134

Notes

1 Muslim Absence as Literary Aperture

1. See Américo Castro, “The Intermingling of the Three Castes,” The Spaniards.

2. Henry Kamen, Empire, p. 8. 3. See Peter Sahlins, Boundaries. 4. John A. Armstrong, Nations before Nationalism, p. x. 5. Armstrong, Nations before Nationalism, p. 9. 6. John Armstrong contends that the historical accident of the union of

Castile and Aragon, which has never fully coalesced to this day, was sealed only because it occurred just in time to share in the Antemurale myth, i.e., just before the Reconquest. The ephemeral union between Spain and Portugal could not survive, however, because each country already had separate myth identities, as Armstrong elucidates (Nations before Nationalism, p. 75).

7. Kamen, Empire, p. 21. 8. The first printer in the peninsula was a German named Juan Parix, who

set up shop in Segovia in 1472. As Cátedra and López-Vidriero succinctly state, the first years of print in Spain are characterized by: “manufactura extranjera, ocasionalidad y servicio a la Iglesia” (p. 464). All translations in the book are my own unless otherwise noted.

9. Cátedra and López-Vidriero note that “se articula entonces un organi-grama administrativo en sintonía con la homogeneización social y política, que poco a poco se va imponiendo en sus territorios, dentro de un plan perfectamente orquestrado desde el poder, con una consecuencia clara, la publicación de determinados tipos de impresos” (pp. 517–18).

10. The original reads: “una cosa hallo e saco por conclusión muy cierta: que siempre la lengua fue compañera del imperio; e de tal manera lo siguió, que juntamente començaron, crecieron e florecieron, e despues junta fue la caida de entrambos” (Antonio de Nebrija, Gramática Española, p. 1).

11. The original reads: “después que vuestra Alteza metiese debaxo de su iugo muchos pueblos bárbaros e naciones de peregrines lenguas, e con el ven-cimiento aquellos ternian necessidad de recebir las leies quell vencedor pone al vencido, e con ellas nuestra lengua” (Nebrija, Gramática Española, p. 8).

12. Armstrong, Nations before Nationalism, pp. 8, 161.13. Henry Kamen, “Decline,” p. 27.14. Kamen, “Decline,” p. 27. Kamen gives four primary reasons for Spain’s

ills: (1) the region of Castile had to bear almost the entire brunt for the maintenance of the empire; (2) the cost of the empire had ruined the tax system; (3) the high death toll in Flanders and the opportunities abroad

signified a large drop in male population in Spain itself; and (4) poor trade and industry (p. 30). It seems, in fact, that Spain was unable to take advantage of the resources coming in from the New World and instead served as a kind of go-between of raw materials for the rest of Europe.

15. Kamen, “Decline,” p. 28.16. Bouwsma is addressing the period of 1550–1640.17. Bouwsma, Waning of the Renaissance, p. vii.18. Bouwsma, Waning of the Renaissance, p. 20.19. Bouwsma, Waning of the Renaissance, p. 27.20. Bouwsma, Waning of the Renaissance, p. 32.21. Bouwsma, Waning of the Renaissance, p. 113.22. Bouwsma, Waning of the Renaissance, p. 112.23. Bouwsma does find examples of cultural anxiety in Spain, especially in

the work of Miguel de Cervantes, St. John of the Cross, St. Teresa of Avila, and Baltasar Gracián.

24. Cemal Kafadar, “Ottomans and Europe,” p. 609.25. L. P. Harvey, Muslims in Spain, p. 334.26. Harvey, Muslims in Spain, pp. 336, 339.27. Harvey, Muslims in Spain, p. 339.28. Harvey, Muslims in Spain, p. 339.29. Harvey, Muslims in Spain, p. 341.30. Harvey, Muslims in Spain, p. 341. The Moriscos eventually tried to find

allies in protestant Europe, with disastrous results. See Harvey, Muslims in Spain, p. 343.

31. While the battle of Lepanto was under Spanish command, the vast major-ity of its manpower came from Italy. Henry Kamen sees the battle as another example of the way in which Spain was able to build an empire only with continual international support. See Kamen, Empire, pp. 183–4.

32. Kamen, Empire, p. 183.33. Kamen, Empire, p. 184.34. Kafadar, “Ottomans and Europe,” p. 612.35. I will clarify the difference between frontier ballads and Moorish ballads

below in Chapter 2.36. OED, Vol. VII, p. 219.37. See Leo Spitzer’s article “Back through the Future,” on the Austrian-

Jewish community in Bolivia.38. Svetlana Boym, Future of Nostalgia, p. xvi.39. Carol B. Bardenstien, “Trees, Forest and the Shaping of Palestinian and

Israeli Collective Memory,” p. 148. For more on collective memory as it relates to trauma, see Cathy Caruth, Trauma.

40. More Jews lived in medieval Spain than in all of the countries of Europe combined and Jews lived in Spain for a longer period of time than any other geographic region, including ancient Israel (See Norman Roth, Conversos, Inquisition, and the Expulsion of the Jews from Spain, p. xi). While the scale of true convivencia between Christians and Jews of medieval Iberia is somewhat debatable, medieval Spain was a Golden Age of Jewish

Notes, pp. 9–12 135

science and letters—philosophy, literature, astronomy, mathematics, and medicine. Increasing bigotry, discrimination, and persecution, however, helped to extinguish this flourishing culture. And the region’s social unrest, economic hardship, and religious fanaticism in the late medieval period led to an increasing persecution of Jews by Christians. Incited by the Dominican Archdeacon of Ecija, Christians plundered the community of Jews in Seville in 1391, and the violence spread to other Spanish cities (Amy Aronson-Friedman and Gregory B. Kaplan, “Editors’ Introduction to Marginal Voices, p. 2). Another series of riots broke out in 1412, leading to a vast number of conversions to Christianity. The extent to which such conversions were sincere is a topic of debate among scholars. Some Jews did maintain an adherence to their old religion in spite of their conver-sions, hence the term crypto-Jews. But others merely contained the strain of Jewishness in their family lineage and backgrounds, with no continua-tion of Jewish practices and even became devout Christians.

Regardless, it was increasingly difficult for conversos ( Jews who had con-verted to Christianity) to be a part of mainstream Spanish society. Although they were nominally Christians, conversos did not escape sustained perse-cution by Old Christians. The civil disorder and economic hardships of fifteenth-century Spain provided ample opportunity for Old Christinas to blame conversos for the state of the country. Perceived by Old Christians to be the cause of economic woes, conversos were victimized throughout the late medieval period. The most salient of these persecutions is the riot of Toledo in 1449, fomented by economic circumstances. (For an account of what preceded and incited the riot, see Gregory B. Kaplan, “The Inception of Limpieza de Sangre (Purity of Blood) and Its Impact in Medieval and Golden Age Spain,” p. 26.) As a result of this riot, Old Christians of Toledo enacted the first of the purity-of-blood statutes, imitated soon thereafter by other cities in Spain (Kaplan, “Inception,” p. 30). Such statutes prohibited conver-sos from participation in a variety of organizations, and effectively nullified any differentiation between New Christians and crypto-Jews. These stat-utes, however, were not a part of papal doctrine, but rather pertained to a popular movement in Spain. Kaplan argues: “[C]onversos became the targets of purity-of-blood statutes not as part of a campaign by Church and politi-cal authorities to restrict their influence but because Old Christians on all levels of society viewed conversos as a threat to the integrity of the Catholic faith that defined the national identity of Spain. The desire to preserve this identity and the attributes it afforded—most notably honor, which could only be possessed by those of pure lineage—explains how cathedral chap-ters could issue purity-of-blood statutes even though they expressly contra-dicted Church doctrine, which makes no distinction between Christians by birth and those who convert to Christianity” (Kaplan, “Inception,” p. 34). Sicroff argues that the concept of purity of blood came about because Old Christians were angry to find New Christians in positions of both civil and ecclesiastical power (Albert A. Sicroff, Los estatutos de limpieza de sangre, 116, n. 98). Anti-converso sentiment came out of “social and religious tensions

136 Notes, p. 12

and was not grounded in modern conceptions of racial discrimination. At its core, conversos were the objects of persecution because Old Christians saw them as crypto-Jews, a conviction that was reinforced by the fact that conversos, like Jews during previous times, often appeared as agents of political and economic oppression. Purity of blood became an accepted convention for articulating a distinction between Old and New Christians” (Kaplan, “Inception,” p. 26).

41. As John Armstrong reminds us, “anthropological historians have been increasingly obliged to confront the fact … that groups tend to define themselves not by reference to their own characteristics but by exclusion, that is, by comparison to strangers” (Nations before Nationalism, p. 5).

42. Maurophilia also helped other nations define Spain. For more on this topic, see Barbara Fuchs’s Exotic Nation: Maurophilia and the Construction of Early Modern Spain (2009). I am pleased to note that Fuchs’s study reso-nates with some of the points I developed in my dissertation (University of California, Berkeley, 2005). While her book offers valuable readings of different Moorish novellas with a strong cultural studies component, my study highlights the role of historical discourse in literature, interrogat-ing how Christian Spain’s history with Muslims changed both the way Christian Spaniards thought about and wrote about themselves. Thus, while Fuchs and I reach some of the same conclusions, our means of arriving at them are very different.

43. Maurice Halbwachs, Collective Memory, p. 86.44. Pierre Nora, Realms of Memory, p. vii.45. Pierre Nora “Between Memory and History,” pp. 19, 12.46. Kamen, Empire, p. 181. For more on secret literature of Moriscos written

in aljamía (Spanish written with Arabic letters), see Harvey, Muslims in Spain, ch. 5, and Vincent Barletta’s Covert Gestures.

47. Harvey, Muslims in Spain, p. 5.48. This terminology becomes confusing when discussing the ballad tradi-

tion in Spain. The romance morisco, or Morisco ballad, of the romancero nuevo, in fact also depicts Al-Andalus before Reconquest’s completion. This book, however, will only briefl y address the romancero nuevo. See Chapter 2 below. For more on the terminology of the ballads as used in this book, see also Chapter 3, note 4.

49. William Bouwsma, in fact, makes a connection between this Renaissance subjectivity and literature. He asserts that the era cultivated greater numbers of readers and writers alike and these elements “contributed to awareness of the individual self” (Waning of the Renaissance, p. 32).

50. Roth, Conversos, Inquisition, and the Expulsion of the Jews from Spain, p. 181.51. See Roland Greene, “The Protocolonial Baroque of La Celestina,” p. 229.52. Greene, “Protocolonial Baroque of La Celestina,” p. 236; E. Michael Gerli,

Celestina and the Ends of Desire, p. 5.53. Gerli, Celestina and the Ends of Desire, p. 5.54. Gerli, Celestina and the Ends of Desire, p. 5.55. See Roberto González-Echeverría, Celestina’s Brood.

Notes, pp. 12–18 137

56. Referring to Lazarillo, John Beverley declares that “it is the first modern novel” (“Lazarillo and Primitive Accumulation,” p. 29). Similarly, Edward Friedman describes it as the “paradigm of the novel” (“From the Inside Out,” p. 13).

57. Friedman, “From the Inside Out,” p. 16.58. See Ian Watt, The Rise of the Novel, esp. pp. 12–18.59. Watt, Rise of the Novel, p. 35.60. Watt, Rise of the Novel, p. 54.61. Watt, Rise of the Novel, p. 59.62. See Watt, Rise of the Novel, p. 60. 63. Watt, Rise of the Novel, p. 61.64. Michael McKeon, Theory of the Novel, p. 385.65. McKeon, Theory of the Novel, p. 383.66. McKeon, Theory of the Novel, p. 384.67. McKeon, Theory of the Novel, pp. 383, 389.68. Moreover, Watt dismisses Don Quijote as a myth, not a novel. He states:

“Robinson Crusoe falls most naturally into place, not with other novels, but with the great myths of Western civilization, with Faust, Don Juan and Don Quixote” (Rise of the Novel, p. 85).

69. The early emergence of a middle class in Spain was made possible by the riches garnered in the New World. See J. H. Elliott, Spain and Its World.

70. See Carrol B. Johnson, Cervantes and the Material World; Anthony Cascardi, Ideologies of History; and David Quint, Cervantes’s Novel of Modern Times. Alongside this transformation, however, the early modern concern with purity of blood was complicating this “rise of the Spanish middle class.” This new class existed uneasily with a caste system, which meant that a peasant who was an Old Christian was in the same caste as a lesser noble-man who was an Old Christian; and that both pertained to a higher caste than Conversos or Moriscos.

71. For an in-depth example of Inquisitorial trials, see Inquisitorial Inquiries.72. Harvey, Muslims in Spain, p. 267.73. Hayden White, Figural Realism, p. 3.74. White, Figural Realism, p. 7.75. White, Figural Realism, p. 8.76. Keith Jenkins, Re-thinking History, p. xii.77. Dorothy J. Hale, The Novel, p. 449. Hale states that: “Like Watt, Bakhtin

believes that the novel’s generic form actually reproduces the structure of perception—but for Bakhtin the structure of perception is not based in empirical individualism but in linguistic sociality” (449).

78. M. M. Bakhtin, The Dialogic Imagination, pp. 262, 263.79. Bakhtin, Dialogic Imagination, p. 26380. Bakhtin, Dialogic Imagination, p. 46.81. Bakhtin, Dialogic Imagination, p. 301.82. Hale, The Novel, p. 449.83. Some scholars have scrutinized the positioning of Memory and History

as theoretical antagonists, however, opposing this division as overly

138 Notes, pp. 18–23

simplistic. In his article “On the Emergence of Memory in Historical Discourse,” historian Kerwin Klein strongly disagrees with the “memory boom” in his discipline. He argues that: “we should be worried about the tendency to employ memory as the mode of discourse natural to the people without history” (p. 144). He credits the turn to Memory as part of a “historiographic crisis” because Memory “figures as a therapeutic alternative to historical discourse” (p. 145).

84. Hale, The Novel, p. 437.85. Kamen, Empire, p. 181. 86. Kamen, Empire, p. 182.87. Some readers might chafe at the use of the term “modern novel” as

outmoded. For example, in his excellent book Transnational Cervantes, William Childers dismisses the term as a relic of the nation-state, one that has no place in a twenty-first-century study. While I am sympathetic to this point of view, I would note that my study of the novel, and of its complicated relationship with modernity, engages the very same themes as Childers: an indebtedness to Spain’s Semitic past, an understanding of the contested nature of early modernity as found in seventeenth-century Spain, and a recognition of the influence that flexible national borders had on literary production.

2 Epic Nostalgia: The Ballads of the Cancionero musical de palacio and the Vihuela Songbooks

1. I refer here to ballads of the romancero viejo. While there are some romances nuevos in the vihuela books, they constitute a different category since they are quite different poetically and musically from the romancero viejo. Henceforth, the chapter’s reference to “vihuela ballads” includes only those that pertain to the romancero viejo. I make further reference to the romanero nuevo below.

2. The vihuela ballad also provides an important link between the frontier ballad and the Morisco ballad as I shall briefly touch on below.

3. Menéndez Pidal, Romancero Hispánico, vol. 2, p. 3, advocated that the earliest Hispanic ballads began as isolated fragments of traditional epics that were eventually sung separately as autonomous poems. These seg-ments, according to him, tended to be the most popular, dramatic, or climactic moment in the epic. For a different perspective on the bal-lads and their relationship (or lack thereof ) to the epic, see, e.g., Paul Benichou, Creación poética en el romancero traditional, and Catherine Brown, “Relics.”

4. Colin Smith (ed.), Spanish Ballands, p. 6. Collectively called the romancero, ballads are short narrative poems of the epic tradition in sixteen-syllable verses, split into two hemistichs of eight syllables each. Every other hemistich contains assonant rhymes. See Samuel Armistead, “Estudio Preliminar.”

Notes, pp. 24–32 139

5. The Spanish reads: “es la época en que el romancero, tanto el viejo como el nuevo, muestra mayor vitalidad, mayor fuerza productora en el arte, mayor brillo y eficiencia en todo el ambiento cultural español” (Menéndez Pidal, Romancero hispánico, p. 117).

6. I purposefully avoid here a translation of “romance morisco” as “Moorish ballad,” but opt for the more literal translation of “Morisco ballad.” In this way, I preserve the term “Moorish ballad” for the Moorish vihuela ballads, thus allowing for a trajectory: from frontier ballads, to vihuela Moorish ballads, to the Morisco ballads of the romancero nuevo.

7. For more on the distinction between the frontier ballad tradition and the Morisco ballad tradition, see Amelia García-Valdecasas Jiménez, El género morisco en Las Fuentes del “Romancero General,” p. 17; and Pedro Correa, Los romances fronterizos, Vol. 1, pp. 137–9; and Alan Trueblood, Experience and Artistic Expression in Lope de Vega, pp. 51–2. For more on the work of poets who developed the romance nuevo, especially Lope de Vega, see Trueblood, especially Chapter 3.

8. For more on these publications see García-Valdecasas Jiménez, El género morisco en Las Fuentes del “Romancero General,” p. 23.

9. See, e.g., García-Valdecasas Jiménez, El género morisco en Las Fuentes del “Romancero General,” p. 15.

10. The other important and equally large cancionero of the period is the Cancionero general but it, unfortunately, contains only poetry and no musical accompaniment.

11. Brian Dutton and Jineen Krogstad, El cancionero del siglo XV, vol. 2, p. 514. Dutton and Krogstad’s edition El cancionero del siglo XV is the most faith-ful to the texts of the original manuscript, but does not include music. For the music, therefore, I am using the edition found in Monumentos de la música española, edited by Higinio Anglés.

12. Dutton and Krogstad, El cancionero del siglo XV, vol. 2, p. 514.13. Dutton and Krogstad, El cancionero del siglo XV, vol. 2, p. 514.14. As Roger Boase points out: “One of the most striking features of this

collection—a fair sample of the poetry that was being written in Spain in the latter half of the fifteenth century—is that almost all these poets, whether they were serious practitioners of their art or mere authors of occasional verse … wrote about love, and they generally did so in a courtly manner … This was the type of verse for which Spain became famous abroad” (The Troubadour Revival, p. 3).

15. Boase, Troubadour Revival, pp. 4–5.16. Boase, Troubadour Revival, p. 5.17. Again, see the Introduction to Boase, Troubadour Revival.18. Boase, Troubadour Revival, p. 81.19. Dutton and Krogstad, El cancionero del siglo XV, vol. 2, p. 514; my

emphasis).20. See, e.g., Elias Rivers, Renaissance and Baroque Poetry of Spain, p. 12.21. There are only three conceptista poems in the CMP: “La congoxa que

partió,” “De mi vida descontento,” and “Yo soy donzella enamorada.”

140 Notes, pp. 32–6

The majority of the courtly romances in the CMP are of the high quality shown in the first two examples.

22. Author transcriptions; I have made slight adaptations to the musical texts to make them accessible to contemporary readers who are more familiar with modern notational conventions. Please see the originals for a com-parison and for the songs in their entirety.

23. The ballad of Gaiferos will be addressed below, in Chapter 5.24. Tess Knighton writes: “Spanish musicians working at court were nonethe-

less well acquainted with musical developments in northern Europe and Italy. The major composers associated with the royal chapels – Peñalosa, Escobar, Anchieta and many others – wrote in an idiom that combined ele-ments of the latest Franco-Netherlandish polyphonic devices with a more direct, syllabic style that was essentially chordally conceived and which probably had its roots in non-written traditions” (“Catholic Monarchs”).

25. See Jack Sage and Susana Friedmann, “Cancionero.” 26. See Sage and Friedmann, “Cancionero.”27. In referring to the vihuela ballads as Moorish ballads, I do not mean

that they are romances moriscos, and do not, therefore, mean that they are a part of the romanero nuevo, as I discussed in note 6 of this chapter. Calling them Moorish ballads (instead of, for instance, frontier ballads) serves two purposes: it emphasizes the theme of the Moor within, and it also gives the vihuela ballad its own niche between the tradition of the frontier ballad and the romance morisco.

28. In fact, Otis Green makes the bold statement that courtly love was so prevalent during the Reconquest that it contributed to the final triumph of the Spaniards over the Moors (Spain and the Western Tradition, p. 93).

29. Boase, Troubadour Revival, p. 114.30. Boase, Troubadour Revival, p. 113.31. Boase, Troubadour Revival, p. 121.32. The popularity of the Moorish ballads in the vihuela books is later mir-

rored by the general popularity of the Moorish theme in the Flor de romances. Published in 1589 (thus, after the vihuela books), a total of 40 percent of the ballads in Volume 1 of Flor de romances were Moorish. See Menendez Pidal, Romancero Hispánico, vol. 2, p. 125.

33. See Guillén, “Literatrue as Histoical Contradiction.”34. The English translation of “A las armas, Moriscote” reads:

To arms, Great Moor, if you have a will to fightthe French have entered, those who are on pilgrimage,they enter through Fuenterrabía, they come out at San Sebastián.The tailors do not try to hide, they are quite open,the garb they wore are armors for the joust,the hats they had glitter bright as crystal;they have seized the kingdom, and are secure in it.

(Thomas Binkley and Margit Frenk [eds.], Spanish Romances of the Sixteenth Century, p. 106)

Notes, pp. 36–41 141

35. “Los braços traygo cansados”

In the fields of Alventosa they killed Don Beltrán;they did not miss him until they went through the

pass.Seven times they cast lots to see who should return for

him,all seven times the lot fell upon Don Beltrán’s aged

father:three times it was through malice and four with evil intent.He turned his horse’s reigns round and went back to search

for him,by night along the roadway, by day amidst the brush.Through the slaughter the old man went, onward through the

slaughter,his arms were very weary from rolling bodies over;he could not find the one he sought, nor any trace of him,he saw all the dead Frenchmen but did not see Don

Beltrán.…At the entrance to a gate, coming out of a sandy

plain,he came upon a Moor, keeping watch on a

parapet;he spoke to him in Moorish tongue, as one who knew it well:“In God’s name I beg you, Moor, to tell me truthfully:a knight arrayed in steel, did you see him pass this

way?”…“That knight you speak of, friend, lies dead in yonder

meadow.”(Binkley and Frenk [eds.], Spanish Romances of the

Sixteenth Century, pp. 145–6)

36. “De Antequera sale un moro”

A Moor rides out from Antequera, from that town of Antequera,he carried letters in his hand, letters which tell a tale,they were written out in blood, and not for lack of ink;the Moor who was bearing them was one hundred and twenty

years old…Through the countryside of Archidonia he would cry aloud:“If you knew, O Moorish King, my doleful embassy,you would tear out your hair and your full beard.”Uttering these sad laments he reached the gate of Elvira

…

142 Notes, p. 41

When he stood before the King he said these words to him:“May God keep your Majesty, God save you, my liege lord.…I shall not tell [the news], good King, if you don’t guarantee my

life.”(Binkley and Frenk [eds.], Spanish Romances of the

Sixteenth Century, p. 114)

37. “Passeávase el rey moro”

As the Moorish King took a walk through the city of Granada,Reports were brought to him telling how Alhama was taken. [Alas, my Alhama!]He threw the reports in the fire and killed the messenger;He tore out his hair and plucked out his beard. [Alas, my Alhama!]

(Binkley and Frenk [eds.], Spanish Romances of the Sixteenth Century, p. 109)

38. Binkley and Frenk (eds.), Spanish Romances of the Sixteenth Century, p. 110.39. Binkley and Frenk (eds.), Spanish Romances of the Sixteenth Century, p. 111.40. In Chapter 5 below, I expand upon the less favorable reading of this

ballad.41. Barry Mason and Glenda Simpson, “The Sixteenth-Century Spanish

Romance,” p. 55.42. See, e.g., Douglas Alton Smith, A History of the Lute, in which he restates

the accepted hypothesis that the vihuela “may have been intended to be a Christian replacement for the suddenly unfashionable Moorish lute” (p. 224).

43. Mercedes Díaz Roig states: “la primera y más importante función del romance es narrar una historia interesante” (El romancero viejo, p. 37).

44. See ballad text above in note 36.45. “Enfermo estava Antico”

Antiochus was ailing, the prince of Syria,with love of Queen Stronice, wounded he lay;She was his father’s wife, King Demetrius by name,the King was an old man, and she was marvelously fair.Feverishly he lay in bed in constant silent suffering:being that she was his stepmother, he suffered and concealed his

woe.(Binkley and Frenk [eds.], Spanish Romances of the

Sixteenth Century, p. 107)

46. Binkley and Frenk (eds.), Spanish Romances of the Sixteenth Century, p. 103.47. Some versions of the ballad end with the king summoning his forces

to try to take back the town, only to later be defeated by the Christian

Notes, pp. 41–5 143

forces. In Pérez de Hita’s version, an Habaquí tells the king that he will lose not only Alhama but also his entire kingdom due to his reck-less behavior against the Abencerrajes. For more on the difference in these adaptations, see Jan Gilbert, “The Lamentable Loss of Alhama in ‘Paseábase el rey moro’.”

48. John Griffiths, “At Court and at Home with the Vihuela de Mano,” p. 15.49. Griffiths, “At Home,” p. 8.50. Griffiths, “At Home,” p. 8.51. Griffiths, “At Home,” p. 9.52. Earlier scholars have noted this gap between the poetry that was popular

and the poetry we today associate with the early modern period. In his book Critical Reconstruction vs. Historical Reality of Spanish Poetry in the Golden Age, Antonio Rodríguez-Moñino suggests that conclusions his-torical, political, and sociological have been drawn, falsely connecting the public taste of the early modern period with the historically viewed, can-onized masters. Scholars, Moniño insists, can only partially reconstruct an evolution of taste, a connection between the poet and the public. Much work is yet to be done, like the cataloging and study of the many pliegos sueltos in which poetry was circulated. But Moñino claims that this would provide only half the answer, for we can never truly bridge the geo-graphical gap within the country at that time. He argues: “The poetry of the Spanish Golden Ages was scattered about in geographic islets almost totally isolated from one another and rarely interpenetrable. The move-ment characterized by the Academia granadina in the time of Morillo, Loco, Berrio, or Arjona has absolutely nothing to do with the Salamanca school, or the Madrid group or the Seville group, and still less with the groups of Valencia or Catalonia, or with others never taken into consid-eration, such as the very important Jesuit-Andalusian group” (p. 46).

53. John Griffiths, “La música renacentista para instrumentos solistas y el gusto musical español,” p. 70.

54. The information on censorship and music publishing in early modern Spain is from Maurice Esses’s three-volume study, Dance and Instrumental Diferencias in Spain during the 17th and Early 18th Centuries (in particular, vol. 1, ch. 4); and from Pedro M. Cátedra and María Luisa López-Vidriero, “La imprenta y su impacto en Castilla,” especially p. 484.

55. According to Cátedra and López-Vidriero: “la mayoría de los condenados en la sección luterana … son profesionales de los gremios del libro o familiars suyos … Profesión arreisgada, en suma, siempre bajo vigilancia” (La imprenta,” p. 516).

56. Jack Sage, “A New Look at Humanism in Sixteenth-Century Lute and Vihuela Books,” p. 633.

57. Sage, “New Look,” p. 636. It is interesting that despite the obvious influ-ences of the Italian frottolists, the publications of Petrucci, and the set-ting of many Italian texts, of all the composers set by the vihuelists not one Italian is among the top ten. (The preferred composers are Flemish or Spanish. See Griffiths, “La música.”) This could run contrary to Sage’s

144 Notes, pp. 47–50

assertion: “Mid-sixteenth-century Spain was still an imperial power that looked for political and cultural identity not so much to the New World … as to the Europe of its Habsburg monarch, and especially in the case of the Catalans and Aragonese, to Italy with its Spanish colonies. Spanish musi-cians, writers and artists had good reason to seek community with Europe in the sixteenth century” (“New Look,” p. 636). I believe that a conscious rejection of the more developed secular music of Italy is also plausible.

58. The relationship between national identity and the taste of a buying pub-lic as seen in the shift to published music provides an interesting example of Benedict Anderson’s “imagined community. ” The vihuelists were docu-menting performance practices both musical and literary, to be sold and widely distributed. Within this system of print and publication, one that Anderson has highlighted as an unconscious bi-product of nation build-ing, one must expect to find interesting ideas about Spain as a nation. Indeed, one sees in the vihuela ballad the surprising transition from courtly nostalgia to Reconquest nostalgia complete with the presence of an honorable Muslim foe. Moreover, Anderson’s discussion of the novel is not irrelevant to the study of the vihuela ballads for it underlines their preference for narrative instead of lyric poems. As already mentioned, the vihuelists were keenly aware that they were writing books to be sold, and that they were cognizant of the demands and taste of their audience.

59. Carrasco-Urgoiti, Moorish Novel, p. 46.60. Carrasco-Urgoiti, Moorish Novel, pp. 46–7.61. Carrasco-Urgoiti, Moorish Novel, p. 47.62. Binkley and Frenk (eds.), Spanish Romances of the Sixteenth Century,

p. 113.63. Binkley and Frenk (eds.), Spanish Romances of the Sixteenth Century,

p. 114.64. The opening description of Abindaráez Abencerraje in El Abencerraje will

be discussed in the following chapter.65. Sage, “New Look,” p. 639.

3 The Novel Moor: El Abencerraje and Ginés Pérez de Hita’s Guerras Civiles de Granada: Historia de los bandos de los Zegríes y los Abencerrajes

1. Claudio Guillén, “Literature as Historical Contradiction,” p. 169. 2. Guillén, “Literature,” p. 169. 3. Guillén, “Literature,” p. 169. While I will refine and depart from some of

Guillén’s argument, my understanding of El Abencerraje is greatly influ-enced by his work.

4. To simplify, the rest of the book will use the term “Moorish ballad” to refer generally to all ballads depicting Muslims before Reconquest.

5. Guillén argues against nostalgia in El Abencerraje, saying that the novella “did not spring essentially from a transformation of the past, or a longing

Notes, pp. 50–5 145

for it, but from a poetic and fictional effort which succeeded in offering, above all, a forceful contrast with the historical present” (“Literature,” pp. 169–70). My working definition of nostalgia, as described in Chapter 1, understands a longing for an imagined past as a type of engagement with the historical present.

6. López Estrada asserts: “aseguró una gran difusión al relato del Abencerraje, tanto entre el público español como entre el de las lenguas europeas que lo tradujeron” (“Introduction,” p. 16).

7. See López Estrada, “Introduction,” p. 16. 8. López Estrada, “Introduction,” p. 16. 9. This is contrary to Luis Avilés’s assertion that all of the versions of El

Abencerraje had “reducida extensión” (“Los suspiros del Abencerraje,” p. 453).

10. Mary Gaylord, “Spain’s Renaissance Conquests and the Retroping of Identity,” p. 125.

11. For a complete bibliography of the works cited in this paragraph, see López Estrada, “Introduction,” pp. 19–20.

12. For more on the international influence of El Abencerraje throughout the ages, see Guillén, “Literature,” p. 161.

13. Guillén, “Literature.” Other explanations for the positive depictions of Abindarráez include “an idealization of human nature in general, an antidote to the historical realities of the morisco populations in Spain, a didactic tool for those same Moorish populations, a progressive call to the acceptance of this, and perhaps the converso, population” (Hernández-Pecoraro, “Jarifa’s Choice,” p. 429).

14. Guillén states: “En el Abencerraje el hombre es un ser en trance constante de división, de separación espacial y sentimentalmente, y a esta situación inicial de escisión o de ruptura ha de responder, según veremos, una intensa voluntad de reunificación ... Si algo tiene de histórica nuestra novela, es precisamente la visión del hombre situado o enmarañado en coyunturas y conflictos nacionales con los cuales no puede ni debe sentirse completamente solidario” (“Literature,” pp. 176–7).

15. Israel Burshatin, “Power, Discourse, and Metaphor in the Abencerraje,” p. 197. Also important is Burshatin’s article, “The Moor in the Text,” in which he summarizes depictions of the Moor in Spanish literature as either vilifications or idealizations. He further divides the idealizing side into aestheticist and social. The aestheticist emphasizes “the expansive-ness of the Spanish soul, which is so generous to its enemies of eight centuries’ standing that it buries the hatchet and fashions them into models of [the] courtly and chivalric” (Burshatin, “Moor in the Text,” p. 99). He continues, “No Christian knight is more adept at arms than Abindarráez; no lady is ever lovelier than Jarifa, Daraja, or Ana Félix.” Further, “the social interpretations render literary phenomena as pam-phlets for peaceful coexistence.” Burshatin explains that Aragonese lords were particular aficionados of Moorish literature, since they did not want their valuable Morisco vassals harassed nor their worth demeaned. It is

146 Notes, pp. 56–7

possible, therefore, that they encouraged the proliferation of the idea of the honorable Moor.

16. Laura Bass, “Homosocial Bonds and Desire in El Abencerraje,” p. 465.17. Edward Said, Orientalism, p. 3.18. For more on the medieval roots of Spanish Orientalism, see Burshatin’s

“Moor in the Text.”19. It is possible that Jarifa contains both characteristics normally associ-

ated with Christian/Muslim opposition: virtue and vice. In her article “Jarifa’s Choice,” Rosalie Hernández Pecoro offers a feminist reading of El Abencerraje that takes into account the role of Jarifa not only in El Abencerraje but also within the context of La Diana. Jarifa, she argues, stands as complement to the virtuous characters (Narváez and Diana, especially) and as the voluptuous woman who actually obtains what she desires. Hernández argues, “Rodrigo and Abindarráez, the Christian self and its reformed Moorish other, are privileged once more as examples of noble men, with Jarifa’s will and agency portrayed as a manifestation of feminine lust and carnality” (p. 439). Hernández urges a feminist read-ing of the text that applauds Jarifa’s agency: “a gendered reading of El Abencerraje y la hermosa Jarifa should celebrate Jarifa’s successful attempts at self-determination and the realization of her passion and sexual desire, instead of subordinating her once again to the position of a lesser other” (p. 446).

20. Elizabeth B. Davis, Myth and Identity in the Epic of Imperial Spain, p. 11.21. “Dice el cuento que en tiempo del infante don Fernando, que ganó a

Antequera, fue un caballero que se llamó Rodrigo de Narváez, notable en virtud y hechos de armas. Este, peleando contra moros, hizo cosas de mucho esfuerzo, y particularmente en aquella empresa y guerra de Antequera hizo hechos dignos de perpetua memoria” (El Abenerraje y la hermosa Jarifa, p. 131).

22. The original reads: “Y mirando con más atención, vieron venir por donde ellos iban un gentil moro en un caballo ruano; él era grande de cuerpo y hermoso de rostro y parescía muy bien a caballo. Traía vestida una marlota de carmesí y un albornoz de damasco del mismo color, todo bordado de oro y plata. Traía el brazo derecho regazado y labrada en él una hermosa dama y en la mano una gruesa y hermosa lanza de dos hierros. Traía una darga y cimitarra, y en la cabeza una toca tunecí que, dándole muchas vueltas por ella, le servía de hermosura y defensa de su persona. En este hábito venía el moro mostrando gentil continente y cantando un cantar que él compuso en la dulce membranza de sus amores” (El Abenerraje y la hermosa Jarifa, p. 135).

23. For more on the depiction of Muslim men as sexual (not religious) infe-riors to Christians in the Iberian epic and ballad traditions, see Louise Mirrer, “Representing ‘Other’ Men.”

24. El Abenerraje y la hermosa Jarifa, p. 116.25. Claudio Guillén sees the use of the Hermaphrodite myth as “the most

powerful example of unification in the novel, transcending all internal

Notes, pp. 57–60 147

and external dualisms … And it becomes gradually associated in the read-er’s mind with the other forms of division—geographical, social, religious—which the novel as a whole proposes to heal” (“Literature,” p. 207).

26. “Si yo me anegase ahora en esta fuente donde veo a mi señora, !cuánto más desculpado moriría yo que Narciso!” (El Abenerraje y la hermosa Jarifa, p. 144).

27. “Ésta [Jarifa] y yo en nuestra niñez siempre nos tuvimos por hermanos porque así nos oíamos llamar. Nunca me acuerdo haber pasado hora que no estuviésemos juntos. Juntos nos criaron, juntos andábamos, juntos comíamos y bebíamos” (El Abenerraje y la hermosa Jarifa, pp. 142–3).

28. El Abenerraje y la hermosa Jarifa, p. 143.29. He says: “decíame yo a mí mismo, y pesárame que alguno me lo oyera”

(El Abenerraje y la hermosa Jarifa, p. 144).30. El Abenerraje y la hermosa Jarifa, p. 145.31. See Otis Green, Spain and the Western Tradition, p. 74.32. El Abenerraje y la hermosa Jarifa, p. 145.33. This play with the woman’s name was a common trope in the Italian

Renaissance, both in poetry—like Petrarch’s and Lorenzo de Medici’s use of the laurel—as well as in painting, for instance Leonardo da Vinci’s use of junpier in his portrait of Ginevre de Benci. For interesting takes on Petrarchism see Nancy Vickers, “Diana Described.” And for more on painting and its connections to Petrarchism, see Elizabeth Cropper “The Beauty of Women.”

34. “Y con esto bajando mis ojos de emphaco de lo que le dije, vila en las aguas de la fuente al propio como ella era, de suerte que donde quiera que volvía la cabeza, hallaba su imagen, y en mis entrañas, la más verdadera” (El Abenerraje y la hermosa Jarifa, p. 144).

35. López Estrada has noted the Platonic character of the citation but with-out explaining why this would be important in a reading of the work. See El Abenerraje y la hermosa Jarifa, p. 144, n. 30.

36. El Abenerraje y la hermosa Jarifa, p. 146.37. El Abenerraje y la hermosa Jarifa, p. 159.38. “¿Qué es esto, señor? ¿Heridas tenéides vos de que yo no sepa?” (El Abenerraje

y la hermosa Jarifa, p. 159).39. The use of these tropes has been pointed out by López Estrada though,

again, he does not draw any conclusions as to why such a language would be employed. See El Abenerraje y la hermosa Jarifa, p. 146, n. 34.

40. “Su presencia me lastimaba la vida, y su ausencia me enflaquescía el corazón. Y de todo eso creo que no me debía nada porque me pagaba en la misma moneda” (El Abenerraje y la hermosa Jarifa, p. 146).

41. “Verdad es que la esperanza que me dio de llamarme me sostenía, y con ella engañaba parte de mis trabajos, aunque algunas veces de verla alargar tanto me causaba mayor pena y holgara que me dejara del todo deses-perado, porque la desespración fatiga hasta que se tiene por cierta, y la esperanza hasta que se cumple el deseo” (El Abenerraje y la hermosa Jarifa, p. 148; my emphasis).

148 Notes, pp. 60–2

42. Elizabeth Rhodes, “Skirting the Men,” p. 137.43. Rhodes, “Skirting the Men,” pp. 141, 142.44. El Abenerraje y la hermosa Jarifa, pp. 145–6.45. El Abenerraje y la hermosa Jarifa, p. 146.46. El Abenerraje y la hermosa Jarifa, p. 146.47. El Abenerraje y la hermosa Jarifa, pp. 147–8.48. “[C]omo quien, caminando por unas fragosas y ásperas montañas, se le

eclipsa el sol” (El Abenerraje y la hermosa Jarifa, p. 147).49. Laura Bass also sees this scene as central to an understanding of the novella.

Her reading, however, avers that the “homosocial bonds” of the scene are privileged over heterosexual desire (“Homosocial Bonds,” p. 457).

50. “!Pues cómo! ¿Los hombres están enamorados de este caballero, y que no lo esté yo de él, estándolo él de mí?” (El Abenerraje y la hermosa Jarifa, p. 157).

51. “[H]e de procurar la honra de vuestro marido como la mía propria” (El Abenerraje y la hermosa Jarifa, p. 157).

52. “Por Dios, señor, yo no quisiera servidor tan vitruoso, mas él debía estar poco enamorado, pues tan presto se salió afuera y pudo más con él la honra del marido que la hermosura de la mujer” (El Abenerraje y la her-mosa Jarifa, p. 158).

53. If, moreover, one were to boil down Abencerraje’s and Narváez’s love scenes to their two salient actants (the fountain and the killing hawk, respectively) a further unflattering union of the characters could be seen. For it is Jarifa’s reflection in the fountain from which Abencerraje obtains inspiration and to which he declares his love, and it is because of the violent hawk that Narvaez is summoned to his lady’s chamber. The cou-pling of such diverse images shows a possible intertextual reference to the two protagonists, Albanio and the Duke of Alba, in Garcilaso de la Vega’s second eclogue, published some decades earlier. Early in the eclogue, the protagonist Albanio recalls how he and his former love Camila perversely derived pleasure from watching two birds struggle to free themselves from their traps. It is a sexually charged moment in the eclogue, much like the hawk’s attack of small birds in El Abencerraje. Later, lovesick Albanio tries to drown himself, but is saved by the shepherds Salicio and Nemoroso. Nemoroso suggests Albanio visit Severo, a wise old sage, and recounts how the sage once helped him recover from heartbreak. Severo cured Nemoroso by telling him of a magical urn that had been shown to the sage by the River Tormes personified. This is a revelatory moment in the eclogue, similar to the watery climax in El Abencerraje when Abencerraje declares his love to the fountain. The pictures on the urn are an elegy to the many heroic deeds of the Duke of Alba. Thus, like El Abencerraje, the second eclogue also uses Petrarchan language to emasculate the male lover (Albanio), displays the importance of a pastoral locus amoenus, and contrasts Albanio to a more heroic prototype, the Duke of Alba.

54. For more on the definitions of the epic especially as compared to the novel, see M. M. Bahktin, The Dialogic Imagination; José Ortega y Gasset,

Notes, pp. 62–3 149

Meditaciones del Quijote e ideas sobre la novela; and György Lukács, The Theory of the Novel.

55. See Burshatin, “Power,” where he argues that the allusion to Greece and Rome establishes a “continuity with historical discourse … [and] places the narration that follows squarely in an epic tradition from which it can then derive a measure of authority” (p. 199).

56. David Quint, Epic and Empire, p. 8. Quint discusses the difference between the epic of the winners (the tradition of Vergil) and the epic of the losers (the tradition of Lucan). He argues: “To the victors belongs epic, with its linear teleology; to the losers belongs romance, with its random circular wandering. Put another way, the victors experience history as coherent, end-directed story told by their own power; the losers experience a con-tingency that they are powerless to shape their own ends” (p. 9).

57. El Abenerraje y la hermosa Jarifa, p. 139. See George A. Shipley, “La obra literaria como monumento histórico,” p. 104.

58. Charles Segal, “Art and the Hero,” p. 68.59. Segal, “Art and the Hero,” p. 68.60. Qtd. in Américo Castro, The Spaniards, pp. 83–4. Sepúlveda (1490–1573)

wrote a history of the New World, from discovery until the end of the Mexican campaign in 1521.

61. Roger Boase, The Troubadour, p. 113.62. Castro, The Spaniards, p. 84.63. Gaylord, “Spain’s Renaissance Conquests and the Retroping of Identity,”

p. 127.64. Gaylord, “Spain’s Renaissance Conquests and the Retroping of Identity,”

p. 132.65. Shasta Bryant, “Introduction,” p. xviii.66. Bryant, “Introduction,” p. ix.67. Pérez de Hita was born sometime in the decade of 1540 and his precise date

of death is not known. According to María Soledad Carrasco Urgoiti, there is no proof that he lived after 1600 (“Chronology,” The Moorish Novel, n.p.).

68. See Carrasco Urgoiti, Los moriscos y Ginés Pérez de Hita, esp. ch. 5.69. See Carrasco Urgoiti, Los moriscos, ch. 5, in which she states that Pérez

de Hita read novels of chivalry, Orlando Furioso, but, above all, regional histories and chronicles (p. 33).

70. Richard L. Kagan notes that unlike royal historians, chorographers emphasized the regional differences and distinctive natures of Spanish towns in the early modern period. In this way, chorography “served as the counterpoint to royal history, offering the cities a role in Spanish his-tory denied them by the cronistas del rey” (“Clio and the Crown,” p. 86). It is easy to see, therefore, how Pérez de Hita’s later critical narrative La guerra de los moriscos could have grown out of his earlier experimentation with chorography.

71. The original reads: “Pérez de Hita ejerce de verdadero testigo de cargo contra la crueldad, rapiña y otros desmanes de los ejércitos cristianos que acudieron a sofocar la rebelión. Se trata de una crítica tan dura, que

150 Notes, pp. 63–8

sorprende cómo pudo obtener el privilegio real para la publicación de la Segunda parte de las Guerras civiles de Granada” ( Joaquín Gil Sanjuán, “Introduction,” p. xlix).

72. See Carrasco Urgoiti, Los moriscos, p. 42. Beyond the views he expressed in writing, Pérez de Hita’s profession as a cobbler would also connect him to Moriscos, as cobblers and artisans of leather were typically of Morisco origin. See Gil Sanjuán, “Introduction,” p. xviii, and Carrasco Urgioiti, Moorish Novel, p. 78.

73. For a nuanced study of Granada as a “frontier city” and the intermingling of its Christian and Morisco inhabitants, see David Coleman, Creating Christian Granada.

74. Roger Chartier, “Genre between Literature and History,” p. 138.75. See Marina Brownlee, “Intricate Alliances.”76. Brownlee, “Intricate Alliances,” p. 67.77. “Oh valor de caballeros, que aunque diversos en leyes, y contrarios unos

de otros, y viniendo a pelear y a matarse hablaban en conversación, así como si amigos fueran! Jamás en ningún tiempo en aquel lugar tales cinco caballeros se juntaron como aquel día!” (Pérez de Hita, Guerras civiles de Granada: Historia de los bandos de los Zegríes y los Abencerrajes, p. 119).

78. See, e.g., Pérez de Hita, Guerras civiles de Granada: Historia de los bandos de los Zegríes y los Abencerrajes, p. 25, and El Abencerraje, p. 135.

79. The text states: “sin mudar color de rostro ni hacer mudanza mujeril” (Pérez de Hita, Guerras civiles de Granada de Granada: Historia de los bandos de los Zegríes y los Abencerrajes, p. 190).

80. “Y por saber bien lo que el libro contenía de la Guerra de Granda, porque su padre y abuelo se habían hallado en ella, o su abuelo y bisabuelo, le mando sacar al mismo judío en castellano” (Pérez de Hita, Guerras civiles de Granada: Historia de los bandos de los Zegríes y los Abencerrajes, p. 289).

81. “Hiciéronse los desposados cristianos, y en la fe de Cristo estuvieron hasta su fin ellos y los que dellos vinieron. Llamáronle a él don Pedro Anzul y ella doña Joana” (Pérez de Hita, Guerras civiles de Granada de Granada: Historia de los bandos de los Zegríes y los Abencerrajes, p. 296).

82. “Todos los capitanes que allí estaban se miraron los unos a los otros, por ver cuál respondería y tomaría aquella empresa, y ansí se detuvieron un poco en responder al rey y por ser peligrosa aquella ida y muy dudosa la vuelta, y así todos concibieron en sus ánimos un cierto temor” (Pérez de Hita, Guerras civiles de Granada de Granada: Historia de los bandos de los Zegríes y los Abencerrajes, p. 305).

83. “Mas los moros de la serranía, viendo que no podían vivir sin tratar en Granada, los unos se pasaron en Africa y los otros se dieron al rey don Fernando, el cual los recibió con mucha clemencia. Este fin tuvo la Guerra de Granada, a Gloria de Dios nuestro Señor sea” (Pérez de Hita, Guerras civiles de Granada de Granada: Historia de los bandos de los Zegríes y los Abencerrajes, p. 312).

84. See Pérez de Hita, Guerras civiles de Granada de Granada: Historia de los bandos de los Zegríes y los Abencerrajes, p. 308.

Notes, pp. 68–74 151

4 Marking the Present: Literary Innovation in Pérez de Hita’s La guerra de los moriscos

1. Menéndez y Pelayo observes that there are references to an earlier version of La guerra de los moriscos, published in Alcalá de Henares by Juan Gracián in 1604, but that there is no extant copy. The first version we have is from the year 1619, published in both Barcelona and in Cuenca by Esteban Liberós and Domingo de la Iglesia, respectively. (See Menéndez y Pelayo’s note in Menéndez y Pelayo and Adolfo Bonilla y San Martín, Orígenes de la novela, vol. 2, p. 150.) Carrasco Urgoiti, however, argues that the refer-ence to a 1604 version must actually refer to Pérez de Hita’s first volume, Historia de los bandos de los Zegríes y Abencerrajes, and not to La guerra de los moriscos (see Los moriscos y Ginés Pérez de Hita, p. 100, n. 5).

2. In his influential study of the origin of the Spanish novel, Menéndez y Pelayo says that the first volume of Pérez de Hita’s text is a “novela histórica” and the second volume is a “historia anovelada” (Orígenes, p. 134). In her comparison of the two volumes, Carrasco Urgoiti observes that they consist of “idealización en un caso, veracidad en otro” (Carrasco Urgoiti, Los moriscos y Ginés Pérez de Hita, p. 41).

3. A notable exception to this is Carrasco Urgoiti, who long championed the importance of Ginés Pérez de Hita (see Carrasco Urgoiti, Los moriscos). Paula Blanchard-Demouge is another scholar who early took note of Pérez de Hita’s importance. See her introduction to the 1913 edition of guerra de los moriscos. More recently, Diane Sieber has defended the historical rigor of both volumes in her article, “The Frontier Ballad and Spanish Golden Age Historiography: Recontextualizing the Guerras Civiles de Granada.”

4. Menéndez y Pelayo, Orígenes, p. 135. 5. Menéndez y Pelayo says: “carece del interés novelesco de la primera, y sin

duda por eso fué reimpresa muy pocas veces y llegó a ser libro rarísimo” (Orígenes, p. 147).

6. Blanchard-Demouge states: “la preponderancia del elemento histórico, y la importancia de hechos notables y recientes, sobreponiéndose a la fantasía, fueron causa de que, careciendo de interés novelesco, esta parte haya sido juzgado con severidad, y de que los historiadores, recordando la primera, la considerasen con desdén” (“Introduction,” p. vii).

7. Joaquín Gil Sanjuán states that these small literary innovations are “ele-mentos todos que forman un compuesto homogéneo del que no se puede prescindir para enjuiciar la obra entera” (“Introduction,” p. xxxiii).

8. In this first volume, Pérez de Hita avails himself of both the romancero viejo and the romancero nuevo. Carrasco Urgoiti notes that Pérez de Hita used the ballads, “como fuente de peripecia y como ornato que ambienta y engalana la obra” (Los moriscos, p. 32). She doubts he sincerely used the ballads as historical sources, saying, “Si [Pérez de Hita] era sincero al conceder valor documental a estos poemas, ignoraba que el romancero viejo y el nuevo difieren sustancialmente, aunque no dejaba de distinguir entre ambos estilos, prefiriendo el último” (Los moriscos, p. 32). Diane Sieber, however,

152 Notes, pp. 79–81

counters this view, saying that Pérez de Hita used the ballads as literal, historical sources. She concludes that, given the way history was written and read in the early modern period, the two volumes of Las guerras civiles de Granada were both composed and read as factual histories. She thus extends the argument of Menéndez Pidal, who maintained that “en general los historiadores del siglo XVI se apoyan en los romances con la misma fe que los cronistas del XII al XIV se apoyaban en los cantares de gesta para contar los sucesos de tiempos anteriores” (Romancero Hispánico, p. 102).

9. Pérez de Hita, La guerra, vol. 2, p. 10.10. In his introduction to the text, Joaquín Gil Sanjuán notes that Pérez de

Hita’s ballads are even “didáctico[s] por su fácil memorización y cuyas estrofas parecen escritas para ser recitadas” (“Introduction,” p. xxxiii). Thus the ballads in Historia de los bandos de los Zegríes y Abencerrajes are taken in part from oral tradition and written down by Pérez de Hita, whereas the ballads from La guerra de los moriscos, are composed and writ-ten down to then be circulated orally.

11. Blanchard-Demouge states: “exeptuando dos o tres, los romances de la segunda parte repiten sin ventaja alguna lo que hubiera estado mucho mejor en prosa y se podrían suprimir sin disminuir la importancia de la obra” (“Introduction,” p. xxvii).

12. “Los romances que esta segunda parte contiene, escritos casi todos por él mismo, son meras gacetas rimadas, que repiten sin ventaja alguna lo que está dicho mucho mejor en la prosa” (Menéndez y Pelayo, Orígenes, p. 147).

13. See Adam Smyth, Autobiography in Early Modern England.14. Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 79.15. “¡O crueldad terrible de Christianos, jamás vista en española nación! ¿Y

qué furia infernal te incitava a hazer tanta crueldad y a usar tan poca misericordia? A los Moros y enemigos de la Fe no digo nada; ¡mas a las simples mugeres llevar con tanto rigor por los filos de las armas … ! gran crueldad era por cierto” (Pérez de Hita, La guerra, pp. 79–80).

16. Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 80.17. Diego de San Pedro’s Arnalte y Luscinda (1491) and Carcel de Amor (1492)

are two early examples of Spanish epistolary novels, both of which were very popular in the early modern period in Spain and throughout Europe.

18. Alain Boureau, “The Letter-Writing Norm, a Medieval Invention,” p. 24.19. Boureau, “Letter-Writing Norm,” p. 40.20. Roger Chartier, “Introduction,” p. 2.21. Paul Patrick Garlinger, Confessions of a Letter Closet, p. ix.22. Garlinger, Confessions of a Letter Closet, p. x.23. Garlinger, Confessions of a Letter Closet, pp. xvi–xvii.24. Garlinger, Confessions of a Letter Closet, p. xix.25. Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 4.26. Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 7.27. Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 34.28. Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 34.

Notes, pp. 81–6 153

29. Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 138.30. “Los tiempos de aora no son como los passados que tú dizes quando

entraron los Reyes en España; aora España tiene Rey y aquel tiempo no lo avía, y si le avía no con justo título; y las armas que aora se usan en la guerra en aquel tiempo no se usavan; los vasallos que el Rey de Castilla tiene vale uno tanto y más que Rodrigo el que perdió a España; pues Rey que tales vasallos tiene, malos serán la conquista; toma mi consejo, Abenhumeya, y reconcíliate con tu señor, que tal le puedo llamar” (Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 138).

31. Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 139.32. “Y fue que el Reyecillo no sabía firmar bien el arábigo y para esto tenía

un secretario de quien se fiava, llamado Moxaxar, grande escrivano en arábigo, el qual a esta sazón andava en desgracia de el Reyecillo por un mal tratamiento que le avía hecho” (Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 204).

33. Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 219.34. Garlinger, Confessions of a Letter Closet, p. xvii.35. Garlinger, Confessions of a Letter Closet, p. x.36. Joshjua Scodel, The English Poetic Epitaph, p. 4.37. Scott Newstok, “Elegies Ending ‘Here’,” p. 12.38. Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 215.39. This is the very Tuzani who would become an inspiration to Calderón de

la Barca. See Margaret Greer, “The Politics of Memory in El Tuzaní de la Alpujarra.” The text of the epitaph reads:

Aquí la bella Maleha yacehermana del Maleh; yo el Tuzani la enterré por ser mi señora ydea. Matóla un perro Christiano, mas él me vendrá a la mano donde perderá la vida pues de mi bien fue omicida como pérfido villano. (Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 294)

40. Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 294. Not understanding the atrocities of the Christians, he utters a long lament culminating with: “¿Por qué no te acordabas de que fuiste amante y que esta dama muy hermosa que tenías delante de los tus ojos era un retrato de la tuya?” (Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 293).

41. Aquesta cabeça es del traydor perro Abenabo que con su merte dio cabo a la guerra y interés. (Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 352)42. Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 352.43. Newstok, “Elegies Ending ‘Here’,” p. 18.

154 Notes, pp. 86–90

44. For more on the epic hero and his representation of community, see Lukács, The Theory of the Novel, pp. 66–7.

45. José Ortega y Gasset, Meditaciones del Quijote e ideas sobre la novela, p. 148.46. Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 119.47. Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 134.48. Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 302.49. “Don Luys Quixada … murió pocos días después, causando a su Alteza

[Don Juan de Austria] gran dolor, como si hubiera perdido a su propio padre. El único consuelo que quedava en aquella desgracia era hazer al difunto solemníssimas obsequias y un enterramiento digno de un buen general y militar esclarecido, para lo qual el Señor Don Juan mandó que todos los Capitanes, mostrando grande tristeza, salieran con sus Compañías y llevaron los atambores destemplados y los pífanos tocando dolorosamente; que los Alférezes llevasen las banderas tendidas y arras-trando por el suelo, y los soldados con los alcabuzes al revés de como se suelen llevar” (Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 309).

50. Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 320.51. Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 153.52. Carrasco Urgoiti notes, however, that these games lack the famous and

typical equestrian component, thus recognizing the reality of the times in this one aspect (see Los moriscos, p. 44).

53. “Desta suerte anduvieron peleando gran parte del día sin cansarse; mas como la fuerça del bravo Español era más dura y él era nacido en mejor clima que el Turco y con ella avía acompañda una gran soltura y ligereça como sabemos que tenían aquellas gentes del reyno de Granada y, final-mente, de nación española y de sangre rebuelta con la goda, mostrava gran ventaja y demasiada destreza contra el Africano, qye aunque era hombre de grandes fuerças, con el continuo cansancio vino a aflojar gran parte del brio que de principio mostrava, lo qual sintiendo el bravo español Maleh le apretava con mayores fuerzas que hasta allí, de lo qual el Turco se espantava y dezía que aquél no era hombre sino Diablo del infierno, pues mientras más yva más las fuerças se le doblavan, y dezía entre sí: << !O, Santo Alá, y qué Hércules es este que con tanta fuerza me oprime!>>” (Pérez de Hita, La guerra, pp. 161–2).

54. Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 155.55. Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 156.56. “Pues nosotros los Africanos no ponemos en nuestros escudos sino la

Luna, teniéndola por divina y celestial insignia de nuestras armas, y que por ellas nos gobernamos en nuestras prósperas y adversas fortunas” (Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 158).

57. Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 184.58. Pérez de Hita, La guerra, pp. 185–6.59. Colin Smith (ed.), Spanish Ballads, p. 6.60. “Y en el sepulcro del buen cavallero Don Luys Ponze, encima de la tumba

le fue puesto este epitafio en verso … De la otra parte de la tumba avía otro papel, en el qual estava escrito este romance” (Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 73).

Notes, pp. 92–8 155

61. “[T]odo lo qual el Maleh sintió mucho y lloró amargamente la muerte de su querida hermana, y por esto se hizo el romance que se sigue” (Pérez de Hita, La guerra, p. 295).

5 Pater and Patria: Cervantes’s Muslim Fathers

1. Smollett, p. 98, my emphasis; Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, Don Quijote de La Mancha, trans. Tobias Smollett; future refs. will be to Smollett. In lieu of more modern translations, I have chosen to use the eighteenth-century Tobias Smollett translation of Don Quijote since it most closely approximates in English the sound and feel of early modern Spanish. The original reads: “Por otra parte, me parecía que, pues entre sus libros se habían hallado tan modernos como Desengaño de celos y Ninfas y pastores de Henares, que también su historia debía de ser moderna y que, ya que no estuviese escrita, estaría en la memoria de la gente de su aldea y de las a ella circunvencias” (Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, Don Quijote de La Mancha, ed. Francisco Rico, pt. II, ch. 9, p. 85; my emphasis: future references will read Cervantes).

2. For more on the tropes of the fictional author and the found manuscript in the Romance genre see, e.g., Carroll B. Johnson, “Phantom Pre-texts and Fictional Authors: Sidi Hamid Benengeli, Don Quijote and the Metafictional Conventions of Chivalric Romances.” I will discuss aljamía and its literature below.

3. There is some debate as to whether Cide Hamete is a moro or a morisco, and thus as to whether his text is written in Arabic or in aljamía. I shall be following the traditional rendering of him as a moro with a text in Arabic, but find Carroll Johnson’s argument as to why he might be a morisco very persuasive. See Johnson, “Phantom Pre-texts and Fictional Authors”; and María Rosa Menocal, Ornament of the World: How Muslims, Jews and Christians Created a Culture of Tolerance in Medieval Spain, p. 255. For a comprehensive treatment of the ways in which Cide Hamete plays a range of crucial roles in Part II of Don Quijote, see Howard Mancing, Cervantes’ Don Quixote, p. 113.

4. Smollett, p. 100. The original reads: “Otras algunas menudencias había que advertir, pero todas son de poca importancia y que no hacen al caso a la verdadera relación de la historia, que ninguna es mala como sea verdadera.

“Si a ésta se le puede poner alguna objeción cerca de su verdad, no podrá ser otra sino haber sido su autor arábigo, siendo muy propio de los de aquella nación ser mentirosos; aunque, por ser tan nuestros enemigos, antes se puede entender haber quedado falto en ella que demasiado. Y así me parece a mí, pues cuando pudiera y debiera extender la pluma en las alabanzas de tan buen caballero, parece que de industria las pasa en silen-cio: cosa mal hecha y peor pensada, habiendo y debiendo ser los historia-dores puntuales, verdaderos, y nonada apasionados, y que ni el interés ni el miedo, el rancor ni la afición, no les hagan torcer del camino de la verdad, cuya madre es la historia, émula del tiempo, depósito de las acciones, tes-tigo del pasado, ejemplo y aviso de lo presente, advertencia de lo por venir.

156 Notes, pp. 98–103

En ésta sé que hallará todo lo que se acertare a desear en la más apacible; y si algo bueno en ella faltare, para mí tengo que fue por culpa del galgo de su autor, antes que por falta del sujeto” (Cervantes, pt. I, ch. 9, p. 88).

5. Smollett, p. 98, my emphasis. The original reads “por estos y otros muchos respetos es digno nuestro gallardo Quijote de continuas y memo-rables alabanzas, y aun a mí no se me deben negar, por el trabajo y diligencia que puse en buscar el fin desta agradable historia” (Cervantes, pt. I, ch. 9, p. 85; emphasis added).

6. For a discussion of narrative technique in Don Quijote, see Parr, Don Quixote, Don Juan and Related Subjects.

7. For more on my use of theories of history and memory, see Chapter 1. 8. Smollett, p. 100. The original reads: “pues cuando pudiera y debiera

estender la pluma en las alabanzas de tan buen caballero, parece que de industria las pasa en silencio” (Cervantes, pt. I, ch. 9, p. 88).

9. Bruce Wardropper, “Don Quixote: Story or History?” Proof of the article’s enduring importance in the field is its inclusion in the anthology Don Quixote: A Casebook, ed. Roberto Gonzalez Echevarría.

10. Wardropper, “Don Quixote,” p. 5. Wardropper even goes so far as to say “It is the tragedy of historiography that the historian can never operate on a purely factual or intellectual plane: he imagines motive; he imagines con-versations; he imagines what his sources neglect to tell him. To a greater or lesser degree all history merely pretends to be history” (p. 145).

11. Garcés, in turn, builds on critics before her who have also highlighted Cervantes’s captivity, such as Américo Castro, who calls it “the most transcendental event in his spiritual career” and Juan Bautista Avalle-Arce who claims that captivity was the “hinge which forcefully organizes the entire life of Cervantes” (Cervantes in Algiers: A Captive’s Tale, p. 15).

12. See Francisco Márquez-Villanueva, Personajes y temas del Quijote, p. 231. Ricote, a Morisco neighbor of Sancho Panza, was forced to flee Spain in search of a more tolerant country. After the final expulsion of Moriscos in 1609, he attempted to live in Algiers, but complained that, instead of embracing them as Muslim brothers, the Berbers enslaved them. While his family remained in exile, Ricote went in search of more hospitable realms, ending up in Germany. In Don Quijote, Part II we encounter him returning home in search of his family’s buried riches. I will analyze this episode at length below.

13. See Márquez-Villanueva, Personajes y temas del Quijote, p. 232.14. See, for example, Carroll Johnson, Cervantes and the Material World;

David Quint, Cervantes’s Novel of Modern Times; Diana de Armas Wilson, Cervantes, the Novel and the New World; and Anthony Cascardi, The Subject of Modernity.

15. One exception to this is the Roque Guinart episode, found in ch. 60 of Part II. On the historicity of the episode, see Cervantes, p. 1007, n. 10.

16. In Chapter 1, I discuss the difference between the term Moor and Morisco. For more on the term “Morisco,” and on how it replaced the term “Mudéjar,” see Anwar G. Chejne, Islam and the West: The Moriscos, ch. 1.

Notes, pp. 103–6 157

17. Also known as “The Maiden without Hands,” the tale is referred to by folklorists as type AT 706 based on the Aarne-Thompson classification.

18. For an extensive bibliography of studies of “The Handless Maiden,” see Alan Dundes, “The Psychoanalytic Study of the Grimms’ Tales with Special Reference to ‘The Maiden without Hands’ (AT 706),” p. 58. For a study that centers on Hispanic versions of the tale, see J. N. Lincoln, “The Legend of the Handless Maiden.”

19. Dundes, “Psychoanalytic Study,” p. 59.20. I rely on the translation and critical edition of Pino Valero Cuadra, ed.,

La Leyenda de la Doncella Carcayona. 21. “Literatura aljamiada” consists of didactic texts, legends, stories, sections

of the Koran, the life of Mohammed, and even tales of biblical personages from Abraham to Mary and Jesus, but told from the Islamic perspective. It is written in straightforward language (not classical Arabic) and its primary aims are to instruct and to entertain. For more on this literary tradition see L. P. Harvey, Muslims in Spain, esp. ch. 5; Chejne, Islam and the West, esp. ch. 8, and Vincent Barletta, Covert Gestures: Crypto-Islamic Literature as Cultural Practice in Early Modern Spain.

22. “Dime más desas palabras [tan bu]enas que su dulzor ha entrado en mi corazón” (Cuadra, ed., La leyenda de la doncella Carcayona, p. 251).

23. “jugaban con ella como el perro con su amo y traíanle de las frutas y comía [d]ella[s]” (Cuadra, ed., La leyenda de la doncella Carcayona, p. 282).

24. “Y dio Allah sueño a Carcaisiyona y durmióse y, cuando se despertó, hallóse con sus manos por licencia de Allah, ¡tan alto es [y tan noble]!” (Cuadra, ed., La leyenda de la doncella Carcayona, p. 286).

25. “¡Ye padre! aunque me cortes [las manos] y me quemes con fuego no creceré sino en el servicio de Allah, mi señor” (Cuadra, ed., La leyenda de la doncella Carcayona, p. 277).

26. Mary Elizabeth Perry, The Handless Maiden: Moriscos and the Politics of Religion in Early Modern Spain, pp. 12–15. She is most influenced by the cul-tural critics Trinh Minh-ha, bell hooks, and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak.

27. Susan Gordon, “The Powers of the Handless Maiden,” p. 252.28. While Ricote appears at various points throughout Don Quijote, I refer

here to Part II, chs. 63–5.29. The comparison between Ruy Pérez and Zoraida and Joseph and Mary is

the subject of discussion in E. Michael Gerli, Refiguring Authority: Reading, Writing, and Rewriting Cervantes, ch. 3; María Antonia Garcés, “Zoradia’s Veil: ‘The Other Scene’ of the Captive’s Tale’”; and is also addressed by Johnson in Cervantes and the Material World, p. 87

30. For more on the absence of mothers in fairy tales, see, e.g., Marina Warner, “The Absent Mother” or her book From the Beast and to the Blond. For more on the lack of mothers in early Modern Spanish literature, see Anne J. Cruz, “Feminism, Psychoanalysis, and the Search for the M/Other in Early Modern Spain”; and Emilie Bergmann, “The Exclusion of the Feminine in the Cultural Discourse of the Golden Age: Juan Luis Vives and Luis de León.”

158 Notes, pp. 106–9

31. While throughout the chapter I am citing the Cuadra version, in the Guillén Robles edition, the deer is specified as being white. See Perry, Handless Maiden, p. 29.

32. Cervantes, pt. I, ch. 40, p. 412.33. His tail is made “de perlas [y] … su pico de perlas” (Cuadra, ed., La leyenda

de la doncella Carcayona, p. 249).34. Smollett, p. 431. “sólo diré que más perlas pendían de su hermosísimo

cuello, orejas y cabellos que cabellos tenía en la cabeza” (Cervantes, pt. I, ch. 41, 421). There has been recent discussion regarding wealth and social status in Don Quijote. While David Quint sees Zoraida’s wealth as part of a larger depiction of nascent capitalism in Spain, Carroll Johnson argues that in the Captive’s Tale the “feudoagrarian economic order replaces any kind of nascent capitalism … social order and conformity are purchased at the price of personhood” (Cervantes and the Material World, p. 92).

35. See Quint, Cervantes’s Novel of Modern Times, pp. 95–7. I have found very useful Quint’s approach to literary analysis, what he calls “interlace.” It encourages an understanding of texts, especially those influenced by the romance genre, as large tapestries, where even episodes that seem discon-nected are, in fact, likely to be drawing on and influencing each other. Quint makes use of this type of analysis in his book, Cervantes’s Novel of Modern Times, as well as in an article, “Narrative Interlace and Narrative Genres in Don Quijote and Orlando Furioso.”

36. Quint, Cervantes’s Novel of Modern Times, pp. 96–7.37. Gerli, Refiguring, p. 42. Cava Rumía (or Florinda) is the daughter of

Count Julián, whom King Rodrigo, the last Gothic king on the Iberian Peninsula, raped while she was at court. As revenge, legend has it that Julián betrayed the Christians to the Moors, allowing for the Umayyad conquest of Hispania. See Gerli, Refiguring, pp. 45–6. For an alterna-tive understanding of the significance of the Cava Rumía myth in the Captive’s Tale, see Diane E. Sieber, “Mapping Identity in the Captive’s Tale.”

38. Gerli, Refiguring, p. 56.39. In fact, we are barely introduced to Ruy Díaz and Zoraida when their

story is forestalled by Don Quixote’s long soliloquy on arms and letters. He states: “aunque es mayor el trabajo del soldado [que el trabajo del letrado], es mucho menor el premio” (Cervantes, pt. I, ch. 38, p. 395). Instead of a fictionalized view of epic arms, we are given a pessimistic account of the current career of a man of war. The discourse is far from a moment of irony or satire. We are told by the narrator that Don Quixote’s judgment on the matter of arms and letters is quite sound: “por tan buenos terminos iba prosiguiendo en su plática don Quijote, que obligó a que por entonces ninguno de los que escuchándole estaban le tuviese por loco, antes, como todos los más eran caballeros, a quien son anejas las armas, le escuchaban de muy buena gana” (emphasis added, Cervantes, pt. I, ch. 37, p. 393). The reader is not only told how to listen to Don Quixote (i.e., with a sympathetic and believing ear), but is carefully set up to

Notes, pp. 109–12 159

understand the Captive’s Tale with the arms and letters debate in mind. Once Don Quixote’s discourse concludes, the Captive’s Tale begins.

40. Smollett, p. 432. The Captive says of Zoraida: “más declaraba su inten-ción por señas que por palabras” (Cervantes, pt. I, ch. 41, p. 423).

41. Smollett, p. 423. The original reads: “sacó del pecho un crucifijo de metal y con muchas lágrimas juró por el Dios que aquella imagen representaba, en quien él, aunque pecador y malo, bien y fielmente creía, de guardar-nos lealtad y secreto en todo cuanto quisiésemos descubrirle, porque le parecía y casi adivinaba que por medio de aquella que aquel papel había escrito había él y todos nosotros de tener libertad y verse él en lo que tanto deseaba, que era reducirse al gremio de la Santa Iglesia su madre, de quien como miembro podrido estaba dividido y apartado, por su igno-rancia y pecado” (Cervantes, pt. I, ch. 40, pp. 414–15).

42. Ricote states: “todo el cuerpo de nuestra nación [musulmana] está con-taminado y podrido,” going on to call the population a poisonous branch, “raíz escondida, que con el tiempo venga después a brotar y a echar frutos venenosos en España” (Cervantes, pt. II, ch. 65, pp. 1052–3).

43. See Fuchs, Passing for Spain, esp. ch. 1.44. Smollett, pp. 421–2. The original reads: “En fin, yo me determiné de

fiarme de un renegado, natural de Murcia, que se había dado por grande amigo mío, y puesto prendas entre dos que le obligaban a guardar el secreto que le encargase; porque suelen algunos renegados, cuando tienen intención de volverse a tierra de cristianos, traer consigo algunas firmas de cautivos principales, en que dan fe, en la forma que pueden, como el tal renegado es hombre de bien y que siempre ha hecho bien a cristianos y que lleva deseo de huirse en la primera ocasión que se le ofrezca. Algunos hay que procuran estas fes con buena intención; otros sirven dellas acaso y de industria: que viniendo a robar a tierra de cris-tianos, si a dicha se pierden o los cautivan, sacan sus firmas y dicen que por aquellos papeles se verá el propósito con que venían, el cual era de quedarse en tierra de cristianos, y que por eso venían en corso con los demás turcos” (Cervantes, pt. I, ch. 40, p. 413).

45. Smollett, p. 439. “[El padre] preguntóle [a Zoraida] que cómo aquel cofre había venido a nuestras manos y qué lo que venía dentro. A lo cual el renegado, sin aguardar que Zoraida le respondiese, le respondió: ‘No te canses, señor, en preguntar a Zoraida tu hija tantas coasas, porque con una que yo te responda te satisfaré a todas: y así, quiero que sepas que ella es cristiana’” (Cervantes, pt. I, ch. 41, p. 430).

46. Smollett, p. 441. “Y cuando, por habernos hecho la vela, no pudimos oír sus palabras, vimos sus obras, que eran arrancarse las barbas, mesarse los cabellos y arrastrarse por el suelo, mas una vez esforzó la voz de tal manera, que podimos entender que decía: Vuelve, amada hija, vuelve a tierra, que todo te lo perdono; entrega a esos hombres ese dinero, que ya es suyo, y vuelve a consolar a este triste padre tuyo, que en esta desierta arena dejará la vida, si tú le dejas” (Cervantes, pt. I, ch. 41, p. 432).

47. See Cervantes, pt. I, ch. 41, pp. 432–3).

160 Notes, pp. 112–14

48. Indeed, the Captive says that he himself now serves as Zoradia’s father until they can be married, “solo quedamos Zoraida y yo … sirviéndola yo hasta agora de padre y escudero” (Cervantes, pt. I, ch. 41, p. 438).

49. Dundes, “Psychoanalytic Study,” p. 60.50. Dundes, “Psychoanalytic Study,” p. 61.51. It should be noted, however, that Zoradia’s conversion—and any sacrifice

it entails—is open to many interpretations. While the above reading sup-ports a criticism of her as it connects her to the Renegade, it is also possi-ble to view both Zoradia and the Renegade as souls whom God has saved. That is, a reader in Cervantes’s seventeenth-century Spain could view both of these Christians positively, for they have saved themselves. Such a variance from the more negative view I have offered above supports the greater thesis of this chapter: history has many competing perspectives and this cacophony, or, heteroglossia, contributes to the rise of the novel form.

52. See Gerli, Refiguring, p. 48.53. Smollett, p. 409. “Y mandándome a mí, por ser el mayor, que respondiese …

vine a concluir en que cumpliría su gusto, y que el mío era seguir el ejercicio de las armas, sirviendo en él a Dios y a mi rey” (Cervantes, pt. I, ch. 39, p. 400).

54. Cervantes, pt. I, ch. 39, p. 400.55. It is important to note that the brother of letters is now a wealthy judge,

and he arrives at the inn with his daughter, Clara. (The mother died in childbirth.) The episode that follows the Captive’s Tale treats the young love affair between Clara and Luis. The boy, dressed in disguise, has secretly followed his beloved and her father to the inn. In their story we have a continuation and variation of the father/daughter theme so important in the Captive’s Tale. For, in order to follow Clara, Luis has had to leave his own father behind. One cannot but understand the sympa-thy Luis’s friend felt for his father, “movido a lástima de las que vio que hacía vuestro padre al punto que os echó menos; y, así, despachó a cuatro criados en vuestra busca” (Cervantes, pt. I, ch. 44, p. 458), as well Clara’s noble and considerate behavior regarding her father, “casarme yo a hurto de mi padre, no lo haré por cuanto hay en el mundo” as a commentary on the preceding episode (Cervantes 450; pt. I, ch. 43). For a comparison between the Captive’s Tale and the story of Clara and Luis based on their differing treatment of marriage, see Quint, Cervantes’s Novel of Modern Times, pp. 73–6.

56. Zoraida’s silence could also be a symbol of her maintained virginity. Alan Dundes argues that the “vagina as mouth” is a common motif in folklore (“Psychoanalytic Study,” p. 57).

57. Harvey, Muslims in Spain, p. 238.58. The Bible describes Paul’s conversion as follows: “And as he journeyed,

it came to pass that he drew nigh unto Damascus: and suddenly there shone round about him a light out of heaven: and he fell upon the earth, and heard a voice saying unto him, Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me?

Notes, pp. 115–17 161

And he said, Who art thou, Lord? And he said, I am Jesus whom thou persecutest: but rise, and enter into the city, and it shall be told thee what thou must do. And the men that journeyed with him stood speechless, hearing the voice, but beholding no man. And Saul arose from the earth; and when his eyes were opened, he saw nothing; and they led him by the hand, and brought him into Damascus. And he was three days without sight, and did neither eat nor drink” (Acts 9.3–9; rv).

Zoraida describes her conversion in a letter to Ruy Pérez: “Cuando you era niña, tenía mi padre una esclava, la cual en mi lengua me mostró la zalá cristianesca y me dijo muchas cosas de Lela Marién. La cristiana murió, y yo sé que no fue al fuego, sino con Alá, porque después la vi dos veces y me dijo que me fuese a tierra de cristianos a ver a Lela Marién, que me quería mucho” (Cervantes, pt. I, ch. 40, p. 414).

59. Smollett, p. 743. “ … esta verdadera historia que aquí a vuesas mercedes se representa” (Cervantes, pt. II, ch. 26, p. 751). For more on how the puppet show repeats the themes and narrative forms of the greater text, see George Haley, “The Narrator in Don Quijote.”

60. Smollett, p. 743. The original states: “es sacada al pie de la letra de las corónicas francesas y de los romances españoles que andan en boca de las gentes y de los muchachos por esas calles” (Cervantes, pt. II, ch. 26, p. 751).

61. For instance, the boy says: “Y vean vuesas Mercedes allí como está jugando a las tablas don Gaiferos, según aquello que se canta: Jugando está a las tablas don Gaiferos / que ya de Melisendra está olvidado.” See also Cervantes, pt. II, ch. 26, pp. 752 and 753.

62. Smollet, p. 743. “que andan en boca de las gentes y de los muchachos por esas calles” (Cervantes, pt. II, ch. 26, p. 751).

63. Cervantes, pt. II, ch. 26, pp. 752–3.64. Smollett, p. 745; “sigue tu canto llano y no te metas en contrapuntos, que

se suelen quebrar de sutiles” (Cervantes, pt. II, ch. 26, p. 753). The choice of words here is fascinating if one bears in mind this book’s ch. 2. For, in setting the Moorish ballads, the vihuelists anticipate Don Quixote’s advice and avoid the use of musical counterpoint.

The recommendation Don Quixote gives to the boy also calls to mind Don Quixote’s advice to Sancho in Part I, “Si de esta manera cuentas tu cuento, Sancho … no acabarás en dos días: dilo seguidamente y cuéntalo como hombre de entendimiento” (Cervantes, pt. I, ch. 20, p. 178).

65. Smollett, p. 746; “Prosigue, muchacho, y deja decir, que como yo llene mi talego, siquiera represente más impropiedades que tiene átomos el sol” (Cervantes, pt. II, ch. 26, p. 754).

66. Smollett, p. 744; “Miren también un nuveo caso que ahora sucede, quizá no visto jamás” (Cervantes, pt. II, ch. 26, p. 752).

67. Smollett, p. 749; “Real y verdaderamente os digo, señores que me oís, que a mí me pareció todo lo que aquí ha pasado que pasaba al pie de la letra: que Melisendra era Melisendra; don Gaiferos don Gaiferos; Marsilio Marsilio; y Carlomagno Carlomagno” (Cervantes, pt. II, ch. 26, p. 757).

162 Notes, pp. 118–19

68. Smollett, p. 748; “Ayer fui señor de España / y hoy no tengo una almena / que pueda decir que es mía” (Cervantes, pt. II, ch. 26, p. 756).

69. For more articles on Sansón, see: Alfred Rodríguez, “Don Quijote, Sansón Carrasco, and Baroque Characterization”; Federico Peltzer, “Un opositor ambiguo”; Juan Bautista Avalle-Arce, “La poética y el bachiller Sansón Carrasco.”

70. “Devuelve a Don Quijote el reflejo o los reflejos de una realidad ame-nazada” (Alexander Pope, “Especulaciones sobre el aljedrez, Sanson Carrasco y don Quijote,” p. 42).

71. Although time has elapsed since Don Quixote gained the moniker of Knight of the Lions in pt. II, ch. 17, it is important to note that a new name has not taken its place. Thus, “Knight of the Lions” would be the logical chivalric name to parallel Sansón’s Knight of the White Moon.

72. Smollett, p. 1030, emphasis added; “Y una mañana, saliendo don Quijote a pasearse por la playa armado de todas sus armas, porque, como muchas veces decía, ellas eran sus arreos y su descanso el pelear … vio venir hacia él un caballero, armado asimismo de punta en blanco, que en el escudo traía pintada una luna resplandeciente” (Cervantes, pt. II, ch. 64, p. 1045, emphasis added). Note that Smollett mistakenly translates shining moon as full moon.

73. Thomas Binkley and Margit Frenk, eds., Spanish Romances of the Sixteenth Century, p. 111.

¿Qu’es esto, la mi señora?¿quién hos ha hecho pessare?Si os enojaron mis morosluego los haré matare, o si las vuestras doncellas,haré las bine castigare, y si pesar los cristianos cumple de los conquistare;mis arreos son las armas,mi descanso el peleare, mi cama las duras penas, mi dormir siempre velare” (Binkley and Frenk, eds., Spanish Romances of the Sixteenth Century, p. 110; emphasis added).

For discussion of this ballad in the context of the vihuela songbook reper-toire, see Chapter 2, above.

74.

Yo muero como cristianay tambien por confessare mis amores verdaderos de mi esposo natural. (Binkley and Frenk, eds., Spanish Romances of the Sixteenth Century, p. 110; emphasis added)

Notes, pp. 120–4 163

75. M. M. Bakhtin, The Dialogic Imagination, p. 17.76. Bakhtin, Dialogic Imagination, p. 13.77. Smollett, p. 1040. “Aquí fue Troya” (Cervantes, pt. II, ch. 66, p. 1054) is

a quote from Virgil’s Aeneid, III, v. 10–11. The Greeks demolished Troy after ten years of war. Among the few male survivors was Aeneas, who left Troy to found a new nation, in what is now Italy. The phrase, “here was Troy,” came to mean the place or moment when one’s luck ran out (see Cervantes, pt. II, ch. 66, p. 1054, n. 2).

Yet, as occurs in the rest of the Don Quijote episode, even these clear allusions are themselves unstable. I have already discussed the problems with the particular way in which the Romance de la Moriana is cited, and I think a similar case could be made with the Trojan allusion. The appro-priation of a (metaphorical) “Troy” referring to some personal disaster of the individual is initiated in Petronius’ Satyricon, where the narrator Encolpius often plays off the identity of Aeneas, as he searches, not to found Rome but to cure his own impotence.

78. Peltzer, “Opositor ambiguo,” p. 52.79. Smollett, p. 655; emphasis added. “‘Eso os cumple,’ respondió Sansón,

‘porque pensar que yo he de volver a la mía [casa] hasta haber molido a palos a don Quijote es pensar en lo excusado; y no me llevará ahora a buscarle el deseo de que cobre su juicio, sino el de la venganza, que el dolor grande de las costillas no me deja hacer más piadosos discursos’” (Cervantes, pt. II, ch. 15, p. 658).

80. Smollett, p. 922; “pero ella no quiso que el bachiller se metiese en sus cosas, que le tenía por algo burlón” (Cervantes, pt. II, ch. 50, p. 937).

81. Smollett, p. 1034; “cuya locura y sandez mueve a que le tengamos lástima todos cuantos le conocemos, y entre los que más se la han tenido he sido yo” (Cervantes, pt. II, ch. 65, p. 1049).

82. Heliodorus of Emesa, Ethiopian Story, p. xix.83. Smollett, p. 1024; “[C]ristiana … lo soy, y no de las fingidas ni aparentes,

sino de las verdaderas y católicas” (Cervantes, pt. II, ch. 63, p. 1039).84. “Díjele el lugar y que las joyas y dineros quedaban en él enterrados,

pero que con facilidad se podrían cobrar si yo misma volviese por ellos” (Cervantes, pt. II, ch. 63, p. 1040).

85. “[Don Gregorio] no era varón, sino mujer como yo” (Cervantes, pt. II, ch. 63, p. 1041).

86. Doody, True Story of the Novel, p. 3.87. For Doody’s discussion of Watt, Lukács, Auerbach, and others, see the

introduction to True Story of the Novel, esp. pp. 1–6.88. Doody, True Story of the Novel, p. 18.89. Diana De Armas Wilson’s Cervantes, the Novel and the New World argues

that the novel rises at various times over the course of history, but always within the political climate of empires. She argues for a reconsideration of Don Quijote as it corresponds to the exploration of the Americas.

90. Brian P. Reardon, ed., Collected Ancient Greek Novels, p. 7.91. See De Armas Wilson, esp. the Introduction.

164 Notes, pp. 125–9

92. Doody, True Story of the Novel, p. 260. 93. Smollett, p. 419. 94. Keith Jenkins, Re-thinking History, p. 23. 95. Smollett, p. 448. The original reads: “Calló en diciendo esto el cautivo,

a quien don Fernando dijo: “Por cierto, señor capitán, el modo con que habéis contado este extraño suceso ha sido tal, que iguala a la novedad y extrañeza del mismo caso: todo es peregrino y raro y lleno de accidentes que maravillan y suspenden a quien los oye; y es de tal manera el gusto que hemos recebido en escuchalle, que aunque nos hallara el día de mañana entretenidos en el mismo cuento, holgáramos que de nuevo se comenzara” (Cervantes, pt. I, ch. 42, p. 439).

96. Smollett, p. 575; “pero uno es escribir como poeta, y otro como histo-riador: el poeta puede contar o cantar las cosas, no como fueron, sino como debían ser; y el historiador las ha de escribir, no como debían ser, sino como fueron, sin añadir ni quitar a la verdad cosa alguna” (Cervantes, pt. II, ch. 3, p. 569). This is almost an exact quote from Aristotle’s Poetics, in which he states: “It is, moreover, evident from what has been said, that it is not the function of the poet to relate what has happened, but what may happen – what is possible according to the law of probability or necessity. The poet and the historian differ not by writ-ing in verse or in prose. The work of Herodotus might be put into verse, and it would still be a species of history, with meter no less than without it. The true difference is that one relates what has happened, the other what may happen” (The Internet Classics Archive) <http:// classics.mit.edu/Aristotle/poetics.1.1.html> (accessed 18 Sept. 2012).

97. Hayden White, Tropics of Discourse, pp. 126–7. 98. Smollett, p. 33. 99. Smollett, p. 33.100. Smollett, p. 33.101. I am paraphrasing here the well-known quote of Michel de Certeau. He

notes: “The violence of the body reaches the written page only through absence, through the intermediary of documents that the historian has been able to see on the sands from which a presence has since been washed away, and through a murmur that lets us hear—but from afar—the unknown immensity that seduces and menaces our knowledge” (Michel de Certeau, The Writing of History, pp. 2–3).

Notes, pp. 130–3 165

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175

Index

El Abencerraje, 15, 51, 54, 55–67, 75: augmentation of the Christian hero’s valor, 57–63; and the epic, 15, 55, 59, 63–5, 150n55; epic (authorial) and lyric (participatory) voices, 15, 55, 59, 63–5; feminist readings (and Jarifa’s agency), 147n19; four versions and textual history, 56; frustrated/failed Orientalism, 15, 59–63, 66–7, 75; love story of the Christian hero (Narváez), 63; lyric, pastoral, courtly love language, 60–3; and Moorish ballad genre of the vihuela books, 51–2, 54–5; Moorish couple’s love scenes and sexual ambiguity, 59–63, 149n53; Narváez (ideal noble) and Abencerraje (ideal, exotic Moor), 58–9, 147nn21–2; national identity and era of Reconquest, 15, 64–7, 75; neo-Platonic language and gender instability, 61–2; nostalgia, 15, 64–7, 75, 145n5; the Other and complementary Orientalist duality, 57–9; popularity, circulation, and influence, 56, 146n6; positive depictions of Muslim-Christian relations, 56–7, 146nn13–14; and Spanish Orientalism, 15, 57–63, 66–7, 75, 146n15; the story, 55–6; synechdoche and depiction of national identity, 66; taboo myths of Narcissus and Hermaphrodite, 60, 147–8n25, 148n26

aljamía (literatura aljamiada), 102, 103, 107, 158n21

Alpujarra rebellion (1568), 20–1, 24–5, 41; Cervantes and, 105;

Ferdinand and, 73–4; Pérez de Hita’s eyewitness accounts, 25, 79–80, 83–4, 99; and Pérez de Hita’s La guerra de los moriscos, 24–5, 79–100; and Pérez de Hita’s Historia de los bandos, 73–4; and vogue of the romance morisco, 32

Anderson, Benedict, 145n58Antemurale myth, 6, 134n6Armstrong, John, 6–7, 134n6,

137n41Auerbach, Erich, 129autobiographies: Cervantes’s

Moorish episodes in Don Quixote, 23–4, 26, 104, 130–2, 133; and letters/letter-writing, 85; as literary expression of memory, 82–4, 98–9; and the “memory boom,” 138n83; modern novels and combined genres of history and, 23–4, 82–4, 101–3, 104, 130–2, 133; Pérez de Hita’s eyewitness accounts of Alpujarra rebellion, 79–80, 83–4, 99; Pérez de Hita’s La guerra de los moriscos, 25, 82–4, 98–9; as personal historical writing, 101–3, 130–1

autos da fé, 22

Bakhtin, Mikhail, 23, 125, 138n77ballads (romanceros): Cervantes’s

Moorish episodes in Don Quixote, 118–20, 123–4, 125, 162n64; Cervantes’s rejection of, 103–4, 118–20, 123–4, 125, 162n64; changes in second half of the sixteenth century, 50–1; definition, 139n4; and epic genre, 32, 91, 139nn3–4; and epitaphs, 97–8; frontier ballads, 11–14, 32;

176 Index

ballads (romanceros) – continuedand group memory/cultural memory, 98; inadequacy (for narrating Iberia’s Muslim history), 81–2, 97, 99, 103–4, 118–20, 123–4, 125; lyrics, 36, 44; Pérez de Hita’s La guerra de los moriscos (invented ballads), 25, 81–2, 91–8, 152–3n8, 153nn10–12; Pérez de Hita’s Historia de los Bandos, 81, 152–3n8, 153n10; polyphonic compositional techniques, 38–9, 45–7; romances moriscos (Morisco ballads), 32, 137n48, 140n6, 141n27, 141n28; romances nuevos, 32, 137n48, 139n1, 141n27, 152n8; romances viejos, 139n1, 152n8; vihuela ballads linking frontier ballads and the romances moriscos, 32, 41, 139n2, 141n27; vihuelists’ turn from courtly love ballads to Moorish ballads, 40–1. See also Cancionero musical de palacio; vihuela ballads

Bass, Laura, 57, 149n49Bautista Avalle-Arce, Juan,

157n11Beverley, John, 18, 138n56Blanchard-Demouge, Paula, 80, 81,

152n3, 152n6, 153n11Boase, Roger, 40, 65, 140n14Boureau, Alain, 84Bouwsma, William, 9–10, 135n23,

137n49Brownlee, Martha, 69Burgundian nostalgia, 9Burshatin, Israel, 57, 63, 146n15,

150n55Byzantine novels, 126–7, 129

Cancionero de Barcelona (Cancionero de Gandía), 40

Cancionero de Segovia, 40Cancionero general, 35, 140nn10, 14Cancionero musical de palacio, 14,

32, 33–40, 44; and the cancionero

tradition/genre, 33; and the Catholic monarchs’ nation-building, 40; courtly love theme, 33–40, 140n14; lyric ballads, 36, 44; nostalgia/longing of, 14, 35, 39–40; performative aspects, 36–40; poetry texts in Spanish language, 33, 40; restrained homophony, 36–40; themes of the rejected lover and his laments, 34–5; turn away from conceptismo, 36; uniqueness, 33; vihuela ballads’ links to, 14, 32, 33–40

cancionero tradition: courtly love theme, 33–40, 140n14; definition, 33; performative aspects, 36–40; wordplay (conceptismo poetry), 36, 140n21. See also courtly love poetry

Carcayona legend (“La leyenda de la doncella Carcayona”): and the Captive’s Tale in Don Quixote, 26, 106–18, 132; father/daughter relationships, 109, 113–17, 132; incest motif, 115; as Morisco version of “The Handless Maiden,” 26, 106–18, 132; and religious conversion, 109–10, 115–17, 161n51, 161–2n58; and secret corpus of Morisco literature, 107

Carrasco-Urgoiti, María Soledad, 50–1, 150n67: on Pérez de Hita’s La guerra de los moriscos, 152nn1–3, 155n52; on Pérez de Hita’s Historia de los bandos, 152n2, 152n8

Casalduero, Joaquín, 56–7Castro, Américo, 5–6, 66, 157n11Cátedra, Pedro M., 134nn8–9, 144n55Catholic Monarchs (Ferdinand

and Isabel): national identity construction and methods of advancing their power/goals, 7–8; nation-building and the CMP, 40; and Pérez de Hita’s Historia de los bandos, 71–4; and the Reconquest, 5, 7

Index 177

Cava Rumía myth, 111, 159n37Celestina (Tragicomedia de Calisto y

Melibea) (Rojas), 17–18Certeau, Michel de, 84, 165n101Cervantes, Miguel de: and

El Abencerraje (first Moorish novel), 56; and battle of Lepanto, 105, 123; biography and Moorish themes, 105–6; captivity in Algiers, 105, 157n11; and the Morisco expulsion, 105, 157n12. See also Don Quixote’s Moorish episodes

Charles V, 8–9, 64Chartier, Roger, 69, 84Chateaubriand, François-René de, 56Childers, William, 139n87chorography, 68, 150n70Christians, Spanish: Harvey on

Morisco conversions and, 116–17; late medieval persecutions of conversos and non-Christians, 12, 136–7n40; and non-Christians (Jews and Muslims), 6–7, 12, 135–7n40; pre-expulsion convivencia, 6, 12, 135–7n40; purity-of-blood concerns, 12, 113, 136–7n40, 138n70. See also Moriscos

El Cid, 6CMP. See Cancionero musical de

palacioconceptismo poetry and wordplay:

cancionero tradition, 36, 140n21; use of the polyptoton, 36

conversions, religious: Gazul and Lindaraxa in Pérez de Hita’s Historia de los bandos, 73, 74; Harvey on Christian expectations of Moriscos, 116–17; St. Paul, 117, 161n58; the Sultan Queen in Pérez de Hita’s Historia de los bandos, 70–1, 74; Zoraida in the Captive’s Tale (Don Quixote), 109–10, 115–17, 161n51, 161–2n58. See also Moriscos

convivencia of the pre-Reconquest era, 6, 12, 69–70, 135–7n40

Counter-Reformation, 48courtly love poetry: and El

Abencerraje’s Moorish love scenes, 60–3; cancionero tradition/the CMP, 33–40, 140n14; homophony and musical restraint (restrained homophony), 36–40; performative aspects, 36–40; popularity/vogue, 35, 40–1, 141n28; and the Reconquest, 32, 40–1, 141nn28, 29; themes of the rejected lover and his laments, 34–5; as vehicle of expression for old /new nobility, 35

Daza, Esteban, 31, 48: El Parnasso, 31

La Diana (Montemayor), 56, 147n19Don Quixote’s Moorish episodes, 25–7,

101–33: and absence (writing/representing), 128, 133, 165n101; and the Byzantine novel genre, 126–7; Cervantes’s new narrative strategies, 23–4, 26, 104, 126–8, 132–3; Cervantes’s questions about truth and historiography, 26, 101–6, 118–20, 130–2, 133, 157n10; examples of dialogic heteroglossia, 23; father/daughter relationships, 109, 113–17, 121, 132; genres of autobiography and history, 23–4, 26, 104, 130–2, 133; and the modern novel, 26–7, 128–32; and the Morisco expulsion, 105, 129–30, 157n12; narrative rupture of Part I Chapter 9, 101–3, 130, 132; and the novel’s modernity, 22, 26–7, 104–6, 130–2, 133; puppet show of Maese Pedro in Part II, Chapter 26 (and tensions implicit in writing the history of Moorish Spain), 118–20; rejection of Moorish ballads, 103–4, 118–20, 123–4, 125, 162n64

178 Index

Don Quixote’s Moorish episodes (Ana Felix/Ricote episode in Part II), 25–6, 110–11, 114–15, 118, 120–8, 132: and the Captive’s Tale, 110–11, 114–18, 132; destabilization of the Byzantine Romance genre, 126–7; and Don Quixote/Sansón Carrasco episode, 120–6, 127–8; father/daughter relationship, 114–15, 121, 132; open-endedness, 127; Ricote’s plight as synechdoche for all Moriscos, 115, 130

Don Quixote’s Moorish episodes (Don Quixote/Sansón Carrasco episode), 120–6, 127–8: blurring of oppositional Muslim/Christian identities, 120–6, 127–8; Don Quixote as Knight of the Lions (symbol of Spanish crown), 122–4, 163n71; Don Quixote’s defeat, 121, 127–8; and epic mode, 125–6, 164n77; Knight of Mirrors (allegory of chess and chivalry), 121, 122; Knight of the White Moon (crescent moon/lunar symbolism), 121, 122–4, 126; the knight’s reflective disguises/mirroring dual identities, 122, 124–6; as re-enactment of battle between Muslim and Christian knights, 120–6, 127–8; Sansón Carrasco’s identity, 121–6; Sansón Carrasco’s opinion on narrative and history, 131; satirical use of a Moorish ballad, 123–4, 125

Don Quixote’s Moorish episodes (the Captive’s Tale), 25–6, 106–18, 130–1, 132: and Ana Felix/Ricote episode of Part II, 110–11, 114–18, 132; and Cava Rumía myth, 111, 159n37; characters’ opinions on narrative and history, 131; father/daughter relationships, 109, 113–17, 132; incest motif, 115; letters, 112, 113; life of the soldier

and tension between arms and letters, 112, 116, 159n39, 161n55; and the Morisco Carcayona legend (“The Handless Maiden”), 26, 106–18, 132; as narrative of unstable ethnic identity, 106, 117–18; religious conversion, 109–10, 115–17, 161n51, 161–2n58; wealth and social status, 159n34; Zoraida and her father, 113–15, 161n48; Zoraida and the Renegade, 112–14, 117, 161n51; Zoraida’s conversion, 109–10, 116–17, 161n51, 161–2n58; Zoraida’s letters to the Captive, 112, 113

Doody, Margaret, 128–9, 130; The True Story of the Novel, 128–9

Dundes, Alan, 115, 161n56

empire: Charles V and Spanish Empire, 8–9, 64; and epic genre, 64, 150n56; Habsburg Empire, 9, 10, 123, 134n14; and origins of the novel, 129, 164n89; Ottoman Empire, 10–11

Encina, Juan del: courtly love poems in the Cancionero musical de palacio, 33–4, 36–9; homophony and musical restraint, 36–9; villancico composition, 39

England, early modern: capitalism, 19, 20; the English novel, 18–19, 85, 88, 90, 128; epistolary novels, 85; epitaphs, 88, 90; Protestantism, 19, 20; rise of the middle class, 18–19, 20

epic genre/epic mode: El Abencerraje, 15, 55, 59, 63–5, 150n55; Bakhtin on, 125; and ballads, 32, 91, 139nn3–4; Cervantes’s Don Quixote/Sansón episode, 125–6, 164n77; and earliest Hispanic ballads, 32, 139n3; and Pérez de Hita’s invented ballads (La guerra de los moriscos), 91; Quint

Index 179

on empire and, 64, 150n56; and Spanish self-definition, 57–8; tensions between epic (authorial) and lyric (participatory) voices (El Abencerraje), 15, 55, 59, 63–5; and vihuela ballads, 32

epistolary novels: English, 85; Spanish, 84, 153n17. See also letters/letter writing; Pérez de Hita’s La guerra de los moriscos

epitaphs, 88–91: the beautiful Maleha, beloved of Tuzani, 89–90, 97–8, 154nn39–40, 156n61; by Christian fighter for Morisco woman, 89; coupled with ballads, 97–8; English, 88, 90; as genre innovation highlighting the individual, 88–91; and Morisco identity/individuality, 89–90; Pérez de Hita’s La guerra de los moriscos, 25, 88–91, 92–3, 97–8, 99

Ferdinand, King: and Alpujarra rebellion, 73–4; and Pérez de Hita’s Historia de los bandos, 71–4. See also Catholic Monarchs (Ferdinand and Isabel)

Flor de romances, 141n32Friedman, Edward, 18, 138n56frontier ballads, 11–14, 32: and

medieval tradition, 32; vihuela ballads and, 31–2, 41, 141n27

Fuchs, Barbara, 113, 137n42Fuenllana, Miguel de, 31, 48:

musical accompaniment to vihuela ballads, 45–7, 51–2; Orphénica Lyra, 31

Garcés, María Antonia, 105, 157n11Garcilaso de la Vega, 35–6, 40–1Garlinger, Paul Patrick, 85, 87Gaylord, Mary, 56, 57, 66Gerli, E. Michael, 111Gil Sanjuán, Joaquín, 68, 81, 152n7,

153n10

Granada, fall of, 5: decline in Muslims’ power and freedoms, 16, 41; Pérez de Hita’s Historia de los bandos, 70–4; Sacromonte affair, 20–1; and story of El Abencerraje, 55, 65. See also Reconquest

Green, Otis, 141n28Griffiths, John, 47–8La guerra de los moriscos. See Pérez de

Hita’s La guerra de los moriscosGuillén, Claudio, 54, 57, 145n5,

146n14, 147–8n25

Habsburg Empire, 9, 10, 123, 134n14

Halbwachs, Maurice, 13Hale, Dorothy J., 24, 138n77“The Handless Maiden,” 26, 106–18,

132. See also Carcayona legend (“La leyenda de la doncella Carcayona”)

Harvey, L. P.: on the Sacromonte affair, 20–1; on Spanish Christian society and Morisco conversions, 116–17; on term “Morisco,” 16–17

Heliodorus, Ethiopian Story, 126Hermaphrodite myth, 60, 147–8n25Hernández-Pecoraro, Rosilie,

146n12, 147n19Historia de los bandos. See Pérez de

Hita’s Historia de los bandos de los Zegrís y los Abencerrajes

historiography, 20–2, 157n10: and absence (writing/representing), 128, 133, 165n101; and Cervantes’s Moorish episodes in Don Quixote (truth and historiography), 26, 101–6, 118–20, 130–2, 133; combined genres of history and autobiography in the modern novel, 23–4, 82–4, 101–3, 104, 130–2, 133; conclusion of Sultan Queen story in Pérez de Hita’s Historia de los bandos, 72–3; historical discourse as narrative,

180 Index

historiography – continued21–2; and the “memory boom,” 138n83; overlap of historical and literary writing, 21–2, 69, 131–2; Pérez de Hita and chorography, 68, 150n70; personal historical writing, 101–3, 130–1; Sacromonte affair and manipulation of history, 20–1; White on, 21

individualism, modern: epitaphs, 88–91; and the modern novel, 17–19, 24, 137n49; Pérez de Hita’s La guerra de los moriscos: and Morisco individuality, 24–5, 89–90

Inquisition, 20, 22, 48, 108Inventario (Villegas), 56Irving, Washington, 56Isabel, Queen, and the Sultan Queen

in Pérez de Hita’s Historia de los bandos, 71–2. See also Catholic Monarchs (Ferdinand and Isabel)

Italian Renaissance poetry and painting, 148n33

James, Henry, 101; The American Scene, 101

Jenkins, Keith, 21–2, 130–1, 132Jews in medieval Iberia: conversos

and persecutions of, 136–7n40; late medieval persecutions by Christians, 136n40; Old Christians’ perceptions of, 136n40; pre-expulsion convivencia, 6, 12, 135–7n40; purity-of-blood statutes, 12, 136–7n40

Johnson, Carroll, 156n3, 159n34

Kagan, Richard L., 150n70Kamen, Henry, 5–6, 7, 9, 134n14,

135n31: “The Decline of Spain: A Historical Myth?,” 9

Kaplan, Gregory B., 136–7n40Klein, Kerwin, 139n83Knighton, Tess, 141n24

Lazarillo de Tormes (1554), 18, 138n56

León, Pedro, 57Lepanto, battle of, 11, 105, 123,

135n31letters/letter writing, 84–5:

and autobiographies, 85; contemporary Spanish fiction, 85; as democratizing, 84; and emerging Morisco polity, 85–8; epistolary novel tradition, 84, 85, 153n17; forgeries and deception, 86–8; letter-writing manuals of the Middle Ages, 84; Pérez de Hita’s La guerra de los moriscos, 25, 84–8, 99; pre-modern age (medieval), 84; the Sultan Queen episode in Pérez de Hita’s Historia de los bandos, 72; Zoraida’s letters to the Captive (Cervantes’s Captive’s Tale), 112, 113

Lobo Lasso de la Vega, Gabriel, 32Lope de Vega, Félix, 56López-Estrada, Francisco, 56–7,

146n6, 148n35, 148n39López-Vidriero, María Luisa,

134nn8–9, 144n55Lukács, George, 128–9lunar symbolism, Islamic: Don

Quixote/Sansón episode and Knight of the White Moon, 121, 122–4, 126; tournament between Moriscos and Turks in Pérez de Hita’s La guerra de los moriscos (Chapter 14), 95–6

lutes, 43, 143n42Luther, Martin, 49Lutheran printers, 49, 144n55

McKeon, Michael, 19–23, 128Márquez Villanueva, Francisco, 105Maurophilia, 13, 137n42memory: the ballad and group

memory/cultural memory, 98; combined genres of history and autobiography in the modern

Index 181

novel, 23–4, 82–4, 101–3, 104, 130–2, 133; Halbwachs on collective memory and groups’ self-definition, 13; the “memory boom,” 138n83; Nora on sites of memory (“lieux de mémoire”), 13

Menéndez Pidal, Ramón, 6, 32, 139n3, 153n8

Menéndez y Pelayo, Marcelino, 80, 81, 152nn1–2, 152n5, 153n12

Milán, Luis, 31, 42–3, 48: El Maestro, 31

Montemayor, Jorge, La Diana, 56Moorish ballads. See ballads

(romanceros); romances moriscos (Morisco ballads); vihuela ballads

Moorish novels, 11–12, 15–16, 54–75: and ballad tradition of the vihuela books, 51–2, 54–5; epic elements, 15, 55, 59, 63–5, 91, 150n55; genre blending and Pérez de Hita’s La guerra de los moriscos, 23–4, 79–80, 98–100; literary divides representing the Muslim-Christian split, 55; nostalgia and the Reconquest, 15, 54–5, 64–7, 69–70, 75, 145n5; Pérez de Hita’s Historia de los bandos (first half), 67–70; Pérez de Hita’s Historia de los bandos and tensions between historical novels and, 15–16, 67–9, 72–5; and Spanish Orientalism, 15, 57–63, 66–7, 75, 146n15; synechdotal, sentimentalized characters, 66, 70. See also El Abencerraje; Pérez de Hita’s Historia de los bandos de los Zegrís y los Abencerrajes

Morisco ballads. See romances moriscos (Morisco ballads)

Moriscos: Carcayona legend, 26, 106–18, 132; conversions/Christians’ expectations of, 116–17; definition, 5, 16; illiteracy, 87; Pérez de Hita’s La guerra de los moriscos and changing

Morisco identity, 85–8, 89–90, 97; Philip III’s 1609 expulsion of, 25; practicing Islam, 16; romances moriscos (Morisco ballads), 32, 137n48, 140n6, 141n27; secret literature, 107; self-understanding and the Carcayona legend, 108; as term, 16–17

Mudarra, Alonso, 31, 48: Tres libros de Música, 31

Muslims: differentiation from Moriscos, 16–17; post-Reconquest decline in power and freedoms, 16, 41; role in construction of Spanish Christian identity, 6–7

“myth-symbol effect,” 7

Narcissus myth, 60, 148n26Narváez, Luis de, 31, 48; Los seys

libros del Delphín, 31national myths and early European

nation-states, 6–7, 134n6Nebrija, Antonio de, 8Newstok, Scott, 88, 90nobility, old/new, 35Nora, Pierra, 13nostalgia: and anxiety about the

present, 49–50; and the Cancionero musical de palacio, 14, 35, 39–40; definition, 12, 146n4; and the Moorish novel, 15, 54–5, 64–5, 75, 145n5; and transition from manuscript to print, 49–50; vihuela ballads, 32, 35, 39–40, 45, 49–50, 53, 145n58

novel, modern (theories of origins), 17–24, 27, 128–32: Auerbach, 129; Bakhtin on the novel’s properties as social discourse, 23, 138n77; the Byzantine novel, 129; and capitalism, 19, 20; Cervantes’s Don Quixote, 26–7, 128–32; combined genres of history (memory) and autobiography, 23–4, 82–4, 104, 130–2, 133; Doody, 128–9, 130; the English novel, 18–19, 85,

182 Index

novel, modern (theories of origins) – continued88, 90, 128; Hale, 24, 138n77; heteroglossia and dialogism, 23; and the individual/depictions of self, 17–19, 24, 137n49; instance of generic/social categorical instability and questions of truth/virtue, 19–23; Jenkins, 21–2, 130–1, 132; and Lazarillo de Tormes (1554), 18, 138n56; literary innovations, 17–27, 80–1, 99, 152n7; Lukács, 128–9; McKeon, 19–23, 128; overlap of historical and literary writing, 68–9, 131–2; and political context of empire, 129, 164n89; and Protestantism, 19, 20; and rise of the middle class, 18–19, 20; and Rojas’s depiction of human desire in Celestina, 17–18; as term (the “modern novel”), 139n87; Watt, 18–19, 20, 128; White, 21, 69, 131–2. See also Spanish narrative, early modern

Ockeghem, Johannes, 38–9Orientalism, Spanish: and El

Abencerraje, 15, 57–63, 66–7, 75, 146n15; failed/frustrated, 15, 59–63, 66–7, 71–2, 75; Pérez de Hita’s Historia de los bandos, 70, 71–2, 75; Said’s theory, 15, 57–9

Ottoman Empire: battle of Lepanto, 11, 105, 123, 135n31; and fall of Constantinople (1453), 10; peace treaty with Spain (1580), 11; rivalry between Catholic Habsburgs and, 10; threat to Renaissance Spain, 10–11; tournament between Christian Spaniards and Muslim Turks in Pérez de Hita’s La guerra de los moriscos (Chapter 14), 93–8; Turkish aid to Moriscos, 11

Padilla, Pedro de, 32Parix, Juan, 134n8“Passeávase el rey moro”

(ballad), 41, 45–7, 143n37, 143–4n48: Fuenllana’s musical accompaniment, 45–7; Pérez de Hita’s version, 45, 143–4n47

Pérez de Hita, Ginés: biography, 68, 150n67, 151n72; and chorography, 68, 150n70; expressions of sympathy for Moriscos, 68, 151n72; eyewitness accounts of Alpujarra rebellion and war, 25, 79–80, 83–4, 99; Guerras Civiles de Granada, 68; Libro de la población y hazañas de la Muy Noble y Muy Leal ciudad de Lorca (1572), 68. See also Pérez de Hita’s La guerra de los moriscos; Pérez de Hita’s Historia de los bandos de los Zegrís y los Abencerrajes

Pérez de Hita’s La guerra de los moriscos, 23–5, 79–100: Alpujarra rebellion and war against the Moriscos, 24–5, 79–100; and autobiography, 25, 82–4, 98–9; ballads (invented), 25, 81–2, 91–8, 152–3n8, 153nn10–12; ballads’ inadequacy for writing contemporary history, 81–2, 97, 99; and changing Morisco identity, 85–8, 89–90, 97; Chapter 14’s tournament between Christian Spaniards and Muslim Turks, 93–8; Christian fighters as “diabolical squadron,” 83–4; comparisons with Historia de los bandos, 24–5, 79–80, 81, 152n2, 152–3n8, 153n10; and development of narrative in late sixteenth-century Spain, 82; dialogic heteroglossia, 23; epic discourse, 91; epitaphs, 25, 88–91, 92–3, 97–8, 99; genre blending (the novel and the history),

Index 183

23–4, 79–80, 98–100; letters, 25, 84–8, 99; literary expressions of memory (autobiography and), 82–4, 98–9; literary innovations, 25, 80–91, 99, 152n7; and Morisco individuality, 24–5, 89–90; and Pérez de Hita’s eyewitness accounts, 25, 79–80, 83–4, 99; publication history, 79, 152n1; scholars’ opinions (as more historical than literary), 22, 80, 152nn2–3, 152nn5–6. See also Pérez de Hita’s Historia de los bandos de los Zegrís y los Abencerrajes

Pérez de Hita’s Historia de los bandos de los Zegrís y los Abencerrajes, 15–16, 54, 55, 67–75: Alpujarra rebellion (cowardly Christians/brave Muslims), 73–4; ballads in, 25, 45, 81, 143n47, 152–3n8, 153n10; combined genres (Moorish novel/historical novel) and central tensions between, 15–16, 67–9, 72–5; comparisons with La guerra de los moriscos, 24–5, 79–80, 81, 152–3n8, 152n2, 153n10; concluding episodes, 73–4; and development of the Moorish novel, 67–70; Ferdinand and aftermath of conquest of Granada, 71, 73–4; first half (Moorish novel), 67–8, 69–70; idealized pre-Reconquest characters and setting, 67–70; love triangle and conversions of Gazul and Lindaraxa, 73, 74; and nostalgia, 75; Orientalism/failed Orientalism, 70, 71–2, 75; publication history, 67; second half (historical novel), 15–16, 67–8, 70–4; Sultan Queen and Queen Isabel, 71–2; Sultan Queen and the religious spectrum, 71–2; Sultan Queen episode, 16, 68, 70–3; Sultan Queen’s

conversion, 70–1, 74; synecdotal, sentimentalized characters, 70

Perry, Mary Elizabeth, 108Petrarch, 61, 148n33Petronius, Satyricon, 164n77Philip II, 48–9, 87–8Philip III, 25Pisador, Diego, 31, 48: Libro de

Música de Vihuela, 31polyphonic compositional

techniques, 38–9, 141n24: and ballads, 38–9, 45–7; cancionero genre/courtly love tradition and restrained homophony, 36–40; and embellishment, 46–7; Flemish polyphonic school, 38–9, 141n24; imitative polyphony, 38–9, 45–6; and villancicos, 39

Pope, Randolph, 122Portugal, 7, 134n6print technology, 7–8, 48–50,

134nn8–9: and censorship, 48–50; heresy charges against Lutheran printers, 49, 144n55; Nebrija’s Castilian grammar book, 8; Philip II’s homogenization of liturgical books, 48–9; propaganda and power/goals of the Catholic Monarchs, 7–8; vihuela ballads and changing publication practices, 48–50

purity-of-blood concerns, 12, 22, 113, 136–7n40, 138n70: Renegade character in Don Quixote, 113; and Spain’s emerging middle class, 138n70

Quint, David: and Cervantes’s Captive’s Tale, 110–11, 159nn34–5; on the epic, 64, 150n56; “interlace” analysis, 159n35

Reconquest, 5, 7: Castilian language as tool of, 8; Cervantes and, 105; and courtly love tradition,

184 Index

Reconquest – continued32, 40–1, 141n28; and Spain’s national identity construction, 6–7; the Spanish novel arising out of, 129–30. See also Granada, fall of

Renaissance: anxiety and insecurity in Renaissance Europe, 9–10, 135n23; celebration of the body, 10; human imagination and creativity, 10; Italian Renaissance poetry and painting, 148n33; Spanish Renaissance poetry, 48, 144n52

Rhodes, Elizabeth, 62riot of Toledo (1449), 136n40Rodríguez, Lucas, 32Rodríguez-Moñino, Antonio,

144n52Roig, Mercedes Díaz, 44, 143n43Rojas, Fernando de, Celestina

(Tragicomedia de Calisto y Melibea), 17–18

“Romance de la Moriana” (ballad): Cervantes’s satirical use of, 123–4, 125; forbidden love theme, 41–3; Milán’s musical accompaniment, 42–3

romanceros. See ballads (romanceros)romances moriscos (Morisco ballads),

32, 137n48, 140n6, 141n27: vihuela ballads as link between frontier ballads and, 32, 41, 141n27; vogue of, 32. See also ballads (romanceros)

romances nuevos, 32, 137n48, 139n1, 141n27, 152n8

romances viejos, 139n1, 152n8. See also vihuela ballads

Roscoe, Thomas, 56

Sacromonte affair, 20–1Sage, Jack, 49–50, 53, 144n57Sahlins, Peter, 6Said, Edward, 15, 57–9San Pedro, Diego de, epistolary

novels of: Arnalte y Luscinda, 153n17; Carcel de Amor, 153n17

Scodel, Joshua, 88

Sepúlveda, Juan Ginés de, 65, 150n60

Shipley, George, 57Sicroff, Albert A., 136n40Sieber, Diane, 152n3, 152n8Smith, Colin, 97, 139n4Smith, Douglas Alton, 143n42Smollett, Tobias, 156n1. See also Don

Quixote’s Moorish episodesSpain, early modern, 5–27: anxieties

and novelties of Renaissance Spain, 9–11, 134n14, 135n23; Catholic Monarchs, 5, 7–8, 40; Charles V as king of Spain/Habsburg emperor, 8–9, 64; Christian identity and roles of non-Christians, 6–7, 135–7n40; codes of honor, 22; dilemmas of differentiating new ethnic boundaries, 12–13, 137nn41–2; economic transition, 20; emerging middle class, 20, 138nn69–70; Inquisition, 20, 22, 48, 108; internal moral states/external social order, 22–3; national identity construction, 5–11; national myths, 6–7, 134n6; Ottoman threat, 10–11; Philip III’s 1609 expulsion of Moriscos, 25; pre-expulsion convivencia, 6, 12, 135–7n40; print technology, 7–8, 48–50, 134nn8–9; purity-of-blood, 12, 22, 113, 136–7n40, 138n70. See also Reconquest

Spanish narrative, early modern, 17–27, 128–32: El Abencerraje, 15, 51, 54, 55–67, 75; Cervantes’s Don Quixote, 22, 26–7, 104–6, 130–2, 133, 157n10; Cervantes’s Moorish episodes in Don Quixote, 25–7, 101–33; Cervantes’s new narrative strategies, 23–4, 26, 104, 126–8, 132–3; Cervantes’s rejection of Moorish ballads, 103–4, 118–20, 123–4, 125, 162n64; combined Moorish novel/historical novel, 15–16, 67–70, 72–5; courtly love and the cancionero tradition,

Index 185

33–40, 140n14; frontier ballads, 11–14; generic categorical instability (assessing historical validity and authority of written texts), 20–2; and internal moral states/external social order, 22–3; literary innovations, 17–27, 80–1, 99, 152n7; literature depicting Moriscos, 17–27; literature romanticizing/idealizing Muslims, 11–17, 32, 40–3, 53, 67–70, 75, 146n15; the Moorish novel, 11–12, 15–16, 54–75, 67–9; Orientalism/failed Orientalism, 15, 57–63, 66–7, 70, 71–2, 75; Pérez de Hita’s La guerra de los moriscos, 23–5, 79–100; Pérez de Hita’s Historia de los bandos, 15–16, 54, 55, 67–75; print technology and changing publication practices, 48–50, 134nn8–9; Spanish Renaissance poetry, 48, 144n52; vihuela ballads’ narrative qualities, 14–15, 44–7, 49, 50–3, 143n44; the violent expulsions and rise of the novel, 129–30. See also novel, modern (theories of origins)

synechdoche: El Abencerraje and depiction of national identity, 66; Cervantes’s Ana Felix/Ricote episode (Ricote’s plight), 115, 130; idealized pre-Reconquest Muslim characters in Pérez de Hita’s Historia de los bandos, 70

Timoneda, Juan de, 32, 50–1Tragicomedia de Calisto y Melibea

(Celestina) (Rojas), 17–18

Valderrábano, Enríquez de, 31, 48: Silva de Sirenas, 31

vihuela ballads, 14–15, 31–53, 54–5, 141n27; and the CMP, 14, 32, 33–40, 44; composers and diversity, 31, 48; and development of Spanish Renaissance poetry, 48, 144n52; and epic genre,

32; forbidden love themes and sympathy for the Moor, 41–3; instrument (the vihuela), 14, 42–3, 143n42; linking frontier ballads and the romances moriscos, 31–2, 41, 141n27; musical accompaniments, 42–3, 45–7; musical embellishments, 46–7; narrative qualities, 14–15, 44–7, 49, 50–3, 143n44; and national identity/nationalist agendas, 49–50, 144n57, 145n58; nostalgia, 32, 35, 39–40, 45, 49–50, 53, 145n58; poems focusing on war and emotional suffering, 41; popularity, 47–8, 145n58; post-Reconquest, 40–1; print runs and circulation, 14, 47–8; publication practices and censorship, 48–50; redobles (vihuela flourish) played “dedillo,” 42; as romances viejos, 139n1; romanticization, idealization, and sympathetic treatment of Moorish subject, 14–15, 32, 40–3, 53; songbooks and development of the Moorish novel, 14–15, 44–53, 54–5: “De Antequera sale un moro,” 41, 51–2, 142n36; “A las armas moriscote,” 41, 141n34; “Los braços traygo cansados,” 41, 44, 142n35; “Enfermo estava Antico,” 44, 143n45; “Passeávase el rey moro,” 41, 45–7, 143n37, 143–4n48; “Por Antequera suspira,” 44–5; “Romance de Moriana,” 42–3

villancicos, 31, 39Villegas, Antonio, Inventario, 56Virgil, Aeneid, 125, 164n77

Wardropper, Bruce, 104–5, 157n10Watt, Ian: on Don Quixote, 138n68;

on the English novel, 18–19, 20, 128

White, Hayden, 21, 69, 131–2Wilson, Diana De Armas, 164n89