186

Notes1. THE PROBLEM AND THE ORIGINS

1. Ryan 1982, p. 164. 2. Key figures for me have been Baudrillard and Lyotard, for whose works

see the Bibilography. Post 1996 devotes considerable space to answeringthem on the theoretical level.

3. The converse argument is that the developments important for Marxism’sfuture occurred from 1917 onwards on the periphery, originally largelycolonial in nature, which capital created in the period from roughly 1880.That process, and the emergence and nature of the Stalinist state-formand its Marxist-Leninist doctrine closely tied to it, must be left to otherstudies (see Post 1997a and 1997b for starters), but it is important to recog-nise immediately that its ultimate result was a state socialist dead-endwhich reached decadence in 70 years and then almost universally collapsed.

4. The bourgeoisie, as feudalism’s longterm nemesis (their ascendancy tooksome 500 complex years to achieve) and the basis of Europe’s future capit-alist classes, were not formed within that mode’s social relations as such,but within the urban-mercantile forms which the feudal systems took overfrom the late Roman Empire. Further on this phenomenon, which Marxand Engels failed to recognise, see Post 1996, pp. 161–65.

5. Since this view apparently contradicts my overall approach, which wouldsuggest an adherence to a Marxist reading of the French Revolution, it isnecessary to make general reference to the massive literature of reassess-ment and polemic which has centred around that approach for thirtyyears. Let me select just three items from this. The pioneer critique of thehitherto dominant Marxist interpretation was Cobban 1968, after whichthe key work was Furet 1981, first published in French in 1978. Probablythe best reassessment from the Marxist side has been Comninel 1987,which, however, breaks with the traditional ‘bourgeois revolution’ view.His final verdict is that the French Revolution ‘was essentially an intra-class conflict over basic political relations that at the same time touched onrelations of surplus extraction’ (p. 200, original emphasis). My main quali-fication on this would be to stress the importance of the radicalizationpushed at a critical moment by popular forces (see below). I would alsogenerally accept the views of Lynn Hunt, that Marxist interpretations havebeen problematic because they took politics as determined ‘by the neces-sary course from origins to outcomes’. Conversely, ‘revisonist’ interpreta-tions make politics ‘seem haphazard’. Hence, the basic problem of theMarxist interpretation has been that it ‘is insufficiently discriminating’,while the ‘primary defect of the revisionist accounts has been their failureto offer a plausible alternative to the Marxist version’ (Hunt 1984, pp. 10and 178, and see generally pp. 176–9). In this respect, it is worth notingthat Marx’s reading of the English revolution at least was rather morenuanced than that of his followers, in that it posited a split in the nobility: in

Notes 187

the earlier case, then, ‘the bourgeoisie was in alliance with the modernnobility against the monarchy, the feudal nobility and the establishedchurch’ (Marx 1973a, p. 192).

6. This issue of the nature of the revolutionary – more broadly, historical –‘subject’ is examined in detail in Post 1996 and 1997a and 1997b.

7. ‘Regime’ is used here to mean the overall distribution of power in a givensocial formation, anchored by the state. The latter has a variety of aspectsoften masked in discussion, but key here are that it is: a governing appar-atus; a concentration of resources; a source of authority; and an arena inwhich various groups seek access to policy-making. Particularly in termsof the last, we may also conceptualize a ‘power bloc’ of elements drawnfrom the dominant class(es), or at least acting as their agents, which havedirect access to/control over policy decisions. For an extended discussionof these concepts see the seventh essay in Post 1996.

8. There is another issue/proposition involved here, namely that actualrevolutions are conducted under the leadership of political elites distinctfrom any given class but disproportionately drawn from middle strataintellectuals, who in the English and French cases were then basicallyassimilated into the new dominant capitalist class and its professionalservitors. Although outside the scope of this study, it is worth noting that,in the case of the Soviet Union, the decisive feature proved to be that thiselite prolonged its rule because it was not prepared to allow the workingclass it claimed to represent to take power but, conversely, it was not ableto turn into a new capitalist class. The contradictions this produced led inthe end to the collapse of ‘state socialism’ altogether, opening the way forsuch a class to form.

9. It must be made clear that I am not saying that the English Revolution of1640–60 failed to have an intellectual impact on other countries, includingFrance, only that it was an attenuated and less radical process.

10. A huge literature is involved here, but I shall do a Blair and avoid reallygetting to grips with the issue by citing only a very useful summary discus-sion, Treasure 1995.

11. On the other, negative, hand, the Enlightenment established the basis forthe ideology of imperialism and colonial rule over non-European peoplesand of capitalist class control of subordinate classes and groups in itsheartland. It also raised key issues for emancipatory ideologies whichhave not yet been adequately faced. These were: the nature of humans asa gendered species; the relations of people with natural and social envir-onments; the movement and possible goals of history seen as a totality;the existence of an historical subject; the characteristics of liberationitself. Once again, this study will largely leave those aside.

12. The following account is based primarily upon Rudé 1989 and Soboul1988. Its concentration on Paris should not be taken to mean that import-ant events did not occur outside, only that, in a long-centralized system,what happened in the capital was always ultimately decisive.

13. That method is of course central to Marxist dialectics, and in that sense –but that alone – Postmodernism does not seem to me to be incompatiblewith Marxism’s emphasis on the philosophically material and the histor-ically concrete.

188 Notes

14. Billington 1980, pp. 72–7. For the formation of Babeuf’s thought seeHarkins 1990–91.

15. Quoted Soboul 1988, p. 74. 16. These necessarily brief remarks are based on Baker 1990, pp. 203–23,

and Billington 1980, pp. 17–23. This is one question which Hal Draperdid not go into in his mammoth work, Karl Marx’s Theory of Revolution(see my Bibliography), to which we are all indebted.

17. Quoted, Baker 1990, p. 215. 18. Baker 1990, p. 219. 19. Billington 1980, p. 20; quoted, Baker 1990, p. 221. 20. Baker 1990, pp. 9–10. 21. Rudé 1989, p. 86. 22. Baker 1990, p. 204. 23. See Thompson 1971. 24. Soboul 1988, p. 89. 25. Ibid., p. 95. 26. Quoted, ibid., pp. 92 and 98. I have slightly amended the second transla-

tion for the sake of euphony. 27. Quoted, ibid., p. 62. 28. A useful discussion here is Soboul 1988, Chapter 3. 29. Quoted, ibid., p. 52. I have debowdlerized the quotation. 30. Baker 1990, p. 3. 31. Furet 1981, p. 130. 32. Quoted in Billington 1980, p. 49. On ‘de-christianization’ in general see

E. Kennedy 1989, pp. 338–53. 33. Billington 1980, p. 50. For descriptions of the revolutionary festivals and

the special place of Nature in them see ibid., pp. 44–53, from which thesedata. The basic study is Ozouf 1976. On revolutionary rhetoric, symbol-ism and ritual see also Hunt 1984, Part I.

34. Billington 1980, p. 40 and p. 522, n. 130. Rousseau had in fact argued forproper treatment of animals already in 1755, on the grounds that theywere ‘sentient’ although not ‘rational’ (1913, p. 158).

35. Quoted, Billington 1980, p. 39, and ibid., p. 34. 36. Billington 1980, pp. 79–83 discusses Restif’s political ideas. The coiner

of the term ‘communist’ was Joseph-Alexandre-Victor Hupay de Fuvéa,who in 1779 had produced the first modern plan for a communist society(Billington 1980, pp. 79–80).

37. Rousseau 1913, p. 152. 38. On this neglected figure see Diamond 1994. For a general discussion of

women’s activities in the base organisations see Soboul 1988, Chapter 11. 39. Soboul 1988, p. 75; quoted, Billington 1980, p. 68. 40. Billington 1980, p. 42. 41. Marx 1973a, p. 192. 42. This is not to deny the importance of their work in adding to our under-

standing of the imaginary as an important aspect of the Revolution, towhich I have tried to do justice above. For useful discussions of the con-troversy see, from different points of view, Baker 1990, Introduction andChapter 1, and Rudé 1989, Chapter 2.

43. Furet 1981, pp. 118–23 passim.

Notes 189

44. Ibid., p. 99, n. 49, original emphasis. 45. On the very non-feudal role of the absolutist state, a comment by Furet is

most apposite: ‘the French monarchy had for centuries played an activerole in the dislocation of the society of orders and continued to play it,more forcefully than ever, in the eighteenth century’ (1981, p. 103). Basic-ally, I would thus follow the ‘minimal Marxist’ (his phrase) line opened inHalkier 1990. The ‘Conclusion’ of Comninel 1987 is also significant here.A useful survey treatment of the more recent economic research isLemarchand 1990, but he still insists on describing the ancien régime as‘feudal’, while for a valiant attempt to update the older Marxist ‘bourgeoisrevolution’ view see Duchesne 1990.

46. Furet 1981, pp. 109 and 110. 47. Gramsci 1971, pp. 77–8. 48. Furet 1981, p. 120. 49. Marx and Engels 1973, p. 77. 50. Gramsci 1971, p.77. 51. Clearly, there are difficulties about extending use of the term ‘Jacobin’,

with its fixed associations of time and space, to later periods. In thisbroader context it has close affinities to the term ‘populist’, but loose usageof the latter term in the literature and the positive point that the FrenchRevolution opened the issue of freedom for all subordinated classesmight justify generalizing the historically-specific term.

52. Gramsci 1971, p. 131. 53. Ibid., p. 63. 54. Furet 1981, p. 99.

2. THE BURGEONING OF THE BOURGEOISIE

1. Quoted, Draper 1978, p. 595. 2. Rudé 1989, p. 157. 3. Ibid., p. 162. 4. Hobsbawm 1975, pp. 50 and 67. 5. Data from P. Kennedy 1989, pp. 193, 196, 199 (with calculation) and 200. 6. Hobsbawm 1977, pp. 185, 187 and 193; McLennan 1972, p. 126. 7. Hobsbawm 1977, p. 208. 8. Ibid., p. 210. 9. Price 1982, p. 877.

10. Hobsbawm 1977, pp. 213–14 and 235. 11. Ibid., pp. 208 and 219; P. Kennedy 1989, p. 121. 12. Hegel 1956, p. 87. However, he did not yet regard the New World as part

of history, since it was still ‘only an echo of the Old World’, for him theEuropean terrain of history proper (loc. cit.).

13. Billington 1980, pp. 215 and 231. 14. The contributions of Aufklärung figures like Johann Gottfried von Herder

(1744–1803) were substantial and varied; for example, he contributed,among other things, to linguistic theory (‘Essay on the Origin of Language’1772) and historiography (Ideas on the Philosophy of the History of Human-ity 1784–89). He also pioneered modern dialectics.

190 Notes

15. Billington 1980, pp. 217 and 487. 16. Engels 1954, p. 354. 17. Good material on these figures and their peers is to be found in Billington

1980, passim, especially Chapter 9. On Blanqui see also Nomad 1961 andHyams 1979 on Proudhon.

18. Billington 1980, pp. 245 and 246. 19. Ibid., pp. 485, 487 and 488–9. 20. For a general analysis see Hobsbawm 1975, Chapter 1. 21. Landes 1969, p. 41. In the Marxist view capital is a social relation, the

reason why it sometimes appears in my analysis as if it were a personal-ized agent.

22. I was first given the idea for these categories by Woolf 1992, pp. 92–4,although I have considerably developed his original set, ‘economic activity,sociability and public governance’.

23. Quoted, Walton and Gamble 1976, p. 160. 24. Walton and Gamble 1976, p. 184. 25. Quoted in Lane 1979, p. 130. 26. Quoted, Mandel 1968, p. 703. On this issue generally see pp. 701–5. 27. Quoted, Walton and Gamble 1976, p. 176. 28. Lectures on Justice, Police, Revenue and Arms, quoted Walton and Gam-

ble 1976, p. 166. 29. See Mandel 1971, pp. 155–56. 30. Quoted, Marx 1970, p. 558, n. 3, p. 714, n. 1, and p. 606, n. 1. 31. Quoted, Marx 1970, p. 475, n. 34. 32. Quoted, Stedman Jones 1983c, p. 120. 33. I am fully aware that I am using a term formed in bourgeois ‘develop-

ment studies’ in the 1960s (see especially Almond and Verba 1963). Iwish to disclaim any ‘guilt by association’ here, although there are histor-ical links between what my concept seeks to examine and their concerns,above all their view that such a body of ideas was necessary for politicalstability, which for them was tacitly associated with capitalism.

34. Quoted in Wahrman 1992, pp. 91–2, 99 and 106. 35. Ibid., pp. 112–13. 36. Hegel 1953, p. 291. 37. Strictly speaking, I do not regard these ‘middle’ elements as a class, but as a

set of strata which are indispensable to capitalism and became increas-ingly distinct from the bourgeoisie as it developed. For theoretical dis-cussion and references see Post 1996, pp. 188–90.

38. Harrison 1948, p. xi. 39. Ibid., p. xxiii. 40. Bentham 1948, p. 126. 41. Marx 1970, pp. 172 and 570–1. 42. Harrison 1948, p. xiii. 43. Quoted in Jones and Novak 1980, p. 145; Richards 1980, p. 60. 44. There is, of course, a huge literature here, but the classic modern analysis

is interwoven throughout Thompson 1968. 45. Quoted, Richards 1980, p. 58. It is interesting that provision for the poor-

est, health and education are still key concerns as Europe approaches thetwenty-first century.

Notes 191

46. Increased use of the term ‘space’ suggests the need for a definition: asphere of human activity, the boundaries of which are institutionally andlegally defined and whose activities affect, and are affected by, those inother spaces. In this context, human social activities may be seen as a setof procreative, economic, cognitive and political practices taking place intheir own spaces. On these see Post 1996, especially pp. 73, 88–90 and93–7.

47. Bentham 1948, pp. 94–5 and 93, original emphasis. 48. Bentham 1948, p. 94; Hegel 1956, pp. 85–6 and 456, original emphasis. 49. Hegel 1953, pp. 172, 163 and 180. 50. Hegel 1953, p. 161, and 1956, p. 454, original emphasis. 51. Marx and Engels 1973, p. 69. 52. Thompson 1968, p. 768. 53. Shafer 1955, p. 19. 54. Quotations cited in Lovell 1988, pp. 69 and 71. 55. Vernon 1993, pp. 17 and 39. This author does not in fact note the effects

of the 1831 property provisions. 56. Ibid., p. 72. 57. Joyce 1991, p. 146. 58. See Vernon 1993, pp. 53–4. The other side of Oldham’s class politics is

brought out in Foster 1974 passim. 59. Marx and Engels 1973, pp. 70 and 71. 60. Marx 1975, p. 413. 61. See Draper 1986, pp. 121–24 and 361.

3. EUROPE’S MENACING OTHERS

1. Callinicos 1989, p. 70. 2. Shelley 1985, p. 58. The first edition of 1818 was published anonymously,

the 1823 edition acknowledged authorship, and that of 1831 was revisedand is the one usually cited, as here. To save multiplying notes, I shallhenceforward put references to the text immediately after the citation.

3. To those familiar with later film versions, the actual animation in thebook is a complete anticlimax, being described simply thus: ‘With an anxi-ety that almost amounted to agony, I collected the instruments of lifearound me, that I might infuse a spark of being into the lifeless thing thatlay at my feet. It was already one in the morning; the rain pattered dis-mally against the panes, and my candle was nearly burnt out, when, by theglimmer of the half-extinguished light, I saw the dull yellow eye of thecreature open; it breathed hard, and a convulsive motion agitated itslimbs.’ (p. 105) The classic animation scene which has fixed itself in thepopular image of the story, with harnessed lightning entering the Creaturethrough bolts set in its neck, was thus the addition of the writer of the1931 film in which Boris Karloff played the Creature.

4. This issue certainly well predates the Enlightenment. It is almost toogood to be true to find that in 1326 a church canon was arrested andcharged with witchcraft in Gascony (southeast France), being said tohave followed certain books and writings and used glass, pottery and

192 Notes

wooden vessels and other devices to make evil-smelling substances inorder to summon demons and call up hail, thunder and lightning. Moreover,two friends of the accused, Bertrand d’Andiran, had also been arrestedfor removing pieces from the corpses of criminals hanging on the gallows.Here we have all the ingredients of the Frankenstein story. (See Le RoyLadurie 1990, pp. 70–1. The gallows-robbers were burned to death, but itis not clear what happened to d’Andiran.)

An event staged in 1818, not long after the first publication of Mary Shel-ley’s novel, is also pertinent here. The professor of anatomy at GlasgowUniversity and a well-known chemist used a galvanic battery to ‘re-anim-ate’ the corpse of an executed criminal in public (presumably by makingparts of it convulse, like the original dead frogs) and then cut its throat.This macabre charade was presumably an attempted rebuttal to thenovel (my reading of the story in Small 1972, p. 333, n. 9).

5. See McLellan 1972, pp. 78 and 82. 6. A curious venue, given that finding the necessary parts would be a rather

noticeable activity among five inhabitants with ‘gaunt and scraggy limbs’(p. 208). Remaining in Edinburgh, with its famous medical school, wouldhave made more sense in those days before deep freeze transport facilities.

7. Franco Moretti precedes me in seeing the Creature as an archetype forthe working class (1988, pp. 85–90), but could have read the text morecarefully. For example, he asserts that the Creature is the first to attackmankind (p. 288, n. 5), which is untrue; his disillusionment begins when heis driven off by villagers, and his first act of violence is symbolically againstthe cottage vacated by the Clervals and after he has been rejected by them.

8. Marx and Engels 1973, p. 67. 9. Quoted, Hobsbawm 1977, p. 245.

10. Quoted, Chevalier 1973, pp. 403–4. 11. Quoted, Price 1982, p. 873. 12. Lane 1979, pp. 20–1; Perkins 1969, p. 76. 13. Hobsbawm 1977, pp. 252, 248 and 251. A word must be said for the

humble potato. It is a good food in itself, but the problem is that it is so con-venient in terms of cultivation, storage and simplicity in preparation andcooking that peasants or workers needing to allocate most time and energyto cash crops or paid labour come to depend on it alone. Crop failure thenmeans starvation. The Wild Boy of Aveyron had a particular predilectionfor potatoes when first discovered (Lane 1979, p.8). For a classic accountof a major potato crop failure see Woodham-Smith 1962.

14. Quoted, Chevalier 1973, p. 360. 15. Quoted, Chevalier 1973, p. 408. Modern audiences know this work better

as the musical adaptation, Les Misérables. 16. The key study here is of course Foucault 1977. 17. Lane 1979, p. 56; Hobsbawm 1977, pp. 188 and 203. 18. Quoted, Lane 1979, p. 157. 19. Quoted, Richards 1980, p. 75. 20. A concrete example of similarities may be seen in the fact that, in some

areas of rural artisan specialization in Germany where diet had beenreduced to potatoes and coffee, relief workers had to teach the starvinghow to eat the peas and porridge supplied after the potato crop failed

Notes 193

(Hobsbawm 1977, p. 251). One of the first successes with the Wild Boy ofAveyron had been extending his repertoire of foods (Lane 1979, p. 39).

21. For a theoretical discussion of the components of cognition, includingformal knowledge and culture, see Post 1996, pp. 255–70.

22. Could he make a joke? For that matter, of course, Frankenstein is notexactly a barrel of laughs . . .

23. Arthur 1983, p. 70, citing Hegel’s Phenomenology of the Spirit. 24. Billington 1980, pp. 246–7 and 131–45 passim. 25. Ibid., pp. 155–6 and 183. 26. Ibid., p. 179; Hobsbawm 1977, p. 255. 27. The book is an actual one, the Count de Volney’s The Ruins, or Meditations

on the Overthrow of Empires of 1791, one of the common panoramicEnlightenment histories.

28. The second edition, in 1842, was retitled The Monster City (Billington1980, p. 645, n. 28).

29. The basic reference is ‘Introduction to a Critique of Hegel’s Philosophyof Right’, published in the 1844 German-French Yearbook, of which Marxwas an editor. Engels, who was not yet working with Marx, spoke of theconfrontation between capital and labour in his ‘Outlines of a Critique ofPolitical Economy’, published in the same issue of the Yearbook, and sawthis as leading to increasing polarization of classes, but did not directlyspecify the working class (proletariat) as the revolutionary subject.

30. Marx 1975, p. 256, original emphasis omitted. 31. Marx 1975, pp. 253–6, original emphasis. 32. Ibid., pp. 256 and 415, original emphasis. 33. Ibid., p. 251. I have slightly adapted the translation. 34. Marx 1975, pp. 419–20. 35. Quoted, Draper 1978, p. 24. 36. Marx and Engels 1973, p. 65. 37. Billington 1980, p. 487. 38. Baker 1990, p. 10. 39. Marx 1973a, p. 222. Given recent events in the former Yugoslavia, this

particular view could bear serious re-examination. 40. Ibid., pp. 221–2, original emphasis. 41. Marx 1973a, p.107. 42. In an interesting piece, Ephraim Nimni argued that Marx and Engels did

have a coherent theory of nationalism, which in a sense justified theirscorn for certain movements (see Nimni 1989). I would, however, goalong with the critique by Traverso and Löwy, which reasserts the ‘con-junctural’ view (see their 1990 article).

43. Nederveen Pieterse 1990, pp. 159–61. 44. Marx and Engels 1973, p. 84. 45. Dealing with this passage was helped by a reading of Rosdolsky 1965,

although as will be seen shortly I do not agree with his final conclusion. 46. Marx and Engels 1973, p. 78; next citation p. 85. 47. Mazzini 1907, pp. 53–4. Some of this work originally appeared in 1844,

and the part from which this is taken in 1858 (ibid., bibliographical note,p. xxxix).

48. On this see Post 1997a, pp. 87–9 and 98–9.

194 Notes

49. I say this in full recognition of the fact that it seems to surrender abjectlyto opponents like Lovell, who have taken the position that ‘to questionMarx’s concept of the proletariat is to question Marx’s concept of classitself’, that ‘the proletariat is more than just the agency of socialism inMarx’s theory; it is the element of theoretical coherence’ and that‘[h]aving been one of its most distinctive features, the reliance of Marx’stheory upon the proletariat has become its biggest liablity’ (Lovell 1988,pp. 221 and 222). In consequence, surviving Marxist–Leninists will doubt-less accuse me of treachery. So be it: my position is that the question ofworking class revolutionary action must be set within a broader issue ofthe historical liberatory subject which can be theorized from within Marxismitself. Post 1996 is an extended statement of this position. On the key fail-ure in Germany in the period 1918–33 see Post 1997a, which is in a sensea companion study to this one.

4. MID-CENTURY REVOLUTIONARY COMPLEXITIES

1. Obviously, reference has to be made here to Hal Draper’s massiveexploration of this theme, in Draper 1977, 1978 and 1986. I approach thesame basic material from a different angle, but clearly owe a consider-able debt to his work.

2. Strictly speaking, the very first rising came in Sicily in January, but thatwas really a regionalist move agains the King of Naples, although it didlead to a constitutional seizure of power in that capital, already reversedin its turn in May.

3. Marx 1973b, p. 56; Marx 1973a, p. 161. 4. Marx 1973a, p. 176, original emphasis. Basic historical studies on the

events in Germany are Hamerow 1958 and Noyes 1966. 5. The Poles under Russian rule had already risen in 1830 and been smash-

ed, and those under Prussian and Austrian rule in 1846. 6. Hunt 1975, p. 110. 7. Data from Woodward 1949, pp. 84 and 87. 8. Thompson 1968, pp. 332–3; Thompson 1984, pp. 18–32 passim. 9. Quoted, Thompson 1984, p. 35.

10. To his credit, William Lovett advocated including the right of women tovote in parliamentary elections, but was persuaded that this would arouseridicule (Woodward 1949, p. 127, n. 2).

11. Stedman Jones 1983c, p. 170 and 176; Thompson 1984, pp. 17–18 and 30–2. 12. Engels 1971, p. 258. It should be noted that contemporary use of the term

‘middle class’ basically meant what I call the bourgeoisie and middlestrata, but especially the former.

13. Epstein 1982, p. 313. 14. Data from Saville 1987, p. 207; Thompson 1984, pp. 106–7. 15. Thompson 1984, pp. 108–10. 16. Ibid., p. 233. 17. Jones 1975, pp. 140–3. 18. Gammage 1969/1894, pp. 248–50, 275–80 and 374-6; Thompson 1984, p. 225. 19. Jones 1975, p. 145.

Notes 195

20. Epstein 1982, p. 314. The ‘classic’ study of that radicalism is of courseThompson 1968.

21. Saville 1987, p. 55. 22. Marx and Engels 1973, p. 97. 23. Thompson 1968, p. 913. 24. See Gammage 1969/1894, Chapter VIII, and Thompson 1984, pp. 82–6,

and the whole of Chapter 4. For Chartist actions in 1839–40 see alsoJones 1975, pp. 155–7.

25. On the Association, see Jones 1975, pp. 70–7, and generally on Chartistpolitics Chapter 2. For an interesting account of the strikes see Gam-mage 1969/1894, p. 217–21. Generally on Chartism and the unions seeJones 1975, pp. 138–46.

26. Epstein 1982, p. 313. 27. Engels 1971, p. 266. 28. For the comment of an opponent see Gammage 1969/1894, pp. 248–50,

and generally Jones 1975, pp. 128–37. 29. Jones 1975, p. 152. See also Epstein 1982, pp. 314–15. Generally on the

Chartists and violence see Jones, op. cit., pp. 148–59. This shift increasedthe importance of the Chartist and more generally radical press, whichbegan to burgeon with the 1836 reduction of stamp duty on newspapers.See Thompson 1984, Chapter 2, and for the pre-1832 backgroundThompson 1968, pp. 799–805.

30. Engels 1971, pp. 267 and 268. 31. Hunt 1975, p. 136; Marx 1973a, p. 101. Given Irish and Scots support for

the movement, it is significant that the revolutionary theorist had pickedup the upper-class habit of using ‘English’ to mean the whole of theso-called United Kingdom.

32. Thompson 1984, pp. 317–18; Gammage 1894/1969, pp. 312–13. Generallyon 1848 events see Jones 1975, pp. 157–9. The fullest study of this phaseof the movement is Saville 1987.

33. Data from Gammage 1894/1969, pp. 312–17, 318, 325, 329 and 332–3.Reluctant though I am to agree with House of Commons staff, theircount seems more feasible, and signing jokey names would be normal,including as a manifestation of disagreement with the tactic.

34. Saville 1987, p. 227. 35. Richards 1980, pp. 71–7, and see also Stedman Jones 1983(c), pp. 174–5. 36. Stedman Jones 1983c, p. 167; Thompson 1984, pp. 333–4. 37. Thompson 1984, p. 330, and see the whole of her Chapter 14. 38. See Stedman Jones 1983c, pp. 153–6. It should be noted that I interpret

the Chartist decline differently from this analyst, who attributes it prim-arily to the mixed class basis of the movement and the central importanceof the ‘middle class’, by which he apparently means the industrialists andtheir middle strata dependents. See in particular op. cit., pp. 161–5.

39. Epstein 1982, p. 315. 40. Thompson 1968, p. 326. 41. Saville 1987, p. 207. 42. Ibid., p. 913. 43. Thompson 1984, pp. 337 and 338. 44. Saville 1987, pp. 214–15 and 219–20; Stedman Jones 1983c, p. 168.

196 Notes

45. Epstein 1982, p. 315. 46. Stedman Jones 1983c, p. 173. 47. Jones 1975, p. 155. 48. On this see Kee 1976, Chapter 13. On the ‘demonstration effect’ of the

French events in February see ibid., pp. 263–5. 49. Quoted, Hunt 1975, p. 110. 50. Thompson 1984, pp. 34–5 and see Chapter 7 generally. 51. Thompson 1984, pp. 122–6 passim. 52. See Thompson 1968, p. 437–40. 53. Quoted, Jones 1975, p. 154. 54. Thompson 1984, p. 330. 55. Marx 1973a, pp. 182 and 103. 56. Draper 1978, pp. 204–6 and 594. The term is used in the cited work in the

context of ‘political life’ pushing violently through to the abolition of reli-gion, private property and, indeed, civil society as such, although thedeclaration of a ‘permanent’ revolution is portrayed there as a token offailure (Marx 1975, p. 222).

57. See Draper 1978, pp. 186–9. 58. Quoted, ibid., p. 188. 59. Marx and Engels 1973, p. 97. In the comment on Germany I have adopted

this edition’s suggested alternative translation. 60. Marx 1973a, p. 191 and next quotation p. 192, original emphasis. 61. Marx and Engels 1973, p. 98. In an ingenious argument, Hunt (1974,

pp. 177–91) sought to argue that the authors did not really mean what theysaid in the passage, almost at the end of the Manifesto from which this quo-tation is taken. For him, the reference to a rapid transition to a workers’revolution was inserted ‘to satisfy artisan impatience’ (p. 190). It seems tome that there is enough evidence (some quoted by Hunt; see for examplep. 178, n. 4) to show that the founders were wildly optimistic about Britain,and that they thought they had found a way to keep Germany in line.

62. Quoted, Draper 1978, p. 183, original emphasis. 63. Marx 1973a, pp. 161 and 197, original emphasis. 64. Quoted in Draper 1974, p. 110. 65. Marx 1973a, p. 174. 66. Ibid., p. 133. 67. Quoted, Draper 1978, p. 193. 68. Marx 1973b, p. 45. 69. Ibid., p. 71. 70. Tilly 1986, p. 389. 71. See the lists of characteristics, ibid., pp. 392–3, and diagram, p. 395. 72. Johnstone 1967, p. 124, citing a Soviet historian, gives a League member-

ship of ‘some 200–300’. 73. Marx and Engels 1973, p. 79; cited, Johnstone 1967, p. 126. 74. For the programme see Marx and Engels 1973, pp. 86–7. In more recent

terms, the situation envisaged is one of a mixed economy, with a growingstate industrial sector and hint of central planning in the provision for amonopoly state central bank controlling credit.

75. This formation and interpellation of necessary discourse raises anotherquestion which dogged the development of the Communist movement,

Notes 197

the relation between workers and intellectuals. Marx and Engels hadthemselves consciously come in as intellectuals who could provide themovement with necessary theory, as their treatment of WilhelmWeitling shows. At a meeting in March 1846 the self-taught tailor wasaccused by Marx of being a ‘Russian’; Russia was the symbol of back-wardness at that time, and ‘only there can unions between confusedprophets and confused followers really arise successfully and continue’(quoted in Schäfer 1981, p. 197). Accused further of promoting emo-tional ‘eyewash’, Weitling, who was also fully convinced of his own rect-itude and authoritarian in temperament, hit back after the meeting withan attack on those ‘who even call themselves Communists’, who ‘are atpains to let people know that German philosophy formed communism’,a ‘rather impudent’ position, since ‘German philosophy has formednothing but German conceptual muddle. German philosophy is nothingmore than the quintessence of German nonsense’ (quoted in ibid.,p. 213, n. 57). Draper attempted to minimize this incident: see Draper1978, pp. 654–9.

76. See Marx and Engels 1973, pp. 87–97 for socialist types. Anarchism andCommunism had already moved apart. In May 1846 Pierre-JosephProudhon, chief theorist of the other main revolutionary stream, rejectedactive collaboration with Marx on the grounds that the revolution the latteradvocated would be ‘an appeal to force, to arbitrariness, in brief a contra-diction’. The anarchist preferred ‘an economic combination’ as a meansto recover ‘the wealth which was withdrawn from society by another eco-nomic combination’ (letter, quoted, Woodcock 1963, p. 111).

77. Marx 1973b, pp. 122–23. 78. Marx and Engels 1973, p. 73. Of course, we have to remember that in

1848 Marx had not yet worked out his general theory of value and theorganic composition and circulation of capital, the core of the later eco-nomic writings.

79. Marx 1973a, p. 193. 80. See Post 1997b, especially pp. 51–5. 81. Quoted, Draper 1978, p. 244; Marx 1973a, p. 292. 82. Marx 1973a, p. 330. 83. Quoted, Draper 1978, p. 243. 84. Marx 1973b, p. 61. 85. Quoted, Draper 1978, p. 244. 86. The original version of this study included a full analysis of that phenom-

enon, but it had to be cut out in face of publisher’s views on appropriatelength. Triumphant capital means author’s trauma.

87. Quoted in Hunt 1975, pp. 180–1, original emphasis. 88. Marx 1973b, p. 35.

5. TRANSITIONS BEYOND REVOLUTION

1. Tilly 1986, pp. 396 and 397. 2. Price 1982, p. 860.

198 Notes

3. Jones 1973, p. 30. 4. Again, as in Chapter 4, this has to be reconstructed from occasional pieces,

some not even published, since Marx and Engels did not produce an integ-rated theoretical work. Unfortunately, Hal Draper’s massive work is lessuseful for the years after 1850; he changed his plans to deal with ‘the roadto power’ in the third volume and did not pick it up in his fourth and last(Draper 1986, p. 1).

5. Marx 1973b, pp. 46–7. 6. Ibid., pp. 72 and 117. 7. Ibid., p. 43. 8. Ibid., p. 189, original emphasis. 9. Ibid., p. 57.

10. Marx 1973a, p. 322. 11. Ibid., pp. 325 and 329. 12. Ibid., p. 326. 13. Marx 1973b, pp. 74 and 57, original emphasis. 14. Marx 1973a, pp. 320, 324, 331, 332 and 334. 15. Marx 1973b, p. 176. 16. Ibid., p. 189. It is interesting that ‘the mind, education, and freedom’

seem to be central to New Labour politics. 17. Ibid., p. 123, original emphasis. 18. Ibid., p. 131. 19. Ibid., p. 283, original emphasis. 20. Marx 1973a, p. 341. 21. Marx 1973a, p. 330. 22. Marx 1973b, pp. 189–90. 23. Quoted, Draper 1978, p. 266; Marx 1974, p. 122. 24. Marx 1974, pp. 137, 144 and 145. 25. Ibid., p. 137. 26. Ibid., pp. 134 and 349. 27. The most detailed account of the foundation is in Collins and Abramsky

1965. 28. Marx 1974, p. 84. 29. Ibid., p. 81. 30. Johnstone 1967, p. 131. 31. Marx 1974, p. 135. 32. Quoted, Johnstone 1967, p. 133; Marx 1974, p. 270. 33. On this see Carr 1975, Book V, and Henderson 1976, pp. 529–45. 34. Quoted, Johnstone 1967, pp. 135 and 139. 35. Quoted, ibid., p. 136. 36. Quoted, ibid., pp. 138 and 139, and see p. 140. 37. Quoted, ibid., p. 143. 38. Marx 1974, pp. 137 and 140. 39. Hamerow 1972, pp. 360–61. 40. Marx 1974, pp. 140, 142 and 144, original emphasis. 41. Henderson (ed.) 1967, pp. 294–5; quoted, Johnstone 1967, p. 139. 42. Marx 1973a, p. 328. For further reading, Draper 1986 is indispensable,

especially here Chapters 11 and 12 and Special Note E. See also Hunt 1975,Chapter 9. Because of the role of this sort of idea, J. L. Talmon argued

Notes 199

almost forty years ago that both Jacobinism and Marxism were part of apolitical tradition of ‘totalitarian democracy’ which sprang from theEnlightenment and French Revolution and shared ‘the curse on salvation-ist creeds: to be born out of the noblest impulses of man, and to degen-erate into weapons of tyranny’ (1961, p. 253). Finally sorting the wheatfrom the chaff of this argument cannot be attempted here, but Hunt laida foundation by establishing that it is chaff when applied to Marxism inthe period up to the early 1850s.

43. Quoted, Draper 1986, p. 185. 44. Quoted, Johnstone 1967, p. 144. 45. Quoted, Miliband 1965, p. 293. 46. Quoted, Draper 1970, p. 293. Disappearance of state apparatus and

authority was the major bone of contention with the anarchists: seeDraper 1970, pp. 289–93 and 295–7.

47. Marx 1974, pp. 209 and 250. 48. Quoted, Johnstone 1967, p. 144. 49. Quoted, Draper 1970, p. 300, original emphasis. 50. Engels 1954, p. 389, original emphasis. 51. Marx 1974, pp. 346–7. 52. Marx 1974, p. 324. 53. Vernon 1993, p. 7. 54. Ibid., p. 7. 55. Ibid., pp. 333, 335 and 336. It is worth noting that this author’s work

clearly demonstrates the strengths and weaknesses of contemporaryhistorians of nineteenth-century Britain (in addition to treating Eng-land as if it automatically stood for the other parts of the ‘United King-dom’). Positively, they are very much aware of the cognitive/culturalforms which shape human action, which Marxists have tended to under-value in the name of materialist analysis. Negatively, classes and classpower tend to be the babies which go down the drain as they flush awayMarxist excesses. It must surely be possible to have the best of bothworlds?

56. Joyce 1991, pp. 58–9. The points made in the previous note apply also tothis scholar, who in his next major study went even further down the post-modern road, declaring that ‘[c]ollective subjects like “the people” and“the working class” still haunt the [1991] book’ (Joyce 1994, p. 11, and seethe whole ‘Introduction’).

57. Joyce 1991, pp. 334–5. 58. Ibid., p. 80. 59. Ibid, p. 329. 60. Ibid., p. 332. Joyce goes on to say that ‘when that identity seems, as in the

English case, to have had more to do with broad terms of people at largethan the narrow ones of class, then the value of applying the class label isopen to doubt. The consciousness of a class need not, and has not, beenthe consciousness of class.’ While going along with the last point (withthe amendment ‘has not always . . . ’), I would not drop the class analysiswhich should lie behind the labelling.

61. Vernon 1993, p. 337. 62. For an analysis of the SPD which in effect follows up on this one, see Post

1997a, especially Chapters 4–7 passim.

200 Notes

6. THE GREAT GLOBAL SHIFT

1. Immodestly, my basic reference here must be to Post 1996, Chapter 4. Thereis a huge body of literature involved here also, by adherents of ‘unequalexchange’ and ‘world systems theory’ to name but two major schools. Con-tinuing to bleed the egoistic vein already opened, let me refer to the sametheoretical work for basic discussion of these in support of my own views.

2. Hobsbawm 1975, p. 4; Hobsbawm 1987, p. 36. For an important discus-sion of capitalist developments up to 1914 see P. Kennedy 1989, Chapters4 and 5, although the chronological frame there is different.

3. Mandel 1978, p. 187. 4. Ibid., p. 188. 5. On this see P. Kennedy 1989, pp. 193–203. 6. Hobsbawm 1975, pp. 40–1; Lenin 1968, p. 201. It should be noted that the

Lenin work is his notebook for Imperialism, and citations are thus to hisoriginal sources, many of which are now very difficult to trace. For sakeof space I have not usually cited original authors and titles.

7. P. Kennedy 1989, p. 294; Lenin 1968, pp. 750–51. 8. Hobsbawm 1987, pp. 47 and 51. 9. Hobsbawm 1987, p. 51, with calculations.

10. Hobsbawm 1975, p. 59. 11. Data from the anonymous introduction to the catalogue of the Post papers,

Bentley Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, pp. ii–iv. It is worthrecording that ‘Post Toasties’ were originally called ‘Elijah’s Manna’.

12. Lenin 1953, p. 524. 13. Lenin postulated a development based on that in the capitalist class, the

emergence of the ‘rentier state’ as a general phenomenon, so that ‘themost pronounced political distinction diminishes in an extreme degree inthe epoch of imperialism – not because it is unimportant in general, butbecause in all these cases we are discussing a bourgeoisie which has def-inite features of parasitism’ (Lenin 1953d, p. 565).

However, the whole view of a generalized ‘rentier’ capital separate fromthat invested in production and trading and inherently parasitic seemsmisplaced if we postulate a social capital which is necessarily movingthrough circuits among forms and sectors and has to be managed at asocial cost of profit to investors and bankers. In fact, rather than any ofthe major powers, including Britain, in the early twentieth century, TheNetherlands, which was not yet really industrialized, could be taken asthe model ‘rentier state’, and was indeed so termed by Lenin himself.

14. It is, hopefully, understood that use of the term ‘logic’ is not intended as aconcession to bourgeois thought, but as a shorthand term for the inherentdynamics of the production and reproduction of capital, its accumulationand expansion, and the political, ideological and social effects of theseprocesses.

15. I began to come to this position through a reading of Tronti 1973, al-though I have developed the argument much further. Cleaver 1979 is alsoimportant. The concepts of social capital, state monopoly capitalism andcorporatism, which are all attempts to conceptualize the same phenomenabut in later historical periods, are usefully surveyed in Jessop 1982.

Notes 201

16. Lack of space makes it necessary to assume readers’ grasp of basic Marx-ist economic concepts. If you do not have this, or for some other reasonfind the present theoretical exposition tedious, skip to a more interestingpoint; however, you will then have to take my basic conclusions on faithor else reject them by gut-reaction rather than ratiocination.

17. Marx 1971a, p. 396. 18. Lenin 1968, p. 44, with calculation. 19. In larger firms, this development was paralleled by the division between

share-owners and employed managers. Fine and Harris (1979, pp. 116–17)usefully distinguish ‘possession’ from ‘control’.

20. Lenin 1953, p. 459. 21. Draper 1977, pp. 444 (quotation) and 445; Marx 1971b, p. 436. 22. Engels 1954, p. 383, original emphasis. 23. See Part III of Hilferding 1981, and Day 1981, pp. 22–24. 24. See in particular Hilferding 1981, Part IV. 25. Lenin 1953, p. 485. 26. Engels 1954, p. 384. 27. Usage of terms differs among sources. By a trust I mean a grouping of

firms which are all controlled by one holding company; a cartel is anagreement among independent firms or trusts concerning things like pri-cing and markets. For a useful summary definition of the various formsof capitalist concentration see Mandel 1968, pp. 401–2.

28. Lenin 1953, p. 567. 29. For a useful survey of ‘sta[te]mo[nopoly]cap[ital]’ theories see Jessop

1982, Chapter 2. In any case, the full phenomenon is located historicallyin periods later than the one discussed here.

30. On this see Post 1996, pp. 144–50. Poulantzas’s basic position maybe found in Poulantzas 1975, pp. 48–9 and for the other side see Fineand Harris 1979, pp. 104–110. In fact, the last-named go very far towardsqualifying their own position by taking class struggle as such as part of themode of production (pp. 108–9), whereas I would take it as part of a givenconcrete social formation based on a theoretical mode of production.

31. Marx 1973c, p. 325, original emphasis. I have slightly changed the transla-tion from Martin Nicolaus’s at places where he obligingly himself indicatedthe possibility of variation.

32. For a discussion of depressions and crises in social capital see Post 1997a,pp. 8–16.

33. This is accepted by most capitalists because they recognize the generalinterest of their class in ensuring the reproduction of the system as awhole, although that does not exclude bitter fights over actual tax levelsand revenue allocations.

34. See Post 1996, pp. 139–42. 35. Marx 1973c, p. 287. 36. It is interesting that, although so penetrating an analyst as Ernest Mandel

examined the development of capital along lines similar to mine (seeMandel 1968, Volume II, Chapter 14), and I am of course indebted to him,he still stuck to the idea that an increased state role necessarily represents‘a capitalism which is passing from maturity to decay’ (ibid., p. 501, ori-ginal emphasis). At the very least, I would regard this as unproven by

202 Notes

events up to now. More defensively, my position is not one of ‘consump-tionism’ and its crisis-inducing opposite ‘under-consumptionism’. I amnot isolating one aspect or placing stress only on exchange and distribu-tion, but rather seeing social capital as integrally expressing the total cap-italist process of accumulation in general: surplus value creation andrealization, shifting organic compositions of capital, changes in profitmargins, changing capacity to reproduce labour power.

37. Marx 1973c, p. 287, original emphasis. 38. Ferguson 1995, pp. 149 and 158–9. 39. Marx 1971b, p. 264. 40. Tilly 1986, p. 389. 41. This part of the discussion should be taken as opposing the concept of

‘state autonomy’, or at least semi-autonomy, which is inherent in ‘statemonopoly capital’ approaches but in fact disguises the complex andmulti-formed ways in which dominant classes control state policy. Furthersee Post 1996, pp. 241–5.

42. Lee 1988, pp. 108–10. 43. Kurgan-van Hentenrijk 1977, p. 43; Veraghtert 1981, pp. 266, 269, 273. 44. P. Kennedy 1989, pp. 315 and 316. 45. Lenin 1953, pp. 448–9, 459 and table, p. 503, with calculation; Mandel

1968, p. 403. 46. Lenin 1968, p. 45; Hobsbawm 1987, p.43; Kossmann 1978, pp. 417–18;

Lenin 1953, p. 450. 47. Lenin 1953, pp. 444 and 451; Lenin 1968, p. 378. 48. Mandel 1968, p. 400; Lenin 1968, pp. 36–7. Here and later I have tried to

make monetary values more easily graspable by giving alternatives. Thebasis for calculations is the prevailing rates of exchange in the period 1900–14, based on the British pound, which was then the dominant unit: 1 pound= 20 marks, 25 francs and 5 dollars (see Lenin 1953, p. 480, and note, p. 500).

49. Mandel 1968, p. 403; Lenin 1953, pp. 461 and 470. 50. Lenin 1953, p. 479. 51. Ibid., table, p. 492, with calculations. The cited article, by A. Neymarck,

appeared in the Bulletin of the International Institute for Statistics inThe Hague, a body whose existence interestingly reveals the felt need foraccurate data in those days of ‘modernizing’ capitalism. I take ‘securities’here to include stocks and shares and state bonds.

52. Lenin 1953, table, p. 493, with calculations. 53. Quoted, Lenin 1968, p. 451, original emphasis. 54. Lenin 1968, pp. 69–70 (quotation) and 452. 55. Thornton 1959, p. 20. 56. A fine surviving panorama of Scheveningen, where I live, by H. W. Mesdag

(1831–1915), is preserved in The Hague.

7. SOCIAL CAPITAL AND THE WORKING CLASS

1. Mandel 1968, p. 154. 2. In Chapter 5 I already fleetingly raised the issue of the ‘making of the

working class’ as treated by E. P. Thompson. There is a need to recognize

Notes 203

that the work of even so distinguished a Marxist historian has had badanalytical consequences. In my judgement, he was in fact describing andanalysing the crisis of early industrialization, with its destruction ofartisan production and very early stages of emergence of the workingclass, and he concentrated on the ideological rather than sociologicaldevelopment of the radical ‘Jacobin’ tradition. By locating the formationof the English working class too early he gave a stronger impression of itsradicalism, even potentially revolutionary, than is warranted. This historio-graphical dislocation had the overall effect of perpetuating the idea ofthe working class as potentially revolutionary by its very nature, whichneeds thorough re-examination.

3. This and the next two paragraphs based on Marx 1970, pp. 592–3. 4. Marx 1970, pp. 600–604 passim. It was in fact Engels who pioneered the

concept of the industrial reserve army, in his 1845 work, The Condition ofthe Working Class in England (Engels 1954, p. 379). The term ‘lumpen’(literally, ‘ragged’) has become famous in (often hostile) expositions ofMarxism in the term ‘lumpen proletariat’ and is attached in Capital I(1970, p. 603) to the third part of the paupers. As I pointed out in a previ-ous work (Post 1978, pp. 249–50), various uses by Marx of the term revealeven a heterogeneity of class backgrounds of its members, and it is a ratherinadequate political concept rather than a category of class analysis. Seealso Draper 1972.

5. Marx 1970, p. 596. 6. For a useful discussion see Mandel 1968, pp. 150–54. It would seem that

a careless reading of Marx and Engels and reproduction of their ideas inpolemical form caused a sort of conceptual shift from the conditions ofthe ‘pauperised’ to the working class as a whole which had grave theoret-ical and political consequences.

7. Henderson 1976, p. 476. 8. Marx 1970, p. 603; Freedman (ed.) 1962, p. 63. 9. Marx 1970, p. 604.

10. Marx 1970, p. 604. 11. On the value of distinguishing between ‘alienation’ and ‘estrangement’

see Post 1996, pp. 112–13. 12. A reference to old-age pensions indicates that it must be after the begin-

ning of 1909, when these were introduced. 13. Tressell 1965, p. 13. The edition used here is the fullest existing text, ori-

ginally prepared by Lawrence and Wishart, the British CommunistParty’s publishers, for a 1955 edition. See further the 1965 ‘Publisher’sNote’. To save multiplying notes, I shall place future references to thistext in mine.

14. It must be confessed that this is one of the sources of the novel’s attrac-tion for me, depicting as it does conditions in the work which employedmy paternal grandfather around the time of my father’s birth, and broadly-speaking in the part of England where I was born.

15. See Stedman Jones 1983d, pp. 199–202. 16. Their singing of the song ‘England Arise’ indicates that they were from

the Independent Labour Party. Barltrop (1975, pp. 18–19) links themwith the Clarion group, which joined the ILP.

204 Notes

17. Stedman Jones 1983d, p. 228. 18. As I know from my own childhood, it was an established practice for British

building workers to appropriate small quantities of the necessary materialsfor the upkeep of their own homes from their employers, with no sense ofwrong-doing. For those who prefer a more scientific presentation thanmy memory, see the discussion of a German case in Grüttner 1982.

19. The latter paragraph has absolutely no connection to those before andafter it, and the problem seems to be an example of the considerableeditorial reconstruction which went into producing this complete text (seethe ‘Publisher’s Note’).

20. This and following quotation, Berg 1979, p. 6. 21. Berg (ed.) 1979, pp. 13 and 214; Lenin 1953, p. 543. 22. Kossmann 1978, p. 416. 23. Calculated from Stedman Jones 1971, Table 2, p. 359. Manufacturing

here must include wage and artisan labour, and unfortunately cannot bebroken down.

24. Berg (ed.), pp. 216–17. 25. Berg 1979, pp. 169–70, and see also Samuel 1977. Such artisan practices

as owning one’s own tools continued long after labour power was sold forwages, as I know from the case of my late father’s employment in thebuilding trade from the early 1920s until the late 1970s.

26. Foster 1974, p. 227. 27. Corr and Brown 1993 provide a most useful summary discussion of the

literature on the ‘labour aristocracy’ in Britain, although their final con-clusions on the radicalism of working class struggle are quite different frommine. For Engels and Lenin’s original fostering of the term see op. cit.,pp. 43–52. It played a central role in a significant Marxist historicalanalysis already cited in the present work, Foster 1974; see his Chapter 7,passim. For a pertinent criticism of Foster on labour aristocrats see Joyce1980 passim.

28. Although on its typicality see Joyce 1980, p. 52. 29. Berg (ed.) 1979, pp. 204–5. The Platt firm is a major focus of Foster 1974;

on the 1851–52 strike see pp. 226–27. 30. Foster 1974, pp. 228–9 and 231. For a Marxist critique of Foster’s thesis

see Corr and Brown 1993, pp. 64–6. I am sympathetic to some of theirpoints, such as Foster’s ‘highly tendentious’ Leninist linking of the rise ofa labour aristocracy to capital’s overseas expansion, and to their insist-ence that skilled workers were capable of class struggle (ibid., p. 59).Nevertheless, I think the general issue of the internal divisions of theworking class to be a key one; after all, in the engineers’ case we findskilled men actually exploiting those they supervised by setting their wagerates.

31. Lenin 1968, pp. 378, with calculation, and 451; Roland Holst 1977, PartII, pp. 32–33.

32. Ensor 1936, pp. 274–75, with calculation, and adapted from StedmanJones 1971, n.15, p. 326, with calculations.

33. Calculated from table, Roland Holst 1977, Part II, p. 25; Mintz 1985,p. 143, with calculation. For a general comment on sugar and the ‘laboringpoor’ see Mintz 1985, pp. 147–50.

Notes 205

34. On suburban development and shifting patterns of class settlement inLondon see White 1986, pp. 8–14, and on new residential districts andcommuting Stedman Jones 1971, pp. 322–23.

35. Stedman Jones 1971, pp. 273 and 299. 36. Luxemburg 1968, pp. 456–8. 37. This is an argument that will no doubt be used again, and Marxists should

be aware of who benefits from using it, given its implications for thesolidarity of labouring people at the international level.

38. Kitching 1982, pp. 172–3, original emphasis; Lenin 1953, p. 542. 39. For this phenomenon in Britain see Harrison and Mort 1980 and Bourke

1994. 40. In my theoretical work, I posit two more structural determinants of

working-class membership, use of individual endowments and the rangeof possible options and choices. It is not necessary to complicate the argu-ment here by introducing these, since exploitation overdetermines themand keeps them basically under social capital’s control. See further Post1996, pp. 172–87.

8. WORKING-CLASS CONSCIOUSNESS AND POLITICS

1. Henderson 1976, pp. 591 and 673. 2. Just to keep analysis complicated, it may be noted that these novels were

the favourite reading of the adolescent Adolf Hitler. 3. Williams 1961, p. 17. 4. For further theoretical discussion see Post 1996, pp. 256–60. 5. Johnson 1979, p. 237, original emphasis. 6. Here I follow the argument of Stedman Jones 1983d, upon whom I lean

heavily throughout. His actual reference is to London, but the processmay be posited as general in the advanced industrial countries, althoughof course with national and regional variants.

7. Marx 1973c, p. 325. 8. For Britain, see the dedication of this book, p. v above. This kind of con-

ceptualization of stratification within the British working class is by nowmeans uncontroversial; a critique of the concept of division along linesof ‘respectability’ and life-style is a recurrent theme of Joyce 1980, forexample, pp. 285–6.

9. Joyce 1980, pp. xv and xxi. On the conservative use of popular culture,see ibid., pp. 292–301. It should be noted that Joyce’s later workbecame increasingly ‘postmodern’ and rejective of class-oriented ana-lysis.

10. Lenin 1968, p. 454. 11. Here we may note the last sentence of Joyce’s 1980 work, in which this is

the main theme. ‘The passing of the private firm meant the end of thelocal involvement of the patrician employers, and with it the end of theold order’ (p. 342).

12. Stedman Jones 1983d, p. 192. 13. Quoted, Lenin 1953, p. 545, original emphasis. 14. Stedman Jones 1983d, pp. 207 and 209–10.

206 Notes

15. Stedman Jones 1983d, p. 196. For pubs as key centres for male workerssee ibid., p. 220.

16. Ibid., pp. 236–7. 17. White 1986, pp. 14 and 23; Chesney 1970, pp. 47–56. 18. Chesney 1970, pp. 49 and 55–6. 19. Stedman Jones 1983d, p. 183. 20. Further in evidence, I offer my paternal grandfather. So depersonalised

by capitalism that no-one ever bothered to tell me his personal name (Ithink it was Arthur), he escaped becoming an agricultural labourer byjoining the Royal Navy as a boy sailor. Discharged after twenty years (itmust have been around 1904), he tried to use his bounty money to moveinto the petty bourgeoisie as a pig-farmer, and then the lower middlestrata as an insurance agent. Both attempts failed, and he settled intoworking in the building trade. He had no regard for education and couldimagine nothing better for his sons than to follow him into the navy and un-skilled construction work. I remember him as a bad-tempered, uncouthold man who used to get drunk on pension days.

21. Joyce 1991, p. 342, and see the whole of Part III. 22. Stedman Jones 1983d, pp. 230–33; Chesney 1970, pp. 51–2; Wild 1979,

p. 150. For an interesting assessment of music-hall performances as resist-ance and/or accommodation to hegemonic values see Bailey 1994. Joyce1991, Chapter 13, is also valuable.

23. Stedman Jones 1983d, p. 219. Although given a special place by Joyce ina stimulating study, his discussion of ‘the family’ in fact says curiouslylittle about its form, and nothing in effect about the construction of thenuclear family and patriarchal household which were the crucial featuresof capitalist social management (Joyce 1980, pp. 50–64).

24. On the shift see Stedman Jones 1983d, pp. 215–20. 25. Stedman Jones 1971, pp. 193 and 186–7. 26. Ibid., p. 260 and p. 311, n. 20. 27. What follows will be a condensed and uneven sketch of some major

points. A very voluminous literature is relevant here; the preliminary ideaspresented below began in particular from a reading of Stedman Jones1971, Burns and van der Will 1980, and Jones and Novak 1980.

28. Hay 1977, p. 437. 29. See Davin 1978. 30. Quoted, Stedman Jones 1971, p. 287, n. 14, and p. 289. 31. Quoted, Stedman Jones 1971, p. 333. 32. Quoted, ibid., pp. 307–8. 33. This may be too easy a generalization. It has been argued that in Britain

reform of the bureaucracy was initially more of a manoeuvre to keep theeducated urban middle strata out of a state apparatus associated with apowerful landed aristocracy who had also become capitalists in many cases(see Gowan 1987, pp. 17–20).

34. Writing in the late 1990s, it is worth quoting the prophetic statement ofthe German observer Schulze-Gaevernitz in 1906: ‘The Britain of whichthe Labour Party dreams is by no means to be dismissed out of hand as autopia, but it would be an artificial social structure and would collapseowing to a revolt of the debtors, whom the ruling creditor state would no

Notes 207

longer have the strength to subdue by political means’ (Lenin 1968,p. 456). The ‘revolt of the debtors’ in effect virtually sums up the social baseof Thatcherism.

35. Stedman Jones 1971, p. 335. 36. At risk of appearing solipsistic in making references, let me point to the

extended discussion of these and the following points in the eighth andninth theoretical essays in Post 1996.

37. Quoted, Furet 1981, p. 103. 38. Quoted, Lenin 1953, p. 520. 39. Jones 1973, p. 29. The present study ultimately links back to that debate

and takes off from some basic works, such as Stedman Jones 1971 andJoyce 1980, produced then.

40. See Joyce 1980, Chapter 9 and pp. 314–26. 41. Mazzini 1907, p. 54. 42. Stedman Jones 1971, p. 345; cited, Lenin 1953, p. 542. I cannot resist

pointing out the almost uncanny relevance of the last comment to theEuropean Union of the 1990s and beyond.

43. Quoted, Lenin 1953, p. 514. 44. See Stedman Jones 1971, pp. 308–12. 45. See Woodcock 1963, pp. 301–4; this is the basic study of the movement as

a whole. Although, lamentably, it cannot be covered here, this alternativerevolutionary stream was extremely important right up till 1914, signific-antly also in countries which were less-industrialized, like Italy and Spain.

46. We have already noted the paradoxical association by some bourgeoistheorists like Talmon of democracy with ‘totalitarianism’. Another, moresociological, variant which associates more readily with social capital isthe concept of ‘mass society’: see Kornhauser 1959. Both lines of enquiryare suspect for their elitism and ultimately anti-democratic, and certainlyanti-socialist, implications, which are innate even if not made explicit.

47. Tronti 1973, pp. 108–9, original emphasis. 48. Ibid., p. 114, original emphasis. 49. Abraham 1986, p. 2. 50. Gramsci 1971, p. 235. 51. Quoted, Mommsen 1989, p. 97, original emphasis. 52. Quoted, Thompson 1977, p. 409. 53. Poulantzas 1974, p. 154. 54. The basic study of this is Miliband 1964. 55. Michels 1959, p. 212. 56. Thompson 1977, pp. 344–5, 357–62 and 414. For an analysis of the densely-

woven tapestry of Marxism’s implantation in the British left see Samuel1980.

57. Barltrop 1975, pp. 6–8. 58. Kossmann 1978, pp. 341–4. 59. Williams 1975, pp. 22–34. 60. Kossmann 1978, pp. 512–16; Roland Holst 1977, Part II, pp. 87–90. 61. Roland Holst 1977, ‘Bijlagen [Appendices]’, pp. 5–6. 62. Thompson 1977, pp. 350–52. 63. Quoted, Henderson 1976, p. 701, original emphasis. 64. Michels 1959, p. 237.

208 Notes

65. Henderson (ed.) 1967, p. 116. 66. Michels 1959, pp. 401–2. 67. Quoted, Mommsen 1989, p. 91. 68. Lenin 1968, p. 450–1. 69. Michels 1959, p. 319. 70. Stedman Jones 1971, pp. 291–94 and 314–15; Thompson 1977, pp. 406–11. 71. Quoted, Thompson 1977, p. 612. 72. Quoted, Thompson 1977, p. 297. 73. Lenin 1968, p. 450. Given the usefulness of this source, it is worth record-

ing it as G. von Schulze-Gaevernitz, British Imperialism and English FreeTrade at the Beginning of the Twentieth Century.

74. Lenin 1953, p. 565. 75. Nolan 1981, p. 89. 76. It should be made clear that I do not include Russia as part of Europe. Its

whole history has been determined by its position as a separate formationbetween Asia and Europe, the latter petering out somewhere east ofWarsaw and Budapest and southeast of Zagreb.

77. Saville 1987, p. 224. 78. Foster 1993, pp. 159 and 172. 79. Quoted, Walton and Gamble 1972, p. 219, original emphasis. 80. Quoted, Thompson 1977, p. 125. 81. Waters (ed.) 1970, p. 202.

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217

Index

The Accumulation of Capital, 151active labour army, 129, 131, 132–3,

146, 147, 148, 157, 159, 175, 179, 184

d’Aelders, Etta Palm, 15agents, historical/revolutionary,

18–19, 22, 32, 34, 35, 61, 75, 86, 105, 121, 130, 152, 171, 184

Africa, German, 125, 126agriculture, 24, 25, 26, 30, 87, 93,

129, 147, 158, 164see also aristocracy; feudalism;

landlords/ownersd’Alembert, Jean le Rond, 6alienation, 51, 75, 153, 155, 175

see also estrangementanarchists, 28, 93, 97, 101, 128,

166, 168, 174, 197, 199, 207anarchosyndicalists, 168, 174, 176Anti-Dühring, 101, 105aristocracy, 5, 6, 18, 32, 36, 158

see also landlords/ownersArouet, François-Marie, 6artisans, 5, 12, 36, 39, 49, 50, 54,

57, 64, 66, 67–8, 70, 72, 74, 82, 87, 103, 104, 135, 146, 148, 166, 179, 192, 204

Australia, 66, 107, 125, 150Austria-Hungary/Hapsburg

Empire, 58, 63, 64, 65, 83, 88, 107, 121

Aveling, Edward, 172Avon cosmetics, 152

Babeuf, François-Noël, 10, 27, 43Baker, Keith, 11, 16Bakunin, Mikhail, 168Baltic, 107Basques, 58Beccaria Bonesana, Cesare,

Marquis of, 39Belgium, 25, 29, 123, 125, 146,

150, 157, 171Socialist/Workers’ Party, 172

Bell, Alexander Graham, 109Bentham, Jeremy, 34–5, 37, 42, 43Berg, Maxine, 145Berlin, 76, 125Bernstein, Eduard, 98, 174, 177Beveridge, William, 163Billington, James H., 14Bismarck, Count Otto von, 162Blair, Tony, 105, 187

see also bourgeois democracy; Labour Party (British); social capital

Blanc, Louis, 92Blanqui, Auguste, 27, 55, 97Blériot, Louis, 109Boer War, 162Bohemia, 107Bolsheviks, 92Bonaparte, Napoléon, 10, 17,

18, 19, 21, 22, 23Bonneville, Nicholas, 15Booth, Charles, 163bourgeois democracy, 17, 25, 27, 75,

80, 90, 91, 93, 94, 95, 99, 101, 102, 103, 105, 122, 143, 144, 163, 168–71, 171, 174–5, 175, 176, 183

see also Blair, Tony; civic culture; constitutionalism

bourgeois democratic revolution, 7, 16, 29, 63–4, 64, 71, 76, 77–9, 80, 83–4, 86–7, 90, 95

see also civic culture, constitutionalism;bourgeoisie, national

bourgeoisie, 5, 6, 16–18, 19, 22, 23, 29, 32, 40–3 passim, 49–50, 51, 54, 56–61 passim, 62, 65, 67, 71–9 passim, 82, 83, 85–96 passim, 120, 126, 156, 158, 167, 168, 171, 177, 178, 181, 185, 186, 190, 200

national, 2, 3, 39, 85, 113, 125, 158, 167

see also capitalists; nation/sovereign state

218 Index

Bretonne, Restif de la, 14, 28Britain/United Kingdom, 1, 4, 18,

22, 23–5, 30, 33–6 passim, 39, 42, 50, 59, 62, 63, 64–76 passim, 83, 84, 86, 97, 98, 102, 103, 107–9, 112, 114, 121, 123–7 passim, 144, 146–50 passim, 153, 157, 158, 160–3 passim, 167, 168, 171–5 passim, 177, 178, 179, 181, 195, 196, 199, 200

Buonarotti, Filipo, 27Budapest, 209bureaucracy, 5, 34, 38, 68, 77,

86, 98, 122, 163, 206see also managers, state; state

apparatusBuret, Eugène, 50Burke, Edmund, 48Burns, John, 176Byron, Lord, 44

Cabanis, P.-J.-G., 46Calcutta, 107California, 107Callinicos, Alex, 44capital, 3, 18, 24, 80, 87, 89, 92, 101,

106–27 passim, 128, 132, 152, 153, 155–8 passim, 164, 165, 168, 178, 179, 183, 184, 190, 197, 200

accumulation, 31–2, 42, 106–7, 112, 114, 121, 129–31 passim, 202

expansion of, 3, 23–6, 28, 41, 50, 51, 61, 62, 83, 87, 94, 98, 103, 106–11, 178–9, 180

logic of, 1, 86, 88, 93, 94, 106, 111, 113, 115, 117, 120–1, 122, 125, 152–4, 155, 156, 160, 168, 169, 180, 184, 185, 200

monopoly, 108, 112, 113, 115, 124, 127

organic composition of, 108, 112, 115, 116, 146, 149, 197, 202

see also primitive accumulation; social capital

Capital, 32, 42, 111, 112, 113, 115, 129, 130, 178, 181

capitalism, 1, 2, 4, 7, 29, 40, 42–3, 48, 56, 61, 106–27 passim, 129–31

passim, 144, 145, 152, 156, 169, 177, 178, 179, 181–5 passim, 190

crisis of, 42, 82, 88, 94, 114, 117, 122, 170–8

see also bourgeoisie; capitalists; centre, capitalist

capitalists, 1, 2, 23, 29, 31, 32, 50–1, 53, 65–76 passim, 82, 83, 86, 85, 92, 95, 96, 100, 102, 104, 106–27 passim, 129–32 passim, 145, 149, 151, 152, 153, 157–62 passim, 167, 171, 174, 176, 183, 187, 195, 200, 201

see also bourgeoisieCarnot, Nicolas-Léonard-Sadi, 26Catholic Church, 5, 8, 13, 14, 16, 37Celtic fringe, 74centre, capitalist, 29, 86, 88, 106–7,

110, 115, 118, 119, 122, 128, 136, 144, 145, 146, 149, 151, 156, 167, 169, 179

see also Britain; France; Germany; USA; Western Europe

Chamberlain, Joseph, 127Chartists, 49, 65–76 passim, 77, 81, 84,

99, 103, 104, 166, 176, 179, 195see also London Workingmen’s

AssociationChina, 4, 24, 42civic culture, 33–6, 52–4, 58, 63, 81,

86, 104, 119, 126, 156, 158, 162, 174, 177, 178, 180, 181, 183, 190

see also bourgeois democracy; constitutional state

civil society, 156, 170, 184civil war, 94

US 86, 88The Civil War in France, 101class, 6, 16–19 passim, 22, 27, 29,

31–2, 40–3 passim, 49–51, 58, 63, 65, 66, 71, 86, 87, 88, 90, 92, 94, 95, 96, 100, 101, 107, 115, 119, 127, 145, 155–6, 158–61 passim, 164–5, 165, 169, 177, 183–4, 187, 199

see also artisans; bourgeoisie; capitalists; class subjects; ideology; landlords; middle

Index 219

strata/class; peasants; petty bourgeoisie; working class

class alliances, 16, 17–18, 19, 77, 85see also revolutionary bloc;

revolutionary stagesclass consciousness, 16, 33–40

passim, 43, 47, 53–4, 55, 57, 62, 66, 67, 71, 73, 97, 99, 127, 132, 133, 134, 139–40, 141, 145, 148, 153–4, 155, 157, 164, 168, 199

The Class Struggles in France, 88, 91Cobbett, William, 36Commune, Paris, 1789–95 10, 12;

1871 19, 88, 97, 101, 166Communism, 88, 90, 93, 98, 100, 101,

102, 196Communist League see League of

CommunistsCommunist Manifesto, see Manifesto

of the Communist Partycommunists, early, 14, 19, 43, 49,

54, 197in 1848–9, 77, 79, 81

Condillac, Baron Etienne de, 50The Condition of the Working Class

in England, 42, 57, 99conjunction, 13, 17, 20, 71, 76, 82,

88, 174conjuncture, 17, 18, 20, 44, 59, 61,

77, 117, 144, 178, 179Conservative Party (British), 1constitutionalism, 37–40, 58, 63–4,

68, 69, 77, 78, 79, 81, 86, 119, 126, 162, 163, 168, 177, 178, 183

see also Bentham, Jeremy; bourgeois democracy; civic culture

consumption, 110, 112, 116, 117, 118–19, 120, 121, 131, 146, 150, 151, 152, 156

contradictions, 42, 48, 51, 52, 68, 80, 82, 85, 88, 95, 106, 113–14, 118, 119, 145–6, 152–4, 155–6, 157, 174, 176–7, 183–4, 187

Cooper, Fenimore, 49Corn Laws, 71costers, 160counter-revolution, 64, 79, 83–4, 85,

86, 179

Crimea, 24crisis, 11, 13, 42, 70, 82–3, 106,

107, 170, 179see also capitalism; regime;

revolution; terrain, politicalCroats, 58Cuba, 99culture,

bourgeois, 39–40, 84–5, 104, 110, 156

see also civic culture; class consciousness

working class, 53–4, 71–5 passim, 135, 136, 145, 157–61, 161, 164, 181, 182

see also class consciousness; music halls

Davy, Humphrey, 26Declaration of the Rights of Man

and Citizen, 8, 11, 15deconstruction, 3–4, 183Denmark, 88, 173dictatorship of the proletariat, 93,

100–1, 144, 166see also permanent revolution;

revolutionary stagesdiscourse, 12, 19, 104, 165, 168,

169, 174, 196–7see also agents; class

consciousness; identity; subjects

Draper, Hal, 76, 194, 198

Eastern Europe, 4, 83economic individualism, 29, 30–1, 33,

39, 41, 43, 111, 112, 119, 178see also Bentham, Jeremy; free

trade; market economy; Smith, Adam

Edison, Thomas, 110Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis

Bonaparte, 89, 94Egypt, 29elections, 1, 63, 65, 66–7, 69,

133, 173, 183see also bourgeois democracy;

constitutional state; electoral suffrage

220 Index

electoral suffrage, 12, 15, 35–6, 65–6, 66, 95, 99, 102, 166–7, 176

see also Reform Bill, British (1832)

Engels, Friedrich, 18, 27, 38–44 passim, 49, 57–63 passim, 65–7, 69–70, 74, 76, 77, 79, 80–5 passim, 106, 111, 113, 114, 115, 127, 128, 130, 132, 142, 148, 155, 156, 158, 164, 172, 173, 178, 179, 181, 184, 185, 193, 197, 198, 203

see also Marx, KarlEngland, 5, 65, 67, 70, 74, 84, 93, 96,

132, 147, 149, 158English Revolution, 5, 77, 82, 187‘English liberty’, 103–5Enlightenment/Aufklärung, 3, 6–7,

10, 11, 13, 14, 21, 25–30 passim, 34, 40–3, 45–6, 48, 50, 50–1, 59, 71, 156, 174, 179, 181, 187, 189, 191

see also French Revolutionestrangement, 41, 51, 54, 131, 132,

170, 176, 183see also alienation

European Union, 1, 4, 28, 31, 118, 207

see also Western Europeexchange value, 114, 152, 153, 156

see also surplus valueexploitation, 27, 41, 57, 61, 73, 129,

131, 134, 135, 137, 145, 151, 152, 153, 155–6, 164, 183, 184

see also capitalism; increasing immiseration; surplus labour; surplus value

Fabian Society, 162, 174Factory Acts (British), 95Faraday, Michael, 26Fichte, Johann, 39Fielden, John, 67First International see International

Working Men’s Association feudalism, 8, 16–17, 24, 25, 36, 77, 79,

82, 83, 85, 89, 94, 96, 186, 189see also landlords/landowners

Feuerbach, Ludwig, 28Fine, Ben, 115, 201

First International, see International Working Men’s Association

First World War, 1, 3, 120, 121, 125, 165, 177

Ford, Henry, 109Foster, John, 182, 204Fourier, Charles, 27, 82France, 2, 4, 7–21 passim, 22, 25, 26,

29, 33, 34, 38, 39, 50, 55, 56, 63, 65, 77, 79, 80, 81–5 passim, 86, 87–92 passim, 94–5, 105, 108, 109, 121, 125, 126, 127, 168, 171

Frankenstein, 44–9, 55, 191, 192free trade/laissez-faire, 24, 25, 104–5,

110–11, 115, 122, 127, 128French Revolution, 2–6 passim, 7–21,

22, 23, 25–9 passim, 34, 40–3 passim, 48, 49, 55, 56, 58, 62, 76, 84, 87, 102, 121, 156, 186–7 169, 179, 185–9 passim

see also EnlightenmentFriedrich II, 30Froude, J. A., 142Furet, François, 16, 18, 21, 189

gender, 6, 14–15, 15, 28, 35, 43, 58, 14, 136, 164, 184, 185, 187

see also identity; patriarchalism; women

General Electric Co., 124General German Workers’

Association, 98George, Henry, 173The German Ideology, 57German Social Democratic

(Workers’) Party (SPD), 99, 102, 103, 105, 130, 133, 166, 167, 170, 171, 172, 175, 183

Germany, 4, 6, 25, 29, 33, 56, 58, 59, 63, 63–4, 70, 77, 78–9, 83, 85, 87, 92, 96, 99, 103, 146, 150, 153, 162, 163, 167, 169, 171, 174, 175, 177, 196

Godwin, William, 42Gouges, Olympe de, 15Gramsci, Antonio, 19, 20, 170Grand National Consolidated

Trade Union, 75Greece, 29

Index 221

Hague, The, 97, 102, 202Harris, Lawrence, 115, 201Hébert, J-R., 9, 14Hegel, G. W. F., 25, 26–7, 31, 32, 34,

37–8, 41, 54–7 passim, 59hegemony, 23, 34, 71, 88, 121, 158

see also class consciousness; ideology

Herder, Johann Gottfried, 39, 189Hilferding, Rudolf, 113, 115, 127Hill, Octavia, 161Hitler, Adolf, 205Hodgskin, Thomas 32The Holy Family, 184housing, 160–1Hugo, Victor, 51, 55Hungary, 58, 64, 84Hunt, Lynn, 186, 196Hunt, Richard, N., 199Hupay de Fuvéa, J-A-V., 188Hyndman, H. M., 162, 172, 173

identity, 47, 55, 58, 105, 133, 158, 164, 167

see also class consciousness; discourse; gender; nation/nationality; race; religion

ideology, 17–18, 20, 25, 28, 29–34 passim, 37, 39, 51, 55, 60, 62, 72, 73, 75, 80, 81, 82, 86, 93, 103, 103–4, 111, 112, 115, 121, 132, 156, 157, 158, 162, 169, 174, 178

see also class consciousnessimaginary, the, 16, 188imperialism, 24, 88, 107, 111, 124,

132, 144, 151, 167–8, 187Imperialism, the Highest Stage of

Capitalism, 111incorporation, 145–6, 153, 172,

181, 183see also bourgeois democracy

increasing immiseration, 130–1, 151

see also exploitation; relative surplus population

Independent Labour Party (ILP), 97, 102

India, 24Indonesia, 150

industrialization, 25, 30, 31, 32, 42, 56, 64–5, 83, 87–8, 106, 107, 110, 112, 122, 132, 158, 166, 178, 179

in Belgium, 25, 123in Britain, 25, 115, 127, 145–7see also bourgeoise; capitalists;

workers; middle strata/class; peasants

industrial reserve army, 129–32, 148, 150, 152, 153, 157, 159–60, 175, 179, 184, 203

see also capital; increasing immiseration; industrialization; relative surplus population

industrialists, see bourgeoisie; capitalists

intellectuals/intelligentsia, 5, 6, 13, 15, 18, 22, 26, 27, 187

see also middle strata/classInternational Working Men’s

Association, 96–7, 101, 173internationalism, 59

see also International Working Men’s Association; Second International

Ireland, 5, 50, 58, 59, 66, 74, 147Italy, 25, 29, 55, 58, 60–1, 64, 65, 84,

166, 167, 169, 171, 172, 207Itard, Jean-Marc-Gaspard, 30, 52

Jacobinism/Jacobins, 9, 12–13, 13, 17–18, 19–21, 58, 62, 64, 67, 68, 73, 77, 97, 105, 166, 178, 189, 203

see also Enlightenment; French Revolution; Robespierre, Jean-Jacques

Japan, 125Johnson, Richard, 157Joyce, Patrick, 158, 199–200, 205, 206

Kautsky, Karl, 110, 164, 177Kitching, Gavin, 151Köln, 64, 81, 85

labour aristocracy, 148–9, 204see also economism; workers/

working class

222 Index

labour movement/trade unions, 1, 2, 3, 19, 64, 67, 80, 81, 87, 96–7, 133, 144, 148, 151, 152, 162, 165, 166, 168, 169, 171–7 passim, 180, 182, 183

British, 39, 66, 69, 75, 76, 96, 127

see also economism; labour aristocracy; workers/working class

Labour Party (British), 1–2, 80, 92, 171, 198

labour power, 24, 31–2, 35, 41, 102, 114, 115–19 passim, 129, 151, 157, 164, 169, 180, 184

Lacombe, Claire, 15La Merlière, 12–13Landes, David, 29Lane, Harlan, 50landlords/landowners, 5, 6, 18,

24, 32, 33, 36, 66, 69, 82, 85–8, 95, 99, 103, 159, 173

see also aristocracylanguage, 14, 33, 47, 49, 53,

73, 189see also class consciousness;

ideologyLasalle, Ferdinand, 130Latin America, 34, 123law of value, 31–2, 42, 113, 197

see also exchange value; surplus value; use value

League of Communists, 49, 76, 81, 83, 90, 92, 93

Lenin, V. I., 92, 110, 111, 114, 124, 125, 127, 151, 164, 176, 177, 182, 200

Leninism, 176–7see also Marxism

Liebig, Justus von, 26London, 41, 68, 70, 133, 146, 147,

149, 150, 159, 160, 161, 167, 175, 176, 205

London Workingmen’s Association, 66

see also ChartistsLouis XVI, 8, 9Lovell, David, W., 194Lovett, William, 194

Lumière, Louis, 160Luther, Martin, 4Luxemburg, Rosa, 151, 177, 185Lyon workers, 49, 54

Malthus, Thomas, 31, 52, 129managers, state, 122, 130, 132, 153,

156, 161, 171, 181see also bureaucracy

Manchester, 57, 65, 68Mandel, Ernest, 107, 128, 201–2Manifesto of the Communist Party,

18, 41, 60, 63, 69, 77–8, 79, 81–2, 82, 98, 178

Marconi, Guglielmo, 109market economy, 30–3, 63

see also capitalism; economic individualism

Marshall, Alfred, 162Marx, Eleanor, 172Marx, Karl, 16, 18, 22, 28, 31, 32, 35,

37, 38, 39, 40–3, 44, 46, 49, 54, 55, 56, 57–61, 62–5 passim, 68– 9, 70, 72, 76–92 passim, 93–8, passim, 100, 101, 102, 106, 107, 111–15 passim, 117, 119, 120, 121, 128–33 passim, 145, 147, 155–8 passim, 164, 166, 174, 178–81 passim, 183, 184, 186, 193, 197, 198, 203

see also Engels, FriedrichMarxism/Marxists, 4, 5–6, 6, 16–17,

18, 20, 21, 36, 44, 56–61, 65, 68, 69, 81, 86, 93, 96, 97, 98, 102, 105, 106, 110, 111, 113, 114, 122, 124, 125, 127, 128, 137, 142, 145, 145–6, 149, 150–1, 152–3, 155, 163–7 passim, 170, 171–4, 174, 176–9 passim, 181–5, 186, 187, 190, 199, 201, 203, 205

Marxism-Leninism, 81, 186, 194May, Karl, 156Mazzini, Giuseppe, 60–1, 167Mercier, Louis-Sébastien, 14Mesdag, H. W., 202Mexico, 106, 125Michels, Robert, 170, 171, 173, 174,

175, 183

Index 223

middle strata/class, 33, 34, 35, 63, 64, 67, 69, 71, 75, 148, 149, 190, 195

see also intellectuals/intelligentsia; petty bourgeoisie

Mill, James, 35Mill, John Stuart, 35Mirabeau, Victor Riqueti, Marquis

of, 11monopolies and cartels, 108, 113–15,

122–5, 177, 201Montesquieu, Charles-Louis de

Secondat, Baron de, 36–7moral economy, 12, 87, 141Moretti, Franco, 192Morris, William, 171, 172, 176,

177, 184musical halls, 140, 159, 160

see also culture, working class

Napoléon, Louis (Napoléon III), 64, 86, 88

National Trust, 159National Union of the Working

Classes, 39narratives, 5, 7, 8, 42, 104, 183

see also discoursenation/nationality, 2, 6, 11, 35, 38,

43, 58, 81, 83, 84–9, 126, 164, 166, 167

see also nationalismnation/sovereign state, 3, 20, 29, 38,

39, 59, 59–60, 64, 87, 104national bourgeoisie/capitalists, 2, 3,

39, 85, 113, 125, 158, 167see also nation/sovereign state;

nationalismNational Charter Association, 69nature, Enlightenment thought on,

13, 14, 15, 45, 55, 185Nederveen Pieterse, J., 59Netherlands, The, 25, 102–3,

149, 150, 171–3 passim, 200New Zealand, 24, 150noblesse de la robe, 18

O’Connor, Feargus, 70, 71, 74O’Brien, Bronterre, 74Oldham, 40, 148–9

Oswald, John, 14Other, the, 44, 46, 49, 52, 53, 54, 61,

62, 106, 110, 119, 180see also subjects; working class;

FrankensteinOttoman Empire, 29, 107Owen, Robert, 27, 28, 75, 82

Paris, 6, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 21, 29, 41, 52, 55, 63, 64, 70, 79, 88, 91, 146, 160, 176, 187

Paris Manuscripts, 41Parliament, 66, 68, 78, 95, 99, 101,

103, 143, 173, 174see also bourgeois democracy;

political space, bourgeois democratic

patriarchalism, 28, 118, 152, 180, 206

peasants, 5, 8, 9, 12, 24, 29, 50, 54, 56, 64, 72, 74, 77, 88, 89, 96, 103, 129, 146, 147, 148, 151, 166, 172, 173, 179

periphery, 106–8, 115, 120, 144, 147, 151, 186

see also centre, capitalist; uneven and combined development; USA; Western Europe

permanent revolution, 76–80, 91–4, 96, 100, 196

see also dual power; revolution, stages of

Persia, 24Peru, 27petty bourgeoisie, 19, 63, 64, 72, 74,

77, 89–90, 92, 94, 96, 147, 148, 160, 166, 175

see also artisans; middle strata/classes; moral economy

Poland, 29, 58, 59, 60, 70, 77, 83, 84, 194

polarization, class, 94, 96, 128, 149, 155

see also revolutionary rupture; revolutionary terrain

political economy, 31, 32, 40, 42

see also economic individualism; market economy

224 Index

political space, 36, 65, 74, 75, 167, 177, 182, 191

bourgeois democratic, 33, 36, 39, 65, 75, 81, 92, 99, 104, 105, 156, 165, 167, 168–73 passim, 175, 176–7, 177, 183, 185

see also bourgeois democracy; Parliament; revolutionary space

Poor Law, British, 35, 52, 66, 68, 69, 71, 72, 74

population growth, 24, 25, 129–30, 132, 135, 137, 147, 168

populism, 104, 105, 160, 189see also Jacobins/Jacobinism

Post, Arthur?, 206Post, Charles William, 110Postmodernists, 3, 4–5, 7–8, 14,

44, 46, 187Poulantzas, Nicos, 115, 171power bloc, 6, 19, 22, 38, 59, 69, 84,

86, 88, 91, 105, 106, 117, 121, 122, 167, 169, 176, 185, 187

see also regime; statePreston, 69primitive accumulation, 132, 147

see also capital, expansion ofPrimitive Methodism, 75progress, thought on, 7, 29, 33,

40, 53, 90, 102, 175proletariat, see working classproletarianization, 32, 67, 88, 94,

118, 148, 178–9, 181see also artisans; capital,

expansion of; peasantsproletariat see working classProudhon, Pierre-Joseph, 28, 197Prussia, 23, 24, 26, 30, 63, 76, 78, 79,

82–3, 86, 88, 95, 127The Prussian Military Question and the

German Workers’ Party, 95–6

Quesnay, François, 30

race/racism, 15, 28, 58, 105, 144, 164, 185

see also identityThe Ragged-Trousered Philanthropists,

133–45

reason, Enlightenment thought on, 6–7, 7, 11, 13, 20, 27, 40, 46, 52, 181

Reform Bill, British (1832), 36, 39, 65, 66

reformism, 73, 98, 105, 166, 169, 171–3 passim

see also Blair, Tony; Labour Party (British)

regime, 6, 10, 62, 75, 79, 80, 85, 86, 94, 95, 99, 122, 133, 142, 144, 153, 163, 165, 169, 170, 185, 187

crisis, 18–19, 62, 82, 165, 168, 171, 178

see also power bloc; staterelative surplus population, 129,

132, 135see also increasing immiseration;

industrial reserve army; population growth; proletarianization

religion, 15, 23, 34, 40, 73, 75, 135–6, 158, 159, 185

see also identity; Catholic Church; Primitive Methodism

revolution, 1–2, 5–6, 7, 27, 36, 40–3 passim, 53, 55, 58–9, 60–4 passim, 69, 70, 73–4, 82–5, 86, 93–4, 96, 98–103 passim, 113, 115, 153, 155, 164–85 passim

see also regime, crisisEuropean, 1848–49, 3–4, 18, 19,

22, 23, 62–85 passim, 86–7, 93, 106, 178

working-class/proletarian, 21, 56, 57, 69, 76–80 passim, 128–9, 132, 133, 145, 178–85 passim

see also workers/working class/ proletariat, revolutionary role

revolutionary bloc, 6, 20–1, 63, 64, 73, 75, 76, 77, 79–80, 89, 91, 95–6, 165, 180

see also class alliances; polarization, class

revolutionary party, 80–2, 91–2revolutionary rupture, 19, 133, 145,

153, 155, 164, 165, 170, 185

Index 225

revolutionary space, 18–19, 65, 74–5, 75, 89, 91, 94–103, 157, 165–8, 170–3 passim, 179–81 passim

revolutionary stages, 90–1see also permanent revolution

revolutionary terrain, 17, 19, 73, 74, 75, 86, 94, 94–103, 157, 165–8, 170–3 passim, 179–81 passim

see also class alliances; revolutionary bloc; war of manoeuvre; war of position

Rhine-Westphalian Coal Syndicate, 124

Rhodes, Cecil, 168Ricardo, David, 31, 32Roland Holst, Henriette, 172, 173Röntgen, Wilhelm, 109Rossini, Gioacchino, 55Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 6, 15,

46, 188Roux, Jacques, 9Royal Dutch-Shell, 124Ruhr, 133Russia, 3, 34, 55, 59, 81, 83, 91,

94, 98, 107, 121, 144, 145, 176, 181, 197, 208

Ryan, Michael, 3

Sade, Donatien-Alphonse-François, Marquis de, 14

Salvation Army, 161–2Saville, John, 73Saint-Simon, Henri,

Count of, 26, 27Scheveningen, 202Schleiermacher, Friedrich, 39Schulze-Gaevernitz, G. von, 206Schuster, Theodore, 55Scotland, 5, 70, 147, 173Second International, 97Second World War, 121, 144Serbia/Yugoslavia, 29, 193Shave, H. R., vShelley, Mary, 44–5, 46,

48–9, 49, 54, 55Shelley, Percy Bysshe, 44Sicily, 194Sismondi, Count Jean Charles

Léonard Simonde, 31

Smith, Adam, 30, 31, 32social capital, 111–22 passim, 123,

125–6, 126, 128, 130–2, 145, 146, 147, 149, 151, 152–3, 155–8 passim, 160, 163, 169–70, 171, 174, 177, 180–3 passim, 200, 205, 207

basic contradictions in , 113, 114, 183–4

see also capital; socialization of wants; state; working class

social democracy, 92–3, 171see also Blair, Tony; political space,

bourgeois democraticSocial Democratic Federation, 172,

176Socialist League, 172Socialist Party of Great Britain, 172socialization of wants, 119, 131

see also consumptionSociété Générale, 123Sorge, Friedrich, 98South Africa, 107, 137Soviet Union, 92, 187Spain, 34, 207Stalinism, 143, 186‘stamocap’ (state monopoly capital),

115Standard Oil Co., 124state, 5, 6, 18, 19, 25, 33, 36, 69, 73–5

passim, 79, 86, 87, 93, 95, 98, 100–1, 104, 112, 114, 115, 117, 118, 121, 142, 144, 153, 162, 165, 169, 171, 181, 183, 187, 200, 202

apparatus, 11, 18, 60, 68, 99, 115, 121, 142, 152, 153, 155, 156, 163, 169, 174, 185, 199

policy, 32, 33, 63, 65, 80, 81, 90, 121–2, 123, 126, 132, 146, 151, 162, 163, 180

see also power bloc; regime; withering away of the state

Stead, W. T., 123, 168Stedman Jones, Gareth, 73, 159subjects, historical/revolutionary, 7,

20, 26–7, 29, 43, 49, 57, 58, 94, 104, 111, 153, 155–6, 157, 164, 166, 169, 170, 171, 181, 185, 187

see also agents; discourse; working class

226 Index

Sue, Eugène, 49Suez Canal, 109surplus labour, 42, 106, 112, 115–16,

118, 119, 120, 129, 130, 153see also capital, accumulation;

exchange value; surplus valuesurplus value, 42, 106–7, 111–12,

113–17, 121, 129, 130, 149, 151, 153, 164, 183, 184

see also capital, accumulation; exchange value; surplus labour

Talmon, J. L., 198–9technology, 25–6, 40, 108–10, 116,

136, 146, 149, 152, 160, 164, 180terrain, political, 17, 28–9, 74, 75, 107,

122, 154, 157, 166–70, 171, 173, 179, 180, 181, 185

see also class consciousness; political space; revolutionary terrain

Thatcherism, 207Thompson, Dorothy, 71, 73Thompson, E. P., 12, 69, 72, 202–3Thompson, William, 32Tilly, Charles, 80–1, 121Tolpuddle Martyrs, 66trade unions see labour movementTrentowski, B. F., 26Tressell, Robert, 133–44 passim, 147,

150, 159, 161, 164, 167, 170Tristan, Flora, 27, 28, 56, 58, 61Tronti, Mario, 169

unequal exchange, 151, 200uneven and combined development,

83see also centre, capitalist;

peripheryUSA, 5, 24, 25, 28, 37, 86, 88, 98, 102,

106–9 passim, 110, 120, 122–7 passim, 133, 136, 146, 152, 184

use value, 116, 152, 184see also exchange value; surplus

labour; surplus valueUtilitarianism, 35, 47, 158

see also Bentham, Jeremy; economic individualism; Mill, James; Mill, John Stuart

Victor (‘Wild Boy of Aveyron’), 50, 52, 53, 192, 193

see also wild childrenVienna, 63, 64Viet Nam, 99Voltaire see Arouet,

François-Marie

Wage Labour and Capital, 131Wales, 5, 65, 74, 147war of manoeuvre, 17, 74, 75,

77, 82, 165war of position, 18, 84

see also class alliances; revolutionary bloc; revolutionary party; revolutionary terrain

Warsaw, 208Weber, Max, 170, 175Weitling, Wilhelm, 197Western Europe, 1–2, 4, 5, 6, 40, 76,

83, 84, 87, 88, 103, 105, 106, 120, 123, 127, 133, 144, 149, 155, 157, 159, 162, 163, 167, 170, 172, 175–80 passim, 181, 183–5 passim, 190

see also European UnionWhat Is To Be Done?, 176Wijnkoop, David, 172wild children, 50, 52, 53Willem, I, 123Williams, Raymond, 157Wischnewetsky, Florence, 98withering away of the state, 101–2Wollstonecraft, Mary, 44women, 9, 10, 14–15, 27, 28, 39,

63, 74–5, 109, 118–19, 134, 136–7, 147, 150, 151–2, 161, 167, 180, 184

see also gender; patriarchalism; and make a ‘gendered reading’ of artisans, peasants, workers

workers/working class/proletariat, 2, 4, 6, 18, 25, 31, 32, 44, 49, 50–1, 53, 55, 62–5 passim, 77–82 passim, 87, 102, 103, 104, 106, 107, 115, 118, 119–20, 127, 128–53 passim, 155–85 passim, 203, 204, 205

Index 227

Belgian, 146, 150, 157British, 63–76 passim, 121, 133–45,

146–9 passim, 157–60 passim, 167, 205

English, 6, 55, 203French, 8, 12, 20, 29, 55,

88–9, 91German, 56, 77, 92, 94, 133,

146, 150, 156, 166, 167, 171–2, 175

revolutionary role, 27, 39, 41–3, 49, 57–8, 60–1, 76, 79, 82–5, 90–3, 95–6, 98–100, 111, 128–9, 132, 133, 145, 155, 156, 164–78 passim, 194

‘respectable’, 52, 157, 159, 181–2

see also active labour army; class consciousness; culture, working-class; industrial reserve army; labour movement/trade unions; Post, Arthur?; Shave, H. R.

world systems theory, 200Wright, Fanny, 28Wright, Wilbur and

Orville, 109

Zagreb, 208