reduction project, 142–3, 144

forests, natural resources, 23–4, 86, 87, 119–20, 121, 123–4

inequality, 85market reforms, 85–6Ministry of Interior, 122–3, 129,

139Carothers, Thomas, 62 Centre for the Future State, Institute

of Development Studies (IDS), 35, 66, 156, 159

Index 183

Centre for Research on Inequality and Ethnicity (Oxford University), 159

champions of development, or of reform, 3, 14, 43, 69, 134, 136, 146, 150, 152

see also agents of change; progressive forces; reformers

China, 31, 34, 153, 156, 157citizenship, active, 60, 159civil society, 2, 4, 13, 120

see also Cambodia; Indonesia; Philippines

civil-society organisations, see NGOs; see also Cambodia; Indonesia; Philippines

class, classes forces, 78–9, 103–4 dominant and subordinate, 68,

103–4, 105, 131–33, 145, 150, 151

middle, 13, 90, 100, 101, 117struggle, 79–81, 83, 101, 103–4,

131, 132see also structural

classical liberalism, see liberalismclientelism, clientelist, clientelist

politics, 17, 25–6, 116, 137–8, 156

coalitions, 8, 61, 64–5, 70–1, 110see also alliances

Cock, Andrew, 24collective action, 61, 62, 159collective action, to address

collective action problems, or dilemmas, 58, 61, 62, 64–6, 72–3, 150, 159

collective action problems, or dilemmas, 2, 3, 8, 16, 17, 57–73, 57–8, 63, 64–8, 77, 102

collective good(s), see public good(s) compromise, on policy, 152–3

see also, alliances; tactical; reformers, tactical

corruption, 16, 17, 25, 26, 27, 29, 50, 83, 156, 157

anti-corruption programmes, 18, 30, 42

see also Cambodia; Indonesia; Philippines

Crisis States Research Centre (London School of Economics), 159

de Gramont, Diane, 62democracy, democratic,

democratisation, 19, 31, 33, 59, 88, 89

Department for International Development (DFID), 4, 8, 36, 42–6, 61, 156, 159

Drivers of Change, approach, 1, 4, 5, 8, 36, 42–6, 48, 49, 54, 156, 157, 158

The Politics of Poverty and Elites: Citizens and States, 61

development, 37, 61, 77–8, 82, 101, 104, 125, 128–9

approaches to, market, 2, 7, 151see also market reforms

approaches to, technical, 1, 4, 7, 13, 150

as conflict, or contested structural change, 8, 14, 73, 78–9, 151

as ideology, 81–2, 96, 125, 128–9, 132, 141, 145

see also ideology, ideologicalas political, or political process, 1,

72, 79–81, 131–2, 151, 155as a public good, or collective

good, 8, 57, 62, 72, 77, 78, 82, 131, 145, 147, 150

see also collective action problems, or dilemmas

effectiveness, see aid effectiveness agenda

professionals, 38, 55–6development agencies, 32, 36–56,

62, 68, 70, 82–3, 129, 145–7, 152–3, 155

‘anti-politics machines’, 37, 55, 56entrepreneurs, 70, see also leaders,

developmental

184 Index

development agencies – continuedinternal workings of, 4, 10, 38–42,

48–9, 55–6, 145, 149–50political economy of, 4, 5, 7, 10,

37, 133, 134, 147, 149–50see also donor countries, or

governments, political economy of; recipient countries, political economy of

political economy turn of, 8, 36–56, 148

working politically, 8, 68, 102, 103–4, 106

see also, political economyDevelopmental Leadership Program

(DLP), 63, 64, 71, 156see also, coalitions; Hogg, Steve;

leaders, developmental; Leftwich, Adrian; political economy, community

developmental leaders, see leaders Development Research Centre on

Citizenship, Participation and Accountability, Institute of Development Studies (IDS), 159

donor agencies, see development agencies

donor countries, or governments, 16, 32, 40, 149, 154

political economy of, 4, 16, 32, 37, 48–9, 133, 149

Drivers of Change, approach, see Department for International Development (DFID)

Duncan, Alex, 71Dutch Directorate-General for

International Cooperation (DGIS), 36, 46

Power and Change Analysis, 47–8Strategic Governance and

Corruption Analysis (SGACA), 8, 36, 46–9, 54, 158

Easterly, William, 39, 150elite, elites, or power-holders, 28,

65–6, 68–9, 71–2, 77, 79, 80–1,

102, 104–5, 107, 116, 129, 131, 132–3, 137, 146–7, 150–1

epistemic community, 37, 38, 55European Union (EU), arms

reduction projects, see Cambodia

Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), 154

Ferguson, James, 55 Ford Foundation, 115

Gamble, Andrew, 17, 118gatekeepers, see reformersglobalisation, 20, 32, 104, 154Goldsmith, Arthur A., 35good governance, 5, 13, 16, 17,

18–19, 25, 27, 32, 34, 35, 40, 42, 43, 46, 50, 57, 83, 102, 106, 110, 118, 120

demand for, 2–3, 57–62, 120, 122‘good enough’, 34, 52, 134, 152

governance, 14, 19, 36, 50, 53bad, 3, 7, 14, 15, 25, 32–3see also good governance

Grindle, Merliee, 34, 63, 134, 152

Haas, Peter, 38Hadiz, Vedi, 90Harrison, Graham, 26, 156Harriss, John, 55Hay, Colin, 64Hickey, Sam, 72Hill, Hal, 19 Hogg, Steve, 70, 156human rights, human rights

approaches, 31, 33, 46, 88, 95, 106, 121, 123, 136, 157

Hutchcroft, Paul, 27 Hyden, Goran, 67, 159

idealists, see reformersideology, ideological, 67, 72, 80,

81–2, 83, 96, 100–2, 105, 110, 114, 125, 128–9, 132, 133, 141, 145

see also development, as ideology

Index 185

illiberal regimes, or state authority, 16, 20–1, 24, 32, 35

incentives, 8, 13, 18, 25, 39, 41, 45, 69, 71–2, 77, 128, 131, 141, 150

inclusion, social, 60India, 88, 124–5, 153Indonesia, 9, 18, 19, 22, 29, 30–1,

32, 33, 82, 83, 88–97, 102, 106, 119, 128, 153

corruption, anti-corruption, 91, 92, 95, 117, 119, 140

decentralisation, 88–90, 94, 106democracy, democratisation,

88–89, 91, 106, 116, 140Jakarta, 83, 93–7, 101, 110, 125–7,

128, 140–2informal sector, 83, 94–7, 101,

125–8, 140–2, 160NGOs, civil society

organisations, 81, 97, 126Mataram, 89–94, 110, 114–7,

128–9, 139–40, 142Community Action Plan,

114–15corruption, anti-corruption,

91–2, 115, 117elites, 90, 93NGOs, civil society

organisations, 90–3, 114–17middle class, 90, 101, 117participatory planning, or

budgeting, processes, 82, 90–3, 114–17, 139–40

Program Nasional Pemberdayaan Masyarakat (MANDIRI), 115, 139–40

Musyawarah Pembangunana Bermitra Masyarakat (MPBM) (Community Partnerships Development Forum), 114

NGOs, civil society organisations, 88–9

participatory planning processes, Musyawarah Perencanaan Pembangunan, or Musrenbang, 89–93, 115, 126

post-Soeharto era, or post New Order, 88–97, 106, 114, 116, 117, 140

Soeharto, Soeharto era, or regime, 22, 30, 33, 71–3, 88–91, 106, 117, 141

reformasi, 90, 91, 117institutions, 8, 9, 14, 17, 18, 35–6,

43, 44, 51, 52, 64, 66–8, 71–3, 80–1, 102, 105, 156

institutionalisation, 66, 68, 80International Monetary Fund (IMF),

21, 23, 24, 25, 29, 30, 32, 38

Jakarta, see Indonesia

Khan, Mushtaq, 44

Lancaster, Carol, 37 Latin America, 28, 33, 63, 123leaders, leadership

developmental, 8, 69–71transformational, 70

Leftwich, Adrian, 44, 63–4, 70, 156, 159

see also Developmental Leadership Program (DLP)

liberal, liberalism, liberals, 59classical, 13, 20, 60pluralist, 8, 13, 14, 17, 65, 67, 68,

148, 151see also political economy,

pluralistsee also neoliberalism

managing for results, 6market reforms, 2, 7, 13, 17–24, 35,

85–6see also neoliberalism

Mataram, see IndonesiaMaxwell, Simon, 38 Metro Manila, see Philippinesmiddle class, see classMiddle East, 21–2, 33 Millennium ChallengeMillennium Development Goals

(MDGs), 37, 38, 40, 45, 84, 157

186 Index

Moore, Mick, 33 Musrenbang, see IndonesiaMusyawarah Perencanaan

Pembangunan, or Musrenbang, see Indonesia

Natsios, Andrew, 6, 39neoliberal, neoliberalism, 13, 14, 15,

17–21, 26, 28, 29, 33, 53, 93see also market reform

NGOs, 80, 83, 91, 130, 137–8, 146see also Cambodia; Indonesia;

Philippines

obstructors, see reformersnon-reformers, see reformersoligarchs, oligarchy, 7, 15–16, 20–1,

25, 27, 28, 88, 117, 227opportunists, see refomers Overseas Development Institute

(ODI), 38, 156, 159Oxford Policy Management, 159ownership, 9–10, 61, 130–4, 141

see also aid effectiveness agenda

Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness, see aid effectiveness agenda

partnership, partnerships, 9–10, 14, 60, 70, 77, 107, 122–3, 130–1, 134, 135–6, 138

see also aid effectiveness agendaPhilippines, the, 9, 22, 27, 29, 69,

70, 82, 88, 97–101, 102, 128, 139, 140–1, 151

local government, mayors, 98–101, 110–13, 128, 141

Metro Manila, 83, 93, 97–101, 110–14, 140–1, 144, 152

NGOs, civil society organisations, 99–100, 112–13, 141, 145

Pasig River Rehabilitation program, see ADB

Slum upgrading, see Urban Services for the Poor, ADB

urban poor, or poverty, 98–9, 111

Urban Services for the Poor, see ADB

pluralist, see liberalPolicy Practice, The, 159political agency, see agency

see also structure and agencypolitical economy, 1–7, 44, 50–1,

148analysis, 36, 41–3, 47–9, 52–3, 54,

57, 145–6, 154, 161community, 8, 58, 61, 62–73, 159operationalization of, 8, 57, 146,

148pluralist, 8, 13, 14, 17, 65, 67, 68,

148, 151public choice or rational choice,

2, 6, 7, 13, 16, 17, 62, 64–5, 148

see neoliberalismrational choice, see public choicestructural, 1, 3, 7, 8, 10, 66, 68,

73, 78–82, 104, 105, 130, 151–2, 156

turn by development agencies, see development agencies

see also development; development agencies; donor countries, or governments; recipient countries

political settlements, 67–8, 80political will, 64, 70, 127, 132poor people, 28, 59, 68, 79, 80–1,

83, 87, 93, 94, 100, 102, 105, 113, 114, 128–9, 132–3, 134, 138, 144–5, 152

pro-poor, pro-poor change, 3, 20, 31, 37, 43, 81, 108, 131, 134, 143, 145–6, 159

poverty, poverty reduction, 3, 21, 25, 31, 37–8, 43, 50–1, 72, 115, 133, 152, 155

poverty, new geography of, 153Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers

(PRSP), see World Bank ‘power to’ and ‘power over’, 67pragmatists, see reformers

Index 187

predatory interests, 2, 3, 7, 13, 16–7, 21, 24–5, 28, 71

predatory regimes, see also politics, predatory forms of

principal-agent problem, 39, 41see also political economy, public

choiceprivatization, 6, 20–1, 23, 24, 27–8,

79, 88, 151Problem-Driven Governance and

Political Economy Analysis (World Bank), 8, 52

progressive forces, 3, 4, 6, 14, 15, 57, 69, 134, 150–2

see also champions of development, reformers

property rights, 6, 15, 17, 20, 28, 29, 50, 53, 60, 156

public choice political economy, see political economy

public good, the, or the collective good, 59, 67, 131

see development, as apublic sector management, 41, 54,

149–50

rational choice, see political economyrecalcitrants, see reformersrecipient countries, political

economy of, 10, 33, 41, 43, 45–6, 48–9, 53, 54, 130, 134, 150–2

reform, 62–3, 104–6, 127–8, 132, 134, 154

as political process, 62–3. 50–51, 53, 63, 64, 138

reformasi, see Indonesiareformers, 9, 61, 69, 103–29, 106,

107–10, 127–9, 132, 134, 147, 151

anti-, non-, 109–10, 147, 151recalcitrants, 109obstructors, 109wreckers, 109

dedicated, committed, 9, 103, 108, 118, 146

gatekeepers, 109, 113idealists, 9, 104, 107, 108, 110–11,

114–15, 117, 118, 120, 127, 129, 134, 146, 152

opportunists, 9, 104, 107–8, 117–18, 127, 128, 146–7

pragmatists, 9, 105, 107, 108–9, 115, 124, 127, 147

typology of, 9, 104, 107–10see also agents of change;

champions of development, leaders, progressive forces

risk, risks, 17, 32, 42, 51, 52, 53, 55, 57, 147

Rodan, Garry, 19Rotberg, Robert, 70Russia, 17, 18, 21, 24, 27–8, 31

services, delivery of, 42, 54, 58–60, 62, 122

Singapore, 19, 157social accountability, see

accountabilitysocial capital, 2, 14, 55, 100solidarity, 146Southeast Asia, 22, 29, 69, 102, 104,

157case studies in, 7, 8, 9, 10, 77,

82–102, 110–29, 131, 136, 138–45

see also Cambodia, Indonesia, Singapore, Thailand, Philippines

state, stateseffective, 47, 50, 58–9role of, 17, 18, 33, 42, 50, 59

Strategic Governance and Corruption Analysis (SGACA), see Dutch Directorate-General for International Cooperation (DGIS)

Structuralchange, 78–9, 104interests, 58, 72, 134, 151political economy, see political

economy

188 Index

structure and agency, 44, 52, 63–4, 78

sub-Saharan Africa, see Africa Swedish International Development

Cooperation Agency (SIDA), 157

technocratic approaches to development, or

reform, 2, 3, 4, 7, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18–9, 20, 22, 40–1, 50, 54–5, 59

technocrats, 18, 20, 22, 27–8, 69, 136

Thailand, 22, 29–30, 32 Therkildsen, Ole, 66

United Nations (UN), 23, 87, 130, 131

United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), 77–8, 84, 114, 161

Unsworth, Sue, 4, 53, 55US Agency for International

Development (USAID), 6, 119, 121

US Millennium Challenge Account, 34

violence, 23, 63, 68, 79, 80, 83, 84, 93, 95, 102, 138

Whitfield, Lindsay, 66Williams, David, 59Williams, Gareth, 65–6, 71Wilson, Ian, 160working politically, see development

agenciesWorld Bank, 2, 3, 8, 14, 17, 18, 21,

23–4, 25, 29, 30, 35, 36, 37, 38, 50–5, 58–60, 82, 84, 87, 94, 114, 115, 120–1, 124, 151, 156

Berg Report, 17Demand for Good Governance

program, Cambodia, 82, 87–8, 117–18, 120–5, 139

Governance and Anti-Corruption Strategy, 59

Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSP), 3, 38

Problem-Driven Governance and Political Economy, 8, 52–6

World Development Reports, various, 29, 50, 58

wreckers, see reformers

Young, Tom, 59