Notes

Introduction

1. Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition andConsolidation: Southern Europe, South America and Post-Communist Europe(Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996). See also NikiforosDiamandouros, “Southern Europe: A Third Wave Success Story”, in Consoli-dating the Third Wave Democracies, edited by Larry Diamond et al. (Baltimore,MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997).

2. While the comparative social science scholarship remains very positive, inrecent years the transition has come under increasing criticism from somecritics who now question the trade-offs made in order to achieve the “con-sensus” that produced the relatively peaceful transition. In particular, criticsargue that the decision to “forget” the repression and violence perpetratedagainst the losers in the Civil War weakened the foundation of the newdemocracy with unresolved “truth and reconciliation” issues. The recentefforts to exhume mass graves and acknowledge the victims have providedthe material focus for this larger discussion. While this discussion questionsthe quality of Spain’s democratic transition, it also serves as evidence of theconsolidation of the democracy, which can support such a “destabilizing”conversation without apparently threatening the regime.

3. Jean Grugel outlines these approaches in Democratization: A Critical Introduc-tion (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002). See my article, “La TransiciónEspañola de una perspectiva comparativa”, in Es España diferente?: una per-spectiva comparativa, edited by Nigel Townson (Madrid: Taurus, 2010), for adetailed analysis of the various versions of the “Spanish model”.

4. Joan Botella, Richard Gunther, and José Ramón Montero make this gen-eral point in the most recent comprehensive synthesis of the transition,Democracy in Modern Spain (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004).

5. The foundational study is Manuel Castells, The City and the Grassroots:A Cross-cultural Theory of Urban Social Movements (Berkeley, CA: Universityof CA Press, 1983), while Victor Pérez Díaz, The Return of Civil Society: TheEmergence of Democratic Spain (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,1993) introduced the concept of civil society. Other works focusing on pop-ular participation are: Robert Fishman, Working-Class Organization and theReturn to Democracy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990), SebastianBalfour, Dictatorship, Workers and the City: Labour in Greater Barcelona since1939 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), Joseph Foweraker, MakingDemocracy in Spain: Grass-roots Struggle in the South (New York: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1989), Marcello Caprarella, La crisis final del franquismo,la Transicion y la consolidacion democratica en Madrid: un estudio multidis-ciplinario, 1973–1986 (Mss version shared by author), Georgina Blakeley,“Democratization and Participation in Spain: The Case of Barcelona”, PhD

332

Notes 333

Dissertation, Department of Peace Studies, University of Bradford, 2000,Ruth Collier and James Mahoney, “Adding Collective Actors to CollectiveOutcomes: Labor and Recent Demcoratization in South America and South-ern Europe”, Comparative Politics, 29(3), April 1997, Sidney Tarrow, “MassMobilization and Regime Change: Pacts, Reform and Popular Power in Italyand Spain (1975–6)”, in The Politics of Democratic Consolidation, edited byRichard Gunther, et al. (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press,1995), La crisis del franquismo y la transicion: El protagonismo de los movimientossociales, edited by José Manuel Trujillano Sánchez and Pilar Domìnguez Prats(Avila: Fundación Cultural Santa Teresa, 2003).

6. See Omar Encarnación, The Myth of Civil Society: Social Capital and Demo-cratic Consolidation in Spain and Brazil (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003)and Peter McDonough, Samuel Barnes, and Antonio López Piña, The CulturalDynamics of Democratization in Spain (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press,1998).

7. Definitions of the parameters of “civil society” vary widely, according towhich realms (the market can be included or excluded), how autonomousthey are (Marxists have emphasized hegemony and liberals claim indepen-dence), and what sorts of groups and behaviors constitute “civil” society (dothey have to be “civil”, or can intolerant, divisive behavior be included?).I agree with those who exclude the market, and define “civil society” asthe social relationships and structures that, while influenced by the pri-vate interests of the market and pressured by the formal institutions ofthe state, must maintain an at least partly autonomous collective space.It is this autonomy, which is always contested and negotiated, more thanany specific “civic” behavior, which constitutes the realm of civil society.Thus, civil society is not an idealized realm of democratic principles, but acontested site of political formation that can be appropriated for differentends.

8. Neera Chandhoke, State and Civil Society: Explorations in Political Theory(Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 1995), p. 9.

9. The classic work on “civil society” in the Spanish case is Victor Pérez Díaz’The Return of Civil Society. For a comprehensive theoretical argument on therelationship between civil society and democratization, see chapter 6, “CivilSociety”, in Larry Diamond’s Developing Democracy: Towards Consolidation(Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999). The canonical bookon civil society and democratic health is Robert Putnam, Making DemocracyWork: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton UniversityPress, 1993).

10. Collier and Mahoney, p. 287. Sidney Tarrow also makes this point, in “MassMobilization and Regime Change: Pacts, Reform and Popular Power in Italyand Spain (1975–6)”, in The Politics of Democratic Consolidation, edited byRichard Gunther et al.

11. “Civic associations” are defined here as voluntary collectives that operatepublically and legally in the pursuit of what are defined as “community orpublic goals”.

12. Jorge Uria recently made the point about the dearth of studies on asso-ciationism in the Franco regime in his commentary at the V Encuentrode Investigadores del franquismo, published in: Memoria e historia del

334 Notes

franquismo, coord. Manuel Ortiz Heras (Cuenca: Ediciones de la Universidadde Castilla-La Mancha, 2005).

13. Whether or not the participants in the 1960s had this sense of historicalcontext, this context distinguishes Spain from “third wave” democracieswith almost unbroken traditions of authoritarian rule and weak civil soci-eties. There has been a long debate about the role of the Restoration liberalregime (1875–1923) in Spain’s political evolution, as promoting or hinderingdemocratization. My argument has been that new forms of collective partic-ipation developed in the sphere of civil society. See Radcliff, “The EmergingChallenge of Mass Politics”, in Spain Since 1808, edited by Adrian Shubertand José Alvarez Junco (London: Edward Arnold, 2000).

14. For an interpretation of the early Franco regime that emphasizes its repres-sion and totalitarian ambitions, see Michael Richards, A Time of Silence: CivilWar and the Culture of Repression in Franco’s Spain, 1939–1945 (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1998) and Carme Molinero, La captación de lasmasas: política social y propaganda en el régimen franquista (Madrid: Cátedra,2008).

15. His speech to the Cortes, May 14, 1946. Enrique Moradiellos, La España deFranco (1939–1975) (Madrid: Editorial Síntesis, 2000), p. 104.

16. For this later period, see the collection Spain Transformed: The Late FrancoDictatorship, 1959–1975, edited by Nigel Townson (Basingstoke: PalgraveMacmillan, 2007).

17. Juan Linz, “An Authoritarian Regime: Spain”, in Cleavages, Ideologies andParty Systems, edited by E. Allardt and Y. Littunen (Helsinki: Turko, 1964).

18. From a comparative perspective, Michael Mann makes the point that Linz’inclusive authoritarian category yields too diverse a group of regimes, lump-ing the Franco regime with its high level of internal repression with theGreek regime that put 100 people to death. Fascists (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 2004), p. 44.

19. This framing of the debate is found in Ismael Saz, “Algunas consideracionesa propósito del debate sobre la naturaleza del franquismo”, in Fascismo yfranquismo (Valencia: Universitat de Valencia, 2004), pp. 245–263. I am alsoindebted to Saz for a series of unpublished papers delivered at a conference inBarcelona in 2004 on Francoism and fascism. See also Enrique Moradiellos’historiographical synthesis, or “Estado de la cuestion”, in his La España deFranco, 1939–1975, pp. 209–225.

20. A different take on the “authoritarian” model is provided by Michael Mann,in which he situates fascism not against a “soft” authoritarianism butas the most extreme form of authoritarianism, or “authoritarian nation-statism” (Fascists, p. 31). The Spanish debate, however, continues to linkauthoritarianism to Linz’ model.

21. Ismael Saz’ work on the conflicting ideologies that continued to define theinternal struggles of the Franco regime has been very helpful in pushingthe debate beyond “either/or” categorizations of the regime. As he says, theessence of the regime lay in the dynamic nature of the forces of the coali-tion (“Régimen autoritario o dictadura fascista?”, in Fascismo y franquismo,pp. 89–90).

22. Robert Paxton’s Anatomy of Fascism (New York: RandomHouse, 2005) definesthis coalition as “a key element” of the “new politics” of the interwar

Notes 335

period, and leaves room in his “stage” model for a shifting balance of forces,either toward radicalization (increasing power of the fascist elements) orentropy (increasing power of the conservative elements). Paxton showcasesthe Franco regime as an example of the latter process, pp. 148–149.

23. Two different efforts at hybrid categorization are (1) the “fascistizacion”model, which defines the “regime” as adopting enough elements of fascismto differentiate it from the traditional right, but not enough to constitutea fascist regime (see Ismael Saz, “Regimen autoritario o dictadura fascista?”,in Fascismo y franquismo, pp. 79–90) and (2) Mann’s graduated authoritarianmodel, which places the regime between the second and third of his ascend-ing categories, that is, “semi-reactionary” and “corporatist authoritarian”(Fascists, chapter 9, “The Spanish Family of Authoritarians”). Javier Tusell’srecent synthesis adopts an evolutionary model, in which the regime startedas one form of dictatorship (semi or para-fascist) and ended as anothertype (modernizing secular). Spain: From Dictatorship to Democracy (Oxford:Blackwell, 2007), p. 12.

24. Fascists, p. 31.25. See Carme Molinero, “Present i futur de la historiografia sobre el règim

franquista. Balanc sobre algunes línies d’investigació i els seus resultats”,in Jordi Font Agulló (dir), Història i Memòria: el franquisme i els seus efectesals Paısos Catalans (Valencia: Universitat de Valencia, 2007), for a recentarticulation of this argument. Molinero says there are still few good stud-ies on anti-Francoism and little historiographical debate (p. 295). The classicwork on the anti-Francoist opposition for many years has been José MaríaMaravall, Dictatorship and Political Dissent: Workers and Students in Franco’sSpain (London: Tavistock Publications, 1978).

26. In her book on the “social discourse” of the Franco regime, Carme Molineromakes this general point about the Falange. La captación de las masas: políticasocial y propaganda en el régimen franquista, p. 12.

27. See Carme Molinero and Pere Ysàs, Productores disciplinados y minorías sub-versivas: clase obrera y conflictividad laboral en la España franquista (Madrid:Siglo XXI, 1998). See also Xavier Domenèch, Clase obrera, antifranquismo ycambio político: pequeños grandes cambios, 1956–1969 (Madrid: La Catarata,2008).

28. Although the direct translation is “neighbor associations”, the English termdoesn’t really capture the meaning of “vecino”, which is someone who sharesdeep common interests based on geographical proximity. As defined byone communist activist organizing in a Madrid neighborhood, a vecino was“someone with a multitude of networks, through friendship, family and res-idence” (Informe de la Organización de la Barriada de Legazpi, 21/I/71, PCEArchive). I have chosen, in most cases, to use the Spanish term in order tokeep the meanings distinct.

29. Doblón, August 16, 1975.30. The other major potential source would obviously be oral interviews, but

I made the decision to focus on the massive archival material in order to geta larger picture of the entire movement, leaving future researchers to delvemore deeply into local personal experiences.

31. I am indebted to the personnel at the Madrid Registro de Asociaciones forworking out an agreement by which I was able to view the associational

336 Notes

files, which could contain personal information protected by privacy laws,but not to record any personal data.

32. Within this general strategy, because the neighborhood association archiveis organized by province, while the family association documents are col-lected in a single national archive, I chose to focus the analysis of theneighborhood associations on the province of Madrid, but take advantageof the national archive to draw more broadly from family associationsaround the country. Although this created somewhat of an uneven analy-sis, I felt it was important to introduce the broad outlines of a movementthat have been completely ignored in the scholarship. Conversely, exist-ing scholarship on neighborhood associations, mostly focused on local ormunicipal-level case studies, can help to place the Madrid case in its broadercontext.

33. The Foweraker, Caprarella, Blakeley, Trujillano Sanchez, and Tarrow works fitthis category.

34. Pérez Díaz’ inclusion of the economic sphere in his definition of “civilsociety” allows him to incorporate a whole range of market-based decision-making in his model, but the political impact of those decisions on the“public good” are hard to demonstrate. The Return of Civil Society.

35. See Mariano Torcal, “The Origins of Democratic Support in Post-FrancoSpain: Learning to be a Democrat under Authoritarian Rule?”, in SpainTransformed.

36. For critiques of the status-based conception of citizenship, see MargaretSomers, “Citizenship and the Place of the Public Sphere: Law, Communityand Political Culture in the Transition to Democracy”, American Sociologi-cal Review, 58, October 1993, Kathleen Canning and Sonia Rose, “Gender,Citizenship and Subjectivity: Some Historical and Theoretical Considera-tions”, Gender and History, 15(5), November 2001, and David Held, “BetweenState and Civil Society: Citizenship”, in Citizenship, edited by Geoff Andrews(London: Lawrence and Wishart,1991). The distinction between “thin” and“thick” citizenship is made in Will Kymlicka and Wayne Norman, “Returnof the Citizen: A Survey of Recent Work on Citizenship Theory”, Ethics, 104January, 1994, p. 353.

37. Recent critiques of the Kymlicka/Norman approach argue that the two axesmust remain analytically linked, since the ability to employ citizenship as apath to empowerment rests on the criteria for who gets to be a citizen. SeePhillip Cole’s introduction to Philosophies of Exclusion: Liberal Political Theoryand Immigration (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2000) and LindaBosniak, The Citizen and the Alien: Dilemmas of Contemporary Membership(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006).

38. As Lauren Berlant puts it, “Practices of citizenship involve both the pub-lic sphere narratives and concrete experiences of quotidian life . . . Yet therhetoric of citizenship does provide important definitional frames for theways people see themselves as public, when they do”, The Queen of AmericaGoes to Washington City (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1997), p. 10.

39. Margaret Somers, “Citizenship and the Place of the Public Sphere”, p. 589.40. Birte Siim defines these two axes of citizenship in Gender and Citizenship:

Politics and Agency in France, Britain and Denmark (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 2000), p. 4.

Notes 337

41. Robert Putnam, Making Democracy Work, p. 171.42. According to Eva Cox, the conditions for the creation of generalizable social

capital are the willingness to participate and the level of associability beyondintimate family ties. “Diversity and Community: Conflict and Trust”, inCitizenship, Community and Democracy, edited by Ellie Vasta (New York:St. Martin’s Press, 2000), p. 82.

43. See Evelyne Huber, Dietrich Rueschemeyer and John D. Steven’s “The Para-doxes of Contemporary Democracy: Formal, Participatory and Social Dimen-sions”, for a discussion of these levels of democratic practice. ComparativePolitics, 29(3), April 1997.

44. See Citizenship Acquisition and National Belonging: Migration, Membership andthe Liberal Democratic State, edited by Gideon Calder, Phillip Cole, andJonathan Seglow (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010) and Linda Bosniak,The Citizen and the Alien: Dilemmas of Contemporary Membership.

45. For an excellent framing of the problem in terms of sexual orientation, seeMargot Cannaday, The Straight State: Sexuality and Citizenship in 20th CenturyAmerica (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2009).

46. See the introduction to Joan Scott’s Only Paradoxes to Offer: French Feministsand the Rights of Man (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996) for acogent theoretical exploration of the issue. From a different disciplinary per-spective, see Ruth Lister, Citizenship: Feminist Perspectives (New York: NewYork University Press, 1997).

47. “The Good-Enough Citizen: Female Citizenship and Independence”, inBeyond Equality and Difference, edited by Gisela Bock and Susan James(London: Routledge, 1992).

48. This approach has been particularly fruitful in Latin America, where socialmovements were very prominent in several democratic transitions. See TheWomen’s Movement in Latin America: Feminism and the Transition to Democracy,edited by Jane Jacquette (Boston, MA: Unwin Hyman, 1989), and Womenand Democracy: Latin America and Central and Eastern Europe edited by JaneJacquette and Sharon Wolchik (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins UniversityPress, 1998).

49. See the chapter on “Women’s Organizing”, in Engendering Transitions:Women’s Mobilization, Institutions and Gender Outcomes, edited by GeorginaWaylen (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007) that places this analysisspecifically in the context of democratic transition theory.

50. In the notion of democracy as a product of struggle and popular pres-sure, I have been influenced by Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne HuberStevens, and John D. Stevens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Chicago:Chicago University Press, 1992) and Geoff Eley, Forging Democracy: TheHistory of the Left in Europe, 1850–2000 (Oxford: Oxford University Press,2002).

1 Dictatorship and Civil Society: Explaining the Rootsof a New Associational Milieu

1. The classic article is Seymour Martin Lipset, “Some Requisites of Democ-racy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy”, American Political

338 Notes

Science Review, 53, 1959. See Larry Diamond, “Economic Development andDemocracy Re-Considered”, in Re-examining Democracy: Essays in Honor ofSeymour Martin Lipset, edited by Gary Marks and Larry Diamond (NewburyPark, CA: Sage Publications, 1992), for a re-statement of Lipset’s originalargument, including the link between development and a rise in volun-tary associations. For the Spanish case, see Victor Perez Diaz, The Return ofCivil Society: The Emergence of Democratic Spain (Cambridge, MA: HarvardUniversity Press, 1993).

2. Enrique Moradiellos, La España de Franco (1939–1975) (Madrid: EditorialSintesis, 2000), p. 138.

3. Pablo Martín Aceña and Elena Martínez, “The Golden Age of SpanishCapitalism: Economic Growth without Political Freedom”, in Spain Trans-formed: The Late Franco Dictatorship, 1959–1975, edited by Nigel Townson,(Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), pp. 30–31.

4. Martín Aceña and Martínez, p. 34.5. Enrique Moradiellos, La España de Franco, p. 147. However, he points out

that this consumption was still uneven, with the example of 69 percent ofMadrid households with TVs in 1971 compared to 11 percent in the ruralprovince of Soria.

6. Enrique Moradiellos, La España de Franco, pp. 139–140. The main sendingprovinces were Andalucia, Galicia, Extremadura, the two Castillas and LaMancha.

7. Enrique Moradiellos, La España de Franco, p. 139.8. Susan Harding, Remaking Ibieca: Rural Life in Aragon under Franco (Chapel

Hill, NC: North Carolina Press, 1984).9. Edward Malefakis “Spain and its Francoist Heritage”, in From Dictatorship to

Democracy, edited by J.H. Hertz (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1982).10. By 1970, 90 percent of school aged children were in school, and during the

decade of the 1960s, the university population tripled. Sebastian Balfour,“The Desarollo Years, 1955–75”, in Spanish History Since 1808, edited byJosé Alvarez Junco and Adrian Shubert (London: Edward Arnold, 2000),p. 282.

11. See Sidney Tarrow’s incorporation of data compiled by Tatu Vanhanen, in“Mass Mobilization and Regime Change”:

OccupationalDiversity

Literacy: Index ofKnowledge Distribution

1930s 38.5 39.51940s 42 461950s 45.5 48.51960s 51.5 52.51970s 58 57.5

12. See Enrique Moradiellos, La España de Franco, pp. 128–129, for a discussionof the institutional projects submitted: the ley de Principios del MovimientoNacional, the Ley orgánica del Movimiento Nacional, and the ley de Ordenacióndel Gobierno.

13. Enrique Moradiellos, La España de Franco, p. 132.

Notes 339

14. For an interpretation of the Franco regime that emphasizes the internalstruggle between fascist and non-fascist elements, see Ismael Saz Campos,España contra España: Los nacionalismos franquistas (Madrid: Marcial Pons,2003).

15. PCE Report, #447, III/71. Reports sent by militants in Madrid to the partyleadership in exile. PCE Archive.

16. Luis Enrique Alonso elaborates a sophisticated version of this general argu-ment in “Los nuevos movimientos sociales y el hecho diferencial español:una interpretación”, in España a debate: II la Sociedad, edited by JoséVidal-Beneyto (Madrid: Editorial Tecnos, 1991).

17. See Pere Ysàs, Disidencia y subversión: la lucha del régimen franquista por susupervivencia, 1960–1975 (Barcelona: Crítica, 2004) for an analysis of theregime’s efforts to repress the emerging opposition.

18. Charles Tilly is the classic scholar associated with this claim, but see SidneyTarrow, “Political Opportunities and Constraints”, in Power in Movement:Social Movements and Contentious Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress, 1998).

19. Gabriel Badescu and Eric Uslaner present this definition in the Introductionto Social Capital and the Transition to Democracy (London: Routledge, 2003),p. 3. Putnam’s book is Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in ModernItaly (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993).

20. Jose Maravall, Dictatorship and Political Dissent: Workers and Students inFranco’s Spain (London: Tavistock Publications, 1978), p. 63.

21. Xavier Domenèch, Clase obrera, antifranquismo y cambio político: pequeñosgrandes cambios, 1956–1969 (Madrid: La Catarata, 2008).

22. Domenèch makes the point that it was conflict in local spaces that providedthe basis for transformation in anti-Francoist strategies. Clase obrera, p. 22.

23. The 1887 Law required only fiscal oversight of associations. Technical advi-sor’s commentary on the draft of a project for Asociaciones de Cabezasde Familia (Archivo General del Estado (AGE), Gobernación (Ministry ofInterior section), caja (folder), 388). From here on cited as “Gob”.

24. According to Rafael Prieto-Lacaci, “Asociaciones voluntarias”, in TendenciasSociales en España, 1960–1990, V.I, edited by Salustino del Campo (Bilbao:Fundación BBV, 1993), there were 932,000 men in the Movimiento in 1960and another million in its associations, including almost 300,000 in theSección Femenina, p. 199.

25. Enrique Moradiellos, La España de Franco, pp. 71–72. Obligatory member-ship for students was established in 1953, and in 1942 for the OSE.

26. Cited in Juan Linz, “La realidad asociativa de los Españoles”, in Sociologíaespañola de los años setenta (Madrid: Confederación Española de Cajas deAhorros, 1971), p. 312.

27. Enrique Moradiellos, La España de Franco, p. 74.28. According to Prieto-Lacaci, in 1956 there were 533,000 members of Acción

Católica, about two-thirds of them female (p. 199).29. According to Fabriola Mota (“La Realidad Asociativa en España”, in Existe

Sociedad Civil en España?, edited by Joan Subirats (Madrid: Fundación Encu-entro, 1999)) there were about 2500 associations in the Registro Nacionalin 1965, but Rafael Prieto-Lacaci (“Asociaciones”) gives the figure of 8329associations in the early 1960s (p. 199) cited by Juan Linz in “La realidadasociativa” (p. 313). Mota’s figures seem to be drawn from the same Registro

340 Notes

I consulted for a later period, since her figure of 6,300 for 1972 matches myown calculations.

30. See Enrique Moradiellos, La España de Franco, pp. 129–130, for a descriptionof the three projects.

31. Ysàs, Pere, Disidencia y subversion, p. 3. In 1962, the head of the SEU pre-sented a report to the Movimiento National Council in which he assertedthat the Movimiento had lost its mission to attract the youth, who wantedeffective participation in public life (pp. 6–7).

32. Jose Maravall, Dictatorship and Political Dissent, pp. 26–27.33. This reform effort failed to save the SEU, which was dissolved in 1965

in the midst of growing university unrest that it could not contain. SeeYsàs, Disidencia y subversion, p. 9. Likewise, the attempted reforms of laborunions culminated in the relatively free shop floor elections of 1966, whichprovided an opening to dissident Comisiones Obreras candidates. EnriqueMoradiellos, La España de Franco, p. 157.

34. Boletín de Estado 27/7/1957, cited in Santiago Miguel González, Lapreparación de la Transición a la Democracia en España (Zaragoza: Universidadde Zaragoza, 1990), p. 70.

35. José Miguel Ortí Bordás, “El Movimiento y su Consejo Nacional”, in LaEspaña de los años 70, edited by Manuel Fraga, et al. (Madrid: EditorialMoneda y Crédito, 1972), V.1, p. 1168.

36. Ysàs notes that the IV National Congress of the SEU in December 1962contained a discursive mixture of “joseantoniana, democratizantes y tercer-mundista” terminology, p. 9.

37. “El Movimiento y su Consejo”, p. 1178.38. Enrique Moradiellos, La España de Franco, p. 134.39. Cited in Santiago Miguel González, La preparación, pp. 70–71.40. Orti Bordas, “El Movimiento”, p. 1180.41. Enrique Villoria Martínez, Las asociaciones familiares (Madrid: Ediciones

del Movimiento, 1971), p. 9. See also other Movimiento publications forelaboration of these ideas. El asociacionismo y el desarollo político, writtenby the Vice Secretary of the Movimiento in 1969 and El Movimiento y elasociacionismo, by Torcuato Fernández, in 1970.

42. Orti Bordas, “El Movimiento”, p. 1181.43. Report #447, III/71. PCE Archive.44. Miguel González, La preparación, p. 81. The first position was defended by

Fernández Miranda and the latter by Solís.45. This debate is discussed in detail by Miguel González, La preparación,

pp. 78–81.46. For example, Miguel González, in La preparación, barely mentions these

associations in a narrative focused almost entirely on the failure to turnthe Movimiento into a framework for a pre-political party system.

47. “Exposición de Motivos” for the “Anteproyecto de Decreto Organizando lasAsociaciones de Cabezas de Familias Incorporadas al Movimiento Nacional(unknown author) ((AGE), Gob. Caja 388). Document is undated, but itmust have been written before official approval of the Asociaciones deCabezas de Familia on June 24, 1963.

48. This entity replaced the Delegado Nacional de Asociaciones that wasformed in 1957. Its mandate was “the defense, promotion and boost-ing of the interests of the family as a foundation of social life and the

Notes 341

basic structure of the national community”. One of its four departmentswas associations, and its responsibilities (at the provincial level) included:promoting groups of families to create associations, helping them withthe documentation necessary to constitute them, and providing assis-tance for those associations already formed. Extracted from the “Normsof Organization” re-printed in Enrique Villoria Martínez, pp. 55 and57–58.

49. Enrique Villoria Martínez, Las asociaciones familiares, p. 12.50. “Anteproyecto”. The functions of the ACF are found in Article 5 (AGE, Gob.

Caja 388).51. “Exposición de Motivos”. In Enrique Villoria Martínez’ pamphlet (Las

asociaciones familiares) on the family association movement, publishedsome years later, the list of possible activities for the ACFs had length-ened considerably, from studying the problems of families in seminars tocreating public services and cultural institutions, to educating consumers,promoting “urbanization” and civic awareness (pp. 17–24).

52. The phrase was used by Florentino Pérez Embid, a conservative monar-chist, in an appeal to the Ministry of Justice to kill the Movimiento’sassociational project. Cited in Pablo Hispán Iglesias de Ussel, La política enel régimen de Franco entre 1957 y 1969 (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Políticosy Constitucionales, 2006), p. 355.

53. The comments are unsigned, but “Gabinete técnico” is handwritten onthe top of the document. Included in the folder with the “Exposición deMotivos” and the “Anteproyecto”, they were obviously part of a pack-age presented to the appropriate official in the Ministerio de Gobernación(AGE, Gob. 388).

54. While the Fuero included the right to free association, the exercise of thatright was limited by the protection of the “fundamental principles of theState” and the “spiritual, national and social unity of Spain”. EnriqueMoradiellos, La España de Franco, p. 105.

55. See Pablo Hispán Iglesias de Ussel, La política en el régimen de Franco, pp. 350–353 for an account of how the two associational projects were explicitlylinked to power struggles between factions.

56. In structural/institutional terms, this meant that the two worlds of vol-untary associations were integrated into different bureaucratic structures,Gobernación (interior), on the one hand, and the Ministry of Culture, wherethe Movimiento was housed, on the other.

57. Associations had to submit their statutes for approval to the Civil Gov-ernor, who made a report and passed the petition on to the Ministeriode Gobernación for final approval. The political police drew up reports oneach of the members of the founding committees and rejected anyonewith a connection to the defeated side in the Civil War or to “Marxist”movements.

58. Boletín de la Asociación de Vecinos, Entrevías, December 1975, Registro deAsociaciones de la Comunidad de Madrid (RACM) file.

59. Emmanuel Rodríguez, “Lucha vecinal e identidad comunitaria. El caso delpoblado dirigido de Orcasitas”, in la crisis del franquismo y la transición: elprotagonismo de los movimientos sociales, edited by José Manuel TrujillanoSánchez and Pilar Domínguez Prats (Avila: Fundación Cultural Santa Teresa,

342 Notes

2003), p. 137. He also provides the figure of 60,000 chabolas in Madrid in1961, which constituted about 15 percent of the population.

60. As José María Maravall argues, more complex economies are harder tomanage within the political framework of a dictatorship. Regimes, Politicsand Markets: Democratization and Economic Change in Southern and EasternEurope (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), p. 47. Pablo Martín Aceraand Elena Martínez Ruíz argue that the lack of a “social pact” and itswealth-distributing provisions were the main difference between Spain’s“economic miracle” and that of the surrounding European democracies.“The Golden Age”, p. 41.

61. The files of the Ministerio de Gobernación’s office of “Consultation of LocalGovernment” have preserved many of these petitions. To give one exam-ple, a group of 15 residents of Granada first petitioned their Mayor for thepaving of their street in early 1971, but although they received a favorableresponse from him on August 25, 1971, on May 10, 1976 they appealed infrustration to the Ministerio de Gobernación because no progress had beenmade. (AGE, Gob, 3157).

62. In one petition to the Ministerio de Gobernación, 373 residents of a town inGerona complained that the urban plan proposed by the city governmentfavored the interests of the property owners and wealthy residents, manyof them local officials, at the expense of their poorer district and that therehad never been any public consultation on the plan (November 1, 1970).(AGE, Gob. 1089).

63. Alice Gail Bier adds that the appointed positions were obligatory, unpaidand often filled by individuals who came from other cities. Crecimientourbano y participación vecinal, (Madrid: Centro de Investigaciones Sociológi-cas, 1980), pp. 114–117.

64. Many of the petitions sent to the Ministerio de Gobernación reflect the frus-tration that more immediate grievance channels had proved unsatisfactory.In one case (May 10, 1969) residents of a town outside of Avila complainedabout the stalled construction of a block of houses, begun several years agobut as yet unfinished, and no local officials could explain why. Althoughthe Civil Governor visited several months earlier and was sympathetic totheir predicament, his public criticism did not affect the project. The fileincludes a follow-up letter, sent 2 months later (July 8, 1969) by the Min-istry to the Mayor of the town, asking for information about the issue (AGE,Gob. 1089).

65. Eduardo Navarro Alvarez, “La Política de la Vivienda”, in España de los años70, edited by Manuel Fraga, et al. (Madrid: Editorial Moneda y Crédito,1972), pp. 847–868.

66. José Manuel Romay Beccaria, “La Política Urbanística”, in España de los años70, pp. 766–769, 818.

67. José Manuel Romay Beccaria, “La Política Urbanística”, p. 829.68. Eduardo Navarro Alvarez, “La Política”, pp. 870–873.69. Eduardo Navarro Alvarez, “La Política”, pp. 898–899.70. José Luís Carreras Yañez, “Construcción y Vivienda. Materiales de

construcción”, in España de los años 70, edited by Manuel Fraga, et al.(Madrid: Editorial Moneda y Crédito, 1972), pp. 651–655.

71. Eduardo Navarro Alvarez, “La Política”, p. 936.72. “Los nuevos movimientos sociales”, in España a debate, p. 85.

Notes 343

73. Alfredo and Gabriel Pérez Pérez, “Movimiento vecinal y su influencia enla transformación de infraestructuras en el barrio de Palomeras de Vallecasdurante la Transición: la AV ‘Los Pinos’ de San Agustin”, in La crisis delfranquismo y la transición, p. 96.

74. AGE, Gob, 3157.75. Regimes, Politics and Markets.76. All information about the early associations, unless otherwise noted, comes

from the individual files of each association, found in the Registro deAsociaciones of the Autonomous Community of Madrid (RACM).

77. The only reference to the pre-Franco period is found in Actas from 1939 and1941, which talk, on the one hand, about a prosperous earlier life, but alsoabout its infiltration and domination by socialists during the Republicanperiod, which led, according to the new Junta, to misuse of funds and thedesertion of large numbers of members.

78. Acta, Junta Rectora, September 15, 1939.79. The Movimiento position was articulated in correspondence dated May

6, 1943 and January 1944 from the Jefe Superior of Asociaciones to theMinistro de Gobernación, Sección de Política Interior. The President’s posi-tion was outlined in his undated letter (received October 29, 1943 by theDirección General de Seguridad).

80. The 1974 Memoria talks about the worrisome downward trajectory of themembership.

81. This pattern seems to fit the national one, according to María Isabel Far-iñas de Alba, “Aproximación al estudio del movimiento vecinal en la crisisdel franquismo y la transición”, in La crisis del franquismo y la transición: elprotagonismo de los movimientos sociales. She cites scholar-participant TomásVillasante’s assertion that there were a handful of AVs before the Civil War,citing in particular one in Palma de Mallorca, founded in 1931. It is notclear whether these other early associations were also founded in publichousing projects, as they were in Madrid, p. 119.

82. All information about these associations comes from their files in theRACM. The six are: AV de la Colonia Prosperidad, established in January1931, AV de la Colonia del Retiro (1935), AV La Barriada de Casas Baratasdel Paseo de las Delicias (1930), Cooperativa Fomento de Colonia Iturbe(1930), Sociedad Colonia de Los Angeles (1929), and AV de la Colonia deManzanares (1934).

83. Jefe Superior de Policia, Report, January 13, 1944.84. Jefe Superior de Policia, Report, February 14, 1944, referred to in the reply

from the Subsecretary, Politica Interior, March 6, 1944.85. The literal translation of convivencia is living together peacefully, but it is

close to the concept of “social trust”, which defines horizontal relationsbetween non-intimates. See Eva Cox, “Diversity and Community”, for thisdefinition of social trust (p. 79). In Citizenship, Community and Democracy,edited by Ellie Vasta (NY: St.Martin’s Press, 2000).

86. AGE, Gob 222, Letter, September 8, 1960 from Director General deSeguridad, returning the statutes for modification.

87. The 1949 Manzanares statutes opened membership to all “vecinos” ofthe Colonia, but another article in which quotas were set by the type ofdwelling and were paid per family makes it clear that “vecino” meant theowner of the house.

344 Notes

88. From Mobilization to Civil War: The Politics of Polarization in the SpanishCity of Gijón, 1900–1937 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996),pp. 104–109.

89. Georgina Blakeley makes the more general argument for Barcelona that itslong history of civil society mobilization, going back to the late nineteenthcentury, was an important component of its revival in the 1960s. Democra-tization and Participation in Spain: The Case of Barcelona (PhD Dissertation,Department of Peace Studies, University of Bradford, 2000).

90. Samuel Huntington, “Democracy’s Third Wave”, Journal of Democracy, 2(2),Spring, 1991, p. 13. I cite his observation without necessarily agreeing withthe cultural conclusions he makes, about the links between “Christianity”and democracy.

91. For the influence of Vatican II on the Spanish Church, see Audrey Brassloff,Religion and Politics in Spain: The Church in Transition, 1962–1996 (NewYork: St. Martin’s Press, 1998), José Manuel Cuenca Toribio, Catolicismosocial y político en la España contemporánea (1870–2000) (Madrid: UniónEditorial, 2000), Frances Lannon, Privilege, Persecution and Prophecy: TheCatholic Church in Spain, 1875–1975 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987),William Callahan, The Catholic Church in Spain, 1875–1998 (Washington,DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2000).

92. The emergence and development of radical Catholic circles, especially interms of their place in the anti-Francoist opposition, are analyzed in:Rebecca Clifford and Nigel Townson, “The Church in Crisis: CatholicActivism and 1968”, Cultural and Social History (forthcoming), FelicianoMontero García, La Acción Católica y el franquismo: Auge y crisis dela Acción Católica Especializada (Madrid: UNED, 2000), Basilisa LópezGarcía, Aproximación a la historia de la HOAC (Madrid: Ediciones HOAC),1995, Javier Domínguez, Organizaciones obreras cristianas en la oposiciónal franquismo (1951–1975) (Bilbao: Ediciones Mensajeros, 1985), RafaelDíaz Salazar, Iglesia, Dictadura y Democracia (Madrid: Ediciones HOAC,1981), and José Fernández Segura, “La presencia de militantes obreroscatólicos en el movimiento obrero de Barcelona”, Enrique Berzal de laRosa, “La oposición católica al franquismo en Castilla y León”, MónicaMoreno Seco, “Cristianos y lucha antifranquista en Alicante durantela transición”, all in La crisis del franquismo y la transición: el pro-tagonismo de los movimientos sociales, edited by José Manuel TrujillanoSánchez y Pilar Domínguez Prats (Avila: Fundación Cultural Santa Teresa,2003).

93. José Centeno García, Luis Díez Maestro and Julio Pérez Pinillos (eds), Curasobreros: Cuarenta y cinco años de testimonio, 1963–2009 (Barcelona: EditorialHerder, 2009).

94. William Callahan, The Catholic Church in Spain, p. 505.95. Jose Manuel Cuenca Toribio, Catolicismo social y político en la España

contemporánea, pp. 419–423.96. Shubert, A Social History of Spain, p. 243.97. See Montero, Acción Católica, Introduction.98. Both Fernández Segura and Berzal de la Rosa make this point, as well

as Rafael Diaz, “eran organizaciones apostolicos que creaban militantesobreros, que a nivel personal luchaban en el combate obrero” (p. 201).

Notes 345

99. Feliciano Montero García, La Acción Católica y el franquismo: Auge y crisis dela Acción Católica Especializada, (Madrid: UNED, 2000), pp. 73–74. RafaelDíaz Salazar, Iglesia, Dictadura y Democracia (Madrid: Ediciones HOAC,1981).

100. “Declaración Pascual de la Comunidad de la Montaña” (Vallecas), April 14,1968, in Javier Domínguez, Organizaciones obreras cristianas en la oposición alfranquismo (1951–1975) (Bilbao: Ediciones Mensajeros, 1985), pp. 340–341.The “Christian communities” were fora for discussing the new currents ofCatholic thought, from labor issues to human rights to the popular electionof bishops.

101. Rebecca Clifford and Nigel Townson, “The Church in Crisis: CatholicActivism and 1968”, Cultural and Social History (forthcoming), p. 13.

102. Memoria, Asociación de Cabezas de Familia, San Birg (Las Palmas) 1964(AGE, Cultura, Caja 27).

103. Information from the Registro of Movimiento associations (AGE).104. The Asociación Familiar of Santa Brigida. Cited in the Boletín Informativa de

la Asoc. de Propietarios y Vecinos de Moratalaz, April 1970. Moratalaz was oneof those neighborhoods where virtually all available space was owned bythe construction company, and the association fought for years to get itsown center.

105. This was the response to the Asociación Familiar of the DistritoUniversitario in Alcalá de Henares, when it listed the “parish center” as itsheadquarters. In letter dated 23/3/1973. It re-submitted on 5/4/1973 withthe house of one of the founding members as its address. RACM file.

106. The Concordat was the 1953 document defining Church/State relationsunder the Franco Regime. AV Barrio Aeropuerto, from the Brigada Regionalde Información (BRI) Report, dated January 31, 1971. The documentationwas re-submitted with a bar as their domicile. A similar situation occurredwith the AV Cadalso de los Vidrios, which received the denial on October31, 1970, and re-submitted in November with a restaurant as the nominaladdress. RACM file.

107. The illegal meeting was in Orcasitas, April 1967. RACM file. March 2, 1968report.

108. José Martí, Relación entre AAVV y Partidos Políticos: Barcelona, 1970–1980(Barcelona, Thesis, 1981), p. 70.

109. RACM file. September 22, 1958, permiso del párroco.110. RACM file.111. RACM file. Only the 1972, 1974, and 1976 requests are in the file.112. RACM file. Preliminary meeting held October 19, 1967, Assemblies held

January 24, 1968 and June 11, 1968.113. From an interview conducted by Nigel Townson, cited in “Church in

Crisis”, pp. 5–6.114. AV Covadonga (11/69), AV Barrio Aeropuerto (1/72), AV Diego Velazquez

(4/74), AV Leganes (5&10/73), AV Palomeras Sureste (X/11/73, X/20/73,V/16/75, VI/75), AV Fuenlabrada (II/76), and AV Villa Rosa (6/74). This listis not exhaustive because the documentation in each association’s file isboth uneven and incomplete.

115. To Delegado Provincial de la Familia (DPF), Sin fecha. AGE, Ministerio deCultura, caja 229.

346 Notes

116. Javier Domínguez, documents of the comunidades cristianas, Organizacionesobreras, pp. 340–348 and 451–452.

117. Javier Domínguez, Organizaciones obreras, p. 415 (“Report on the Hogar delTrabajo”).

118. William Callahan, The Catholic Church in Spain, p. 518. In August 1968, theregime created a special jail in Zamora for clerics, over 100 of whom spenttime as prisoners there. As Moradiellos points out, Spain had more clericalprisoners than any European country, including the communist ones (LaEspana de Franco, p. 165).

119. Enrique Moradiellos, La España de Franco, p. 164.120. Once again, because of the irregular documentation, it is impossible to

assert that these were the first instances.121. RACM file. January 14, 1974.122. RACM file. VIII/6/1976 report reviews this information. The January ’74

assembly was the first “acto denogado” of this AV.123. RACM file. June 27, 1974.124. RACM file. IV/26/1975 report.125. RACM file. June 12, 1976 denial. AGE, Cultura 148, Acta, Asamblea General,

February 27, 1976.126. RACM file.127. RACM file, “Proyecto de Estatutos”, Article 5, approved by the General

Assembly on july 30, 1965.128. RACM file, 1966 statutes, Article 6.129. RACM file, Article 7.130. For example, Ciudad de Los Angeles (1969) and Francos Rodriguez (1973),

which borrowed from Puerto Chico, and Urbanización “Buenos Aires”(Alcobendas), based on the wording from Diego Velázquez. What I havefound is a lot of selective borrowing in AV statutes, but few cases ofwholesale reproduction.

131. August 1970 (Biblioteca Nacional).132. RACM file, letter May 29, 1976.133. RACM file, letter October 9, 1975.134. RACM file, Budget, 1975.135. Mikel Aizpuru, “Asociacionismo popular: ¿reverso del modelo de

organización social del franquismo? El caso de Barakaldo”, in Estado,protesta y movimientos sociales, edited by Santiago Castillo and José MaríaOrtíz de Orruño (Bilbao: Universidad del País Vasco, 1997), p. 486. Thereare more sporadic cases of politicized entertainment in Madrid, such as thesinging of “unauthorized songs” by a group of 130 people in the parochialclub on December 2, 1973. (One of the women who founded the AV CruceVillaverde-Litos Andalucía in November 1974 had been fined for this event,according to the police report of November 22, 1974.) RACM file.

136. RACM files on Ciudad San Pablo, 10 Dic 1975 report, and Ciudad de LosAngeles, June 24, 1973 report. The photo is from Nexo, the Boletín of theAV, March/April 1973 edition (Biblioteca Nacional).

137. RACM file. Included in the 1973 Memoria.138. AGE, Cultura, caja 70 (n.d.).139. February 1968.140. December 1968.

Notes 347

141. AGE, Cultura, caja 32.142. RACM file. Acta, December 4, 1969. The police report says that neither

priest has any “antecedentes”, or political record, and both were members ofthe younger, post-war generation, born in 1936 and 1938 (April 6, 1969).

143. RACM file.144. RACM file. BRI Report, August 22, 1973. He was one of 11 signers of the

original Acta, and was without “antecedentes”.145. RACM file. Request dated February 6, 1969. Other requests dated 4/XII/69,

9/IV/70, 23/IX/70. Like the San Blas priests, this one had no antecedentes,and was judged to be a simpatizante, or sympathizer, of the regime (15/III/69report).

146. RACM file. BRI report, 28/III/77. The initial meeting took place onOctober 29, 1976.

147. AGE, Cultura, caja 74: Acta, El Molar (29/XI/73), caja 136: Acta, Villamil-Sanchez (20/III/74), caja 137: Acta Moralzarzal (7/III/74), Acta Legazpi(13/II/74), RACM file: report 19/I/76 and 19/X/73. For more cases of priestsfounding ACFs, see Chapter 3.

148. AGE, Cultura, caja 65. Date of Constitution: 10/VI/67.149. RACM file. November 1969 meeting.150. Boletín, June, 1976.151. RACM file, April 26, 1971, Acta. All meetings between 1971 and 1973 were

held in the Patronato, until May of 1973, when a new centro was openedon land owned by the Patronato.

152. In order to protect his identity, specific references to the association or theneighborhood will not be included.

153. For documentation of the Asamblea on May 8, 1967, see Javier Domínguez,Organizaciones obreras cristianas en la oposición al franquismo, pp. 342–346.

154. RACM file, Report of Comisaria, 25/X/1968.155. RACM file, Report 9/VI/69.156. RACM file, Report, 13/VI/69.157. RACM file, 4/II/70, 6/II/70, 9/II/70 reports. 300, 150, and 300 was the

attendance estimated by police at the three assemblies.158. RACM file. 25/XI/70 report. Other meetings held on 26/XI, 1/XII, and 3/XII.159. RACM file. 14/II/72 report. It was supposed to be a partial assembly of 500,

but twice that number showed up.160. RACM file. 18/IV/72 report. Unfortunately, the series of reports stops at this

point, presumably because the immediate issue had been resolved.161. Boletín of the Barrio Aeropuerto, February 1966, num.18 (AGE, Cultura,

caja 32). RACM file, Ciudad de los Angeles: 10/II/75 report on Gen-eral Assembly. RACM file, AV Diego Velázquez: Acta, 15/IV/66 Gen-eral Assembly. RACM file, Comunidad Vecinal Barrio Estrella: Memoria1973.

162. RACM file. 14/III/77 report.163. Victor Pérez Díaz, The Return of Civil Society, p. 149.164. RACM file. May 1975 reports.165. RACM file. 3/VII/76 report. He was born in 1932 in Toledo.166. RACM file. 25/VIII/76 report. He was born in 1942 outside Madrid.167. RACM file. 11/IV/75 report. He was born 1947, in Madrid.168. RACM file. 28/III/77 report. He was born in 1947.

348 Notes

169. RACM file. 8/III/71 report.170. The quote is fromDimitrov’s proposal at the 7th Congress of the Comintern

in 1935. José Maravall, Dictatorship and Political Dissent, p. 81.171. Renato Valdés, “La Lucha de las Masas”, VIII PCE Congress, 1972.172. I found Xavier Domenèch’s version of this interactive model of party mil-

itant/social movement suggestive, although his work focuses on the labormovement. Clase obrera, antifranquismo y cambio político.

173. Renato Valdés, “La lucha de las masas en las barriadas y la perspectiva de lahuelga general” (PCE Archive).

174. For example, the 24/VIII/68 report from the Comite de la Zona de Vallecasclaimed to have “two friends” in the newly forming AVs in Puente deVallecas. In a 21/I/1971 report from Legazpi, one of the two comrades wasworking with the CCOO and the second was working with AVs, clubs, andsmall businessmen. PCE Archive. Microfilm #293.

175. “Documento Interno Sobre el Trabajo en los Barrios del Comité de Madrid”,10/XII/1971. PCE Archive, Microfilm, #509.

176. “Informe de la Organización de la Barriada de Legazpi”, (Madrid) 21/I/71.PCE Archive.

177. Informe de Madrid, V/1975. PCE Archive, Microfilm #730.178. Report #509, 12/X/71. The report referred approvingly to Ignacio Gallego’s

essay “Por un partido de masas” as a good road map. PCE Archive.179. Valdés “La lucha de las masas”.180. Report, V/75. In a 14/IX/66 report, the six members of the committee

agreed on the need “to pay more attention to municipal problems and thework of asociaciones de vecinos, and put comrades to work in organizingthe masses in the barrios”. PCE Archive, #157.

181. #1–3, Carabanchel: Organo de las Plataformas de Barrio. #1 was published inApril 1973, while #2–3 are undated. Fundación Pablo Iglesias.

2 “Measuring” Civil Society: The Scope and Vitality of theNew Associational Milieu

1. “The progressive phenomenon of our time: the Association”.2. Victor Pérez Díaz, The Return of Civil Society: The Emergence of Democratic

Spain (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993).3. For concise versions of the social movement position, see: Ruth Collier and

James Mahoney, “Adding Collective Actors to Collective Outcomes: Laborand Recent Demcoratization in South America and Southern Europe”,Comparative Politics, 29(3), April 1997, and Sidney Tarrow, “Mass Mobi-lization and Regime Change: Pacts, Reform and Popular Power in Italyand Spain (1975–6)”, in The Politics of Democratic Consolidation, edited byRichard Gunther, et al. (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press,1995).

4. See Omar Encarnación, The Myth of Civil Society: Social Capital and Demo-cratic Consolidation in Spain and Brazil (New York: Palgrave Macmillan,2003), Peter McDonough, Samuel Barnes, and Antonio Lopez Piña,“Authority and Association: Spanish Democracy in Comparative Perspec-tive”, The Journal of Politics, 46(3), August 1984, pp. 652–688, and PeterMcDonough, Doh Shin, and José Alvaro Moisés, “Democratization and

Notes 349

Participation: Comparing Spain, Brazil and Korea”, The Journal of Politics,60(4), 1998.

5. Thus, for example, Enrique Gil Calvo blames the current weak civil societyon the sparsely populated civil society of the Franco regime, when the statebought off potential citizens with economic gratification. See his articles inEl País, “El soborno de la ciudadanía” (December 3, 1992), and “Crédito ycredulidad” (January 23, 1993). Cayo Sastre Garcia makes the argumentthat the “top-down” transition was made possible by the weak civil societyof the time: Transición Y Desmovilización Política 1975–1978 (Valladolid:Universidad de Valladolid, 1997).

6. Peter McDonough, Samuel Barnes and Antonio López Piña, The CulturalDynamics of Democratization in Spain (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press,1998), p. 10. The authors make this point with reference to “high” and“low” participation, not to civil society per se.

7. Although most of the data come from membership after the transition,Peter McDonough and his colleagues have situated Spain on the low endof associational participation in comparative studies of transitions. See“Authority and Association: Spanish Democracy in Comparative Perspec-tive” and “Democratization and Participation: Comparing Spain, Braziland Korea”.

8. The Myth of Civil Society.9. The foundational study is Manuel Castells, The City and the Grassroots:

A Cross-cultural Theory of Urban Social Movements (Berkeley, CA: Univer-sity of California Press, 1983), in which he dedicates a chapter to the“citizen movement” in Madrid. See also Alice Gail Bier, “Vox Populi: Eldesarollo de las AAVV en España”, in Papers: Revista de Sociología 11(1979).More recent studies are: Marcello Caprarella, La crisis final del franquismo,la Transición y la consolidación democrática en Madrid: un estudio multidisci-plinario, 1973–1986 (Mss version shared by author), and articles by Alfredoand Gabriel Pérez Pérez, Manuel Domínguez López, María Isabel Fariñasde Alba, and Emmanuel Rodríguez López, all in La crisis del franquismoy la transicion: El protagonismo de los movimientos sociales, edited by JoseManuel Trujillano Sanchez and Pilar Dominguez Prats (Madrid: Actas delas Jornadas de Historia y Fuentes Orales, 1998).

10. Georgina Blakeley offers a provincial study of Barcelona’s neighborhoodassociations, but her main focus is on their contribution to the new demo-cratic regime: “Democratization and Participation in Spain: The Case ofBarcelona”, PhD Dissertation, Department of Peace Studies, University ofBradford, 2000.

11. Rafael Prieto-Lacaci, “Asociaciones voluntarias”, in Tendencias sociales enEspana, 1960–1990, edited by Salustino del Campo (Bilbao: Fundación BBV,1993), p. 197.

12. Prieto-Lacaci, Tendencias Sociales en España, 1960–1990, p. 199. FelicianoMontero Garcia Montero puts the number in 1955 at 600,000. See LaAcción Católica y el franquismo: auge y crisis de la Acción Católica Especializada(Madrid: UNED, 2000), p. 248.

13. Juan Linz, “La realidad asociativa de los Españoles”, in Sociología españolade los años setenta (Madrid: Confederación Española de Cajas de Ahorros,1971), p. 315.

14. Prieto-Lacaci, Tendencias Sociales en España, 1960–1990, p. 199.

350 Notes

15. Fabriola Mota, “La realidad asociativa en España”, in Existe Sociedad Civil enEspaña? responsibilidades colectivas y valores públicos, edited by Joan Subirats(Madrid: Fundación Encuentro, 1999), p. 48. The associations on theRegistro would NOT include the special category associations belongingto the Church and the Movimiento.

16. Juan Linz, “La realidad asociativa de los Españoles”, p. 313, cites the lack ofpublished statistical data as the obstacle to greater precision. Prieto-Lacacicites Linz’ figure in his 1990 article.

17. Mikel Aizpuru, “Asociacionismo popular: reverso del modelo deorganizacion social del franquismo? El caso de Barakaldo”, in Estado,protesta y movimientos sociales, edited by Santiago Castillo and José MaríaOrtiz de Orruño (Bilbao: Universidad del País Vasco, 1997), p. 482.

18. The Guardia was a paramilitary organization formed in 1944 with the mostcommitted Falangists from the Movimiento. Stanley Payne, The FrancoRegime, 1936–1975 (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987),p. 346.

19. Feliciano Montero García, La Acción Católica y el franquismo, Basilisa LópezGarcía, Aproximación a la historia de la HOAC (Madrid: Ediciones HOAC),1995.

20. William Callahan, The Catholic Church in Spain, 1875–1998 (Washington,DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2000), p. 315.

21. Boletín of the APF Colegio Menesiano (Madrid), December 1972. TheMadrid federation statistics appeared in the March 1974 edition.

22. As Victor Pérez Díaz puts it, the Catholic organizations of the 1950s and1960s were sources of apprenticeship for the political organizations of thelater period, so that the Church played the same sort of “prepolitical” func-tion on the left during this period that it had traditionally played on theright. The Return of Civil Society, p. 159.

23. Frances Lannon, “Catholicism and Social Change”, in Spanish CulturalStudies, edited by Helen Graham and Jo Labanyi (Oxford: Oxford Uni-versity Press, 1995), p. 282 and Callahan, The Catholic Church in Spain,pp. 522–523.

24. The small size of Catholic associations before and during the transi-tion marks one of the significant differences between Spain and otherdemocratizing countries like Korea and Brazil. See McDonough, et al.,“Democratization and Participation”.

25. This hypothesis is based on anecdotal evidence from Madrid. Thus, severalof the APFs in Madrid whose bulletins I have consulted were constituted inthe late 1960s, before the law was implemented but perhaps in the contextof the public debate about education leading up to the law. The first issue ofthe Boletín of the APF Colegio del Pilar was published in February 1969. Forthe Colegio Menesiano it was December 1970. The Colegio Divino Maestrohad already published 20 issues by December 1969, and the APF of theColegio Sagrado Corazón de Jesus was founded in October 1967 (accordingto its January/March 1973 issue).

26. AGE, Cultura, caja 223.27. In Abechisco (Vitoria). AGE, Cultura, caja 219. 22/V/72 letter.28. Boletín of the APF Colegio Menesiano, Editorial, June 1973.29. The quote is from the December 1972 issue of the Boletín of the APF

Colegio Menesiano. Other articles supporting this position can be found

Notes 351

in November 1971 (“On the cost of education”, February 1972 andJune 1973).

30. Boletín of the APA Colegio Chamberi-Hermanos Maristas, December 1977.One of these assemblies was convoked by the Colegio Menesiano onNovember 17th, 1977, and the Boletín reported a packed room (December1977).

31. Held in the Palacio de los Deportes. The December 1977 Bulletins of boththe Colegio Chamberi-Hermanos Maristas and the Colegio Menesianocontain enthusiastic accounts of the assembly, although their headcountdiffers by 10,000.

32. Callahan, The Catholic Church in Spain, p. 589.33. The Catholic Associations were sometimes called Asociaciones de Padres

de Familia (APF) and sometimes Padres de Alumnos (APA), but all theMovimiento associations were APAs. The first Movimiento APA was consti-tuted in Barcelona in April 1969, but the Movimiento’s Registro shows that1970 is the pivotal year, after which APA form an increasingly larger per-centage of the new associations registered. Also, in correspondence fromnational (DN) to provincial (DP) Family Directors in 1972–1973, it is clearthat there was a big push for the constitution of such associations. AGE,Cultura, caja 144.

34. AGE, Cultura, caja 144. The exact date is 11/IV/73.35. AGE, Cultura, caja 222. 24/V/72 report, DP to DN.36. The Catholic organization sustained the latter position and wanted to deny

the DP a seat on the governing board of the University. AGE, Cultura, caja228. Report of DP to DN, 14/X/70.

37. In 1970, the DNA was reorganized as the Delegado Nacional de la Familia(DNF). The purpose of the reorganization was to separate the family asso-ciations from so-called “political” associations, but this latter project nevergot the approval of Franco. The documentation of the DNA and DNF canbe found in the Archivo General del Estado (AGE), in the section of theMinisterio de Cultura (MC). I looked closely at all the correspondence andcase files for Madrid associations, as well as the correspondence betweenthe DN and DPs of other provinces. Thus, the national-level data citedhere reflects an incomplete survey of the material.

38. Circular Num. 9/63 por la que se dan norms aclarando el contenidodel capitulo II de la orden del Secretario General del Movimiento de24/VI/1963. AGE, Cultura, caja 219.

39. According to the report of the Departamento del Registro de Asociaciones.AGE, Cultura caja 219, Memoria 1963.

40. Boletín de la Asociación de Cabezas de Familia de Getafe, July 1966. (AGE,Cultura, caja 33).

41. The phrase ama de casa can be translated in different ways, but I havechosen the term homemaker rather than housewife, which has a morelimited meaning in English.

42. Las Asociaciones familiares. AGE, Cultura caja 224.43. Registro April 1977, AGE, Cultura caja 316.44. Boletín Informativa de la Asociación de Propietarios y Vecinos de Moratalaz,

January 1972.45. Toledo, Sevilla, Segovia, Tenerife, Murcia, Malaga, Madrid, Las Palmas,

Jaen, Granada, La Coruña, Castellón, Barcelona, and Almeria.

352 Notes

46. Melilla, Ceuta, Zamora, Soria, Santander, Palencia, Lugo, Huelva,Guipuzcoa, Guadalajara, Gerona, Cádiz, and Avila. AGE, MC, caja 316.

47. These included Albacete, Almeria, Avila, Badajoz, Burgos, Cáceres, Cádiz,Castellón, La Coruña, Cuenca, Gerona, Granada, Guadalajara, León,Logroño, Lugo, Murcia, Navarra, Orense, Palencia, San Sebastian, Vizaya,Zamora. AGE, Cultura, caja 219.

48. Diario de Pontevedra, 27/II/1972. Interview with the head of the Escuela dePadres in Pontevedra. AGE, Cultura, caja 230.

49. La Coruña, 24/I/1973, interview. AGE, Cultura, caja 226.50. AGE, Cultura, caja 223, correspondence DP to DN.51. In fact, the DN sends the DP a scolding letter onMarch 12, 1974, giving her

failing marks in her efforts to stimulate the association movement. AGE,Cultura, caja 223.

52. AGE, Cultura, caja 223 and 228.53. This analysis is based on a close examination of the Movimiento files of

the first 75 ACFs which were constituted in late 1963 and 1964 throughoutSpain, as well as all of those constituted in Madrid, no matter what the dateof constitution.

54. AGE, Cultura, caja 26. In other Zaragoza districts, the ACF of Ejea de losCaballeros was founded by 40 members in March 1964, but had signed up458 by the end of the year (caja 27), while the ACF in Borja grew from80 members to 568 by the end of the first year, through the strategy ofholding small meetings of 15–20 people (Memoria, 1964, caja 26).

55. DP Report, 21/IV/1964. AGE, Cultura, caja 28.56. DP Report, 2/V/1964. AGE, Cultura, caja 27.57. Report written 27/IV/1964 and 30/IV. AGE, Cultura, caja 27.58. Diario de Córdoba, nd, AGE, Cultura, caja 26.59. Informe 16/VI/1966. AGE, Cultura, caja 60.60. General Instructions on associations affiliated with the Movimiento.

I/1976. Cultura, caja 180.61. In the unusually detailed report of the DP Salamanca on the ACF

Pizarralles. 2/XII/1963. AGE, Cultura, caja 26. This association grew from300 to 500 in the first year.

62. AGE, Cultura, cajas 42, 44, 48, 55, 63, 65, 66, 68.63. Report of the DP, Salamanca on the ACF Pizarrales. 2/XII/1963. AGE,

Cultura, caja 26.64. Letter 8/III/1965, from the DP of Zaragoza to the DN, urging him to lobby

the Minister of Education on behalf of the ACF Caspe’s petition. AGE,Cultura, caja 26.

65. ACF San Gonzalo (Sevilla) 1964 Memoria expressed this frustration(16/II/1965). AGE, Cultura, caja 27.

66. Las Palmas. Memoria de Actividades, 1964 (8/II/1965) AGE, Cultura,caja 27.

67. Zaragoza. Memoria 1964 (24/III/1965). AGE, Cultura, caja 26.68. Parque de las Avenidas, Barrio Aeropuerto, Alcorcon, Virgen de Begoña,

Alto Extremadura, Cuartel de la Montaña, Coslada, Moratalaz, Puente deVallecas, and Ciudad de Los Angeles.

69. DP Report XI/65. AGE, Cultura, caja 42.70. Letter, DN to DP. AGE, Cultura, caja 29. 25/III/1966.

Notes 353

71. AGE, Cultura, caja 60. Alcazar 6/VI/1969. Included in a letter from thePresident to the DN.

72. AGE, Cultura, caja 42. Letter from President to DN, 25/V/1969.73. 2/IX/1969 letter. AGE, Cultura, caja 182.74. Boletín Provincial of the DP of Madrid, July 1969. AGE, Cultura, caja 182.75. At the First Provincial Assembly of family associations. Manuscript of

speech. AGE, Cultura, caja 226.76. Solidaridad Nacional 8/X/1970. AGE, Cultura, caja 224.77. The data were collected by the DNF during early 1977. Unfortunately, only

12of the DPs were able to submit this data, but if their figures are accurate,they were able to verify that 634 of the registered associations in these 12provinces alone existed only on paper. AGE, Cultura, caja 316.

78. Letter to DN, 6/II/1974. AGE, Cultura, caja 230.79. Letter to DN, 1972, AGE, Cultura, caja 227.80. 29/IX/1974 letter to DN. AGE, Cultura, caja 226.81. Interview, 7/XI/1968, AGE, Cultura, caja 26. Letter to DN, 29/V/1972.

caja 230.82. Letter to DN, March 1974. AGE, Cultura, caja 228.83. Letter to DN, 10/VI/1972. AGE, Cultura, caja 227.84. Letter to DN, 7/II/1973. AGE, Cultura, caja 230.85. Letter to DN, 1/III/1974. AGE, Cultura, caja 227.86. Letter to DN, 14/X/1975. AGE, Cultura, caja 225.87. Informe 31/XII/1971. AGE, Cultura, caja 223.88. Informe 13/II/1974, Letter II/1976. AGE, Cultura, caja 224.89. 129ACFs, 6 AVs, 1 Asoc. de Propietarios y Vecinos, 6 Asociaciónes

familiares, 40 APA, 2 Asociaciónes de Subnormales, 1 Asociación deConsumidores, 2 Federaciones Provinciales. 50 of the “non-functional”associations were ACFs, and 4 were APAs. AGE, Cultura, caja 316.

90. AGE, MC, caja 229.91. Real Decreto 23/1977. In the Registro de Asociaciónes de la Comunidad

de Madrid, 20 associations registered after April 1977 had their start asACFs. Most of them changed their name to “AV” once the Movimientowas dissolved, but some used the name “Asociación Familiar”.

92. Poblado Dirigido Fuencarral (1965), Población Dirigido Canillas (1965),Parque Avenida (1965), Chamartin (1965), Torrejón de Ardoz (1965),Virgen de Begoña (1965), and Parque Suanzes (1969).

93. Cuartel: Boletín, Enero a Marzo 1974 (AGE, MC, caja 41), Moratalaz:Boletín, Febrero 1974, Vallecas: Boletín, Julio 1973, Fuencarral: Memoria6/IV/1967 (AGE, MC, caja 43), Ciudad LA: Boletín, Octubre/Diciembre1973, Coslada: Boletín Abril/Mayo 1976.

94. Thus, the Bulletins of the ACF Cuartel de la Montaña (I–III/1974) andCiudad de Los Angeles (IV–IX/1974) both mention the “massive atten-dance” at general assemblies held in 1974, and in May of 1970, 500were present at the assembly of the ACF Alto Estremadura, and a “greatmajority” of members in Moratalaz. (Bulletin of Alto Estremadura, May1970 (AGE, MC, caja 71.) Three hundred members attended the 1971annual assembly of the ACF Fuencarral (Acta, Junta General, 28/V/1971.AGE, Cultura, caja 43), while 150 were counted in Rosales in April 1975,120 in both Villaverde Alto and the Grupo Residencial Peña Grande in

354 Notes

February 1976 (For Pena Grande, Acta, 29/II/1976 (AGE, Cultura, caja 70).The other numbers come from the case files in the Registro de Asociacionesde la Comunidad de Madrid (RACM). Villaverde Alto: police report,18/II/1976).

95. Bulletin of the association in Moratalaz, II/73.96. RACM file. November 26 and 29, 1968.97. Documents from AGE, Cultura, caja 229.98. Letter DN to ACF, with congratulations. AGE, Cultura, caja 75.99. AGE, Cultura, caja 43 (Fuencarral) and 33(Entrevias).

100. Boletín, VII–IX/1970. AGE, Cultura, caja 71.101. Acta, 1/VI/1974.102. Report, 17/III/1975. AGE, Cultura, caja 82.103. Letter 22/XII/1972. AGE, Cultura, caja 223.104. La Voz de Almería clipping. AGE, Cultura, caja 222.105. 28/III/1974. AGE, Cultura, caja 226.106. AGE, Cultura, caja 226 and 230.107. In the regular Movimiento hierarchy, each locale had a senior official, or

jefe (JL), who reported up to the provincial jefe (JP), who in turn reportedto the national leader of the Movimiento. The Delegado Nacional deAsociaciones (DNA) had its own bureaucratic chain of command, with itsown provincial officials (DPs), who often worked with the JL’s and JP’s toconstitute the associations, so the process often involved dual strands ofthe Movimiento bureaucracy.

108. No date. AGE, Cultura, caja 26.109. At the founding assembly of the ACF Llaranés (Avilés), 13/I/1965 Acta.

AGE, Cultura, caja 26.110. 20/XII/1963. AGE, Cultura, caja 26.111. 21/V/1964. AGE, Cultura, caja 28.112. Memoria 1964. AGE, Cultura, caja 27.113. AGE, Cultura, caja 229.114. Letter to Jefe Nacional de Servicio de Asociaciones Familiares, 2/IV/1964.

caja 27.115. Letter to DN, 31/XII/1970. AGE, Cultura, caja 230.116. 18/III/1971. AGE, Cultura, caja 230.117. The DP of Huesca defined these as the criteria he used to pick two “pilot”

towns—Lalueza and Poleñino—to promote the first ACFs in the province.Reports, 9/I/ and 21/11964. AGE, Cultura, caja 27.

118. Interview in El Alcázar, undated. AGE, Cultura, caja 60.119. 1965 Memoria, AGE, Cultura, caja 26.120. There were two AVs, constituted in Huelva in October 1960 and in Vitoria

in February 1962, and two ACFs, founded in Alava in October 1962 and inVitoria in January 1963. In addition, there were 11 parent associations and3 provincial associations of large families, including the one in Asturias,which was founded in the mid-1950s and became one of the most activeof the family associations in the 1960s and 1970s with its 1000 members.

121. 15/II/1971. AGE, Cultura, caja 219.122. Barrio Colorados in Las Palmas. AGE, Cultura, caja 227. The first discussion

took place in November 1966, the second meeting on December 8, 1966and the constitution of the ACF in June of 1968.

Notes 355

123. AGE, Cultura, caja 230. The 1974 Memoria of the ACF Guarnizo containsan homage to the priest. The ACF had been founded in 1964 and put onthe list of “dead” associations by the DP in 1972.

124. AGE, Cultura, caja 73. Date of Constitution: 29/V/69.125. AGE, Cultura, caja 74. Date of Constitution: 1/VII/69.126. AGE, Cultura, caja 47. Date of Constitution: 20/V/66. In the DP’s Report

(12/V/66), he says the association is “impulsada por el párroco”, who isvery enthusiastic about it.

127. The report of the DP, 1/II/1972, is lifted directly from a letter writtenby the President of the organizing committee, 28/I/1972. AGE, Cultura,caja 103.

128. In this case, the DP Alicante was notifying the DN of an ambitious plan tovisit two ACFs a week. 10/X/1973. AGE, Cultura, caja 222.

129. Memoria 1971. AGE, Cultura, caja 228.130. DP Baleares to DN. 23/IV/1970. AGE, Cultura, caja 230.131. DP Barcelona Report, 13/II/1974. AGE, Cultura, caja 224.132. AGE, Cultura, caja 223.133. “General Instructions on Asociations affiliated with the Movimiento”,

AGE, Cultura, caja 180.134. As explained in a letter from the DN to the DP of Avila, 10/XII/1971. AGE,

Cultura, caja 223.135. An indication of the budget woes of the DN can be gauged by the gap

between the 25,000 pts given to the DP of Avila in 1971 and the 50,000 ptsthat the Provincial Federation in Albacete claimed not to have received for3 years in 1971.

136. 4/VII/1974. AGE, MC, caja 229.137. Letter to DN, 9/IV/1975. AGE, MC, caja 229.138. Report, 24/IV/1970. AGE, MC, caja 77.139. Alcalá de Chivert (Castellón). 27/XI/1974. AGE, MC, caja 225.140. 19/VII/1967.141. 9/XII/1975. Letter Consejo Nacional of the Movimiento to the DN. AGE,

caja 183.142. Bulletin of the DP, Num.1, July 1969. AGE, MC, caja 182.143. 24/X/1972 Report, AGE, MC, caja 224. For a scholarly analysis of the

Barcelona case, see Georgina Blakeley, “Democratization and Participationin Spain: The Case of Barcelona”, PhD Dissertation, Department of PeaceStudies, University of Bradford, 2000.

144. 29/VII/1972. Submitted with the DP report.145. The analysis in this paragraph comes from Fabriola Mota, “La realidad

asociativa”, pp. 44–54.146. These included charity as well as neighborhood, APA, and consumer

associations. Rafael Prieto-Lacaci, Cuadro 2.5.8.147. The dates of constitution, as opposed to the date of legalization, are

contained inside the files, and thus I only have them for the 93 filesI read.

148. There are increasing numbers of local studies, most of which focus on thepost-1975 period. Two that begin their analysis in the late Franco periodare: Manuel Domínguez López, “El movimiento vecinal en el barrio deBellvitge, 1960s–1980s” andMaría Isabel Fariñas de Alba, “Aproximación al

356 Notes

estudio del movimiento vecinal en la crisis del franquismo y la transición”,both in La crisis del franquismo y la transición.

149. Thus, there was no corollary to the Delegado Nacional de la Familia, whichmaintained and collected statistics and correspondence with provincialand local delegates throughout Spain, and whose archive remains intactat the Archivo General del Estado. Instead, files on individual neighborhoodassociations are kept—at least in the case of Madrid—in the Registers of theregional governments (RACM for Madrid).

150. All information on individual associations was drawn from the RACM files,unless otherwise noted.

151. This number is probably low, while the 2000 claimed by the associationis probably inflated. The lower number was given in a critical ABC arti-cle accusing the association of having lost most of its members due to“politicization” (no date).

152. The zone between C/Arturo Soria, Carril del Conde, Napoles, and Silvano.153. Manuel Castells, The City and the Grassroots, p. 226.154. Letter printed in the Bulletin, December 1975.155. The Estrella figure is provided in the annual budget report, while the

Moratalaz figure is an estimate calculated by dividing the total dues incomeby the number of members.

156. “Assemblyism” is an awkward translation of the Spanish word asam-bleismo, or the tendency to assemble/meet, but it captures the precision ofthe phenomenon. See Rebecca Clifford and Nigel Townson, “The Churchin Crisis: Catholic Activism and ‘1968’ ”, Cultural and Social History (forth-coming), (pp. 18–19) for a discussion of the broader trend of popularassemblies in the late 1960s.

157. RACM file. The different numbers were issued in separate police reports.The 1960 assembly was attended by about 50 people, and in 1961, 35 werecounted. Another of the older associations, in Colonia Prosperidad, gath-ered 60 of its 244 members at its 1959 Assembly, while in the ColoniaPrimo de Rivera, originally founded in the 1920s, 42 showed up in 1961.There are no membership figures at this point, but in January 1970there were 82 members, and in 1975 there were 170. The association inBarrio Estrella had 10 men at its founding assembly in October 1960, andexpected 40–50 at its 1962 and 1963 annual gatherings.

158. Expected attendance is obviously a less satisfactory gauge than a posteriorreport, but in some cases it is all that exists. In this case, the only otherposterior report is on the 1963 assembly, at which the police counted400 (8/IV/1963). Likewise, in the Colonia Diego Velázquez, 800 peopleshowed up for a raucous general assembly in 1966, which the Presidentnoted was the second time he had seen such passionate discussions, imply-ing at least one earlier similar occasion. Boletín, February 1966 andApril 1966.

159. 89 in June 1969 and 96 in July 1970.160. The exact name was “Asociación de Beneficiarios de Viviendas del Barrio

de Puerto Chico de la Ciudad Parque Aluche.”161. Associations were formed in 1968 in Palomeras Bajas, in 1969 in San Blas,

Pozo del Tio Raimundo, Ciudad de los Angeles and UVA Vallecas, in 1970in Orcasitas and Barrio Aeropuerto, in Leganés in 1972, in Palomeras Altas,

Notes 357

Palomeras Sureste, Colonia de la Paz (Entrevias), and Ciudad San Pablo in1973, and in Carabanchel Bajo and Alto in 1974.

162. Partial: June 9 and 13, 1969: 34 and 180. General: November 4, 1969:600. Partial: February 3, 6, 9, 1970: 300, 150, 300. General: May 26, 1970:530. Partial: November 25, 26, December 1, 3: 120–150 at each meeting.General: March 1971: 700.

163. In fact, permission forms to hold these meetings were submitted in May,October, and December 1973, January, March, May, September, October,and December 1974, and March, May, and September 1975.

164. To fill out this picture, there are other cases which lack this kind of serialdocumentation but include a single telling example that supports thebroader conclusions: Barrio Aeropuerto, in which up to 450 of its 510mem-bers attended an assembly in February 1975, or Parque Aluche’s January1976 assembly, which packed 600 people into a room that seated half thatmany, or the Colonia Diego Velazquez, whose 1974 and 1975 assembliesexpected 1000 and 1200 to attend.

165. “Report from Madrid”, V/75. PCE Archive, Microfilm #730. Significantly,at the end of this description of the “leap” in barrio activity, he urges thatthe party “should pay more attention to this front in the struggle”, whichimplies that he was more of an observer than an instigator.

166. Bulletin of the Federación Madrilena de AAVV, Marzo 1977.167. Another example of the same calculus is evident in the 17/VII/1970 report

on AV Juan de Covas (Alcorcón). The report concluded that, despite thediverse professions represented on the junta, the popular nature of thebarrio meant that the association should still be watched closely.

168. This was the second report on the second set of statutes submitted.26/VII/1971.

169. And even this agreement was not accepted by all officials, as is apparent bythe correspondence between the Civil Governor of Madrid and the Direc-ción General de Política Interior as late as October and November 1977.In response to an association’s reference to the agreement over boiler-plate statutes in a letter to the CG on 7/IX/1977, he wrote to the DGPIon 27/X/1977 asking for confirmation of such an agreement, which thelatter roundly denied in his reply of 8/XI/1977.

170. For example, in Parque Aluche, 11/XI/1976 and Barrio Concepción: the4/II/1975 agenda included a vote on the Federation, but it did not appearin the Acta of the assembly on February 11, presumably because it hadbeen vetoed.

171. Included as an example in a joint protest letter of 31/II/1975 to the gov-ernment by a group of Asociaciones de Vecinos, printed in Doblón, August16, 1975.

172. For example, on one request submitted by the AV Carcabas on March 27,1973, reunir a los vecinos was crossed out and replaced by reunir a laagrupación de vecinos.

173. 5/XI/1975. In handwriting: “only members—list of members must bechecked by the government representative at the door”

174. There were a handful of dissident homemaker associations that collab-orated with the politicized Asociaciones de Vecinos. 24/II/1975 letter ofsuspension from the DGS.

358 Notes

175. The meeting was November 1. The letter of suspension was dated9/XI/1976.

176. This account and the press release was included in the Boletín de la AVColonia de La Paz, XII/1975. RACM file.

177. 31/II/1975. Printed in Doblón, 16/VIII/1975.178. AGE, Cultura, caja 222.179. “Report from Madrid”, V/75. PCE Archive.180. The police reported 900, while the newspaper Nuevo Diario estimated 2000.181. Madrid Lucha Popular, May 14, 1976.182. El Pais, 2/X/1976. The article was written on the occasion of the AVs

“coming out” party.183. 12/XI/1974: denial of legalization, “por existir dudas de las actividades”.

10/II/1975: reversal of decision based on appeal from AV.

3 Gender and the Role of Women in the AssociationalMilieu

1. See the introduction to Joan Scott’s Only Paradoxes to Offer: French Femi-nists and the Rights of Man (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996)for a cogent theoretical exploration of the issue. Other approaches to theparadox of gender and citizenship are: Ruth Lister, Citizenship: FeministPerspectives (New York: New York University Press, 1997), Wendy Sarvasyand Birte Siim, “Gender, Transitions to Democracy and Citizenship”, inSocial Politics, 1(3), fall 1994, Beyond Equality and Difference, edited by GiselaBock and Susan James (London: Routledge, 1992), Kathleen Canning andSonia Rose, “Gender, Citizenship and Subjectivity: Some Historical andTheoretical Considerations”, Gender and History, 15(5), 2001 and UrsulaVogel, “Is Citizenship Gender-Specific?”, in Frontiers of Citizenship, edited byUrsula Vogel and Michael Moran (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1991), p. 59.

2. On Francoist gender ideology, see Mary Nash, “Pronatalism and Mother-hood in Franco’s Spain”, in Maternity and Gender Policies: Women and theRise of the European Welfare States, 1880s–1950s, edited by Gisela Bock andPat Thane (London: Routledge, 1991), and Aurora Morcillo, True CatholicWomanhood: Gender Ideology in Franco’s Spain (DeKalb, IL: Northern IllinoisUniversity Press, 2000).

3. For an analysis of feminist marginalization in the transition, see PamelaRadcliff, “Imagining Female Citizenship in the ‘New Spain’: Genderingthe Democratic Transition, 1975–1978”, Gender and History, special issue,“Gender, Citizenships and Subjectivities”, 13(3), November 2001.

4. This participation has been recognized in a number of studies, althoughnot extensively documented: See Sebastian Balfour’s Dictatorship, Work-ers and the City: Labour in Greater Barcelona since 1939 (Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press, 1989), which claims that women played a key role inneighborhood associations (pp. 196–197), Temma Kaplan, “Luchar por lademocracia: formas de organización de las mujeres entre los años cin-cuenta y setenta,” in Mujeres, regulación de conflictos sociales y cultura de lapaz, edited by A. Aguado (Valencia: Univ. de Valencia, 1999), pp. 89–108,Giulana di Febo, “La lucha de las mujeres de los barrios en los ultimos años

Notes 359

del franquismo”, in La oposición al regimen de Franco, edited by J. Tussell,A. Alted and A. Mateos (Madrid: UNED, 1990), Mary Salas, et al., Españo-las en la Transición: De excluidas a protagonistas (Madrid: Biblioteca Nueva,1999), pp. 40–45, Vicenta Verdugo Martí, “Organizaciones de mujeres enValencia durante la Transición: Prácticas y formas de acción” (unpublishedpaper). See also Monica Threlfall’s useful narrative of women’s mobilizingbefore and during the transition, in Chapter 2 of Gendering Spanish Democ-racy, by Threlfall, Christine Cousins and Celia Valiente (London: Routledge,2005).

5. Campana XI/78.6. See articles by Kaplan, DiFebo, Verdugo and Salas, from fn 3.7. On the influence of feminism during the Transition, see Pilar Escario, Inés

Alberdi and Ana Inés López-Accotto, Lo personal es político: el movimientofeminista en la transición (Madrid: Instituto de la Mujer, 1996), andMaria Angeles Larumbe, Una inmensa minoría: influencia y feminismo en laTransición (Zaragoza: Prensa Universitaria de Zaragoza, 2002).

8. AGE, Política Interior: Expedientes de Registro de Asociaciones, 1962–1972,caja 222 (Manzanares) and caja 187 (Estrella), caja 207 (Los Rosales).

9. This phrase also appeared in the statutes of the AV Alcala-Universidad,Palomeras Sureste and Palomeras Altas (all 1973). Unless otherwise noted,all the information about neighborhood associations in the province ofMadrid is located in the Registro de Asociaciones (RACM), which containsfiles on all voluntary associations constituted through the 1964 Law ofAssociations.

10. El País 5/IV/76.11. El País, 21/X/76. Britt-Marie Thuren corroborates this pattern in Chapter 3

of her study on the AV movement, based on field work done in the early1980s (much of the book is focused on the later post-transition period of the1990s). Britt-Marie generously shared her unpublished mss with me:MakingBarrios, Making Persons: Grass Roots Politics and Gender Change in Urban Spain.

12. Both articles appeared in the AV bulletin (Nexo, V/72).13. The first feminist congress was held in December 1975, in partial clan-

destinity, and several feminist journals began publication in 1976, mostnotably Vindicación, which was the project of the Colectivo Feminista, aradical feminist group associated with Lidia Falcón. Falcón published thefirst text on Spanish feminist theory in 1969. On the origins and impact ofVindicación, see Larumbe, Una inmensa minoría, pp. 183–196.

14. Boletín 27/I/76.15. El País, 16/VI/76.16. Boletín, III/77.17. Vindicación, March 1977. Represented associations were: Tetuán, Palomeras

Bajas, Palomeras Sureste, San Blas, Chamberi, Aranjuez, Vallecas, DoñaCarlota (Vallecas), Parla, Concepción, Vista Alegre, Pedro Laborde,Fuencarral, and La Elipa.

18. Vindicación included a regular section on women in “los barrios”, whichcovered the AVs as well as sub-organizational women’s mobilizations overquality of life issues. Clearly the radical feminist editorial board saw thewomen’s sections as a welcome step toward what one author called “moreauthentic feminist” organizations (XII/76).

360 Notes

19. The women’s committee began as the junta de amas de casa in January 1975,but was revised in June, no doubt as a result of internal debates. Bulletin,II/77.

20. Dones en lluita XII/77.21. Vindicación 1/III/77.22. The editorial board at Vindicación, under the direction of journalist Carmen

Alcalde, was generally identified with this position.23. Vindicación, II/78.24. Vindicación, IV y VI/78.25. Opción, IV/77.26. For greater elaboration of the discursive treatment of feminists and fem-

inism in the democratic press of the Transition, see Pamela Radcliff,“Imagining Female Citizenship in the ‘New Spain’.

27. On the argument about El País as the “dominant reference”, or point ofreference for other media in the transition, see José Vidal Beneyto, “El espa-cio público de referencia dominante”, in El País o la referencia dominante,edited by Gerard Imbert and José Vidal Beneyto (Barcelona: Editorial Mitre,1986), p. 18.

28. Before the 1960s, the women’s organization linked to the PCE was the Uniónde Mujeres Españolas, formed in 1946 to continue the work of the MujeresAntifascistas during the Civil War. The goal was fighting for the Republic,without which, according to the program, there was no point trying towork for women’s rights. The PCE’s strategy for organizing women shiftedin the mid-1960s; thus, a report written in the mid-1960s laid out thenecessity for the PCE to have a “real woman policy”, which included spe-cific claims to benefit women. The report and the UME program are in thePCE archives, caja 117, carpeta 1 and 12/1. While the MDM’s foundationcan be partially linked to this shift in PCE strategy, there is disagreementabout the degree of PCE influence on both the origins and the develop-ment. In Españolas en la Transicion, pp. 29–30, the narrative emphasizes theecumenical origins of MDM, while Threlfall, in Gendering Spanish Democ-racy concludes that the PCE was the dominant voice (p. 21). There mayalso be diverse narratives depending on the locale. Thus, Verdugo Marti,“Organizaciones de Mujeres”, ties the Valencia MDM closely to the PCE.It was founded, she states, in 1969 largely by PCE wives, in response tothe 11/1968 arrest of 36 CCOO and PCE leaders (p. 13). Everyone seemsto agree that the organization was open to all anti-Francoist activists andincluded women of various ideological positions, and it also seems clearthat, as time went on, the MDM developed a more independent identitythat blended anti-Francoism with feminism.

29. Mujeres en casa, hombres en la calle? (Madrid: Biblioteca Básica Vecinal,1997). Thuren’s recent book mss,Making Barrios, Making Persons: Grass RootsPolitics and Gender Change in Urban Spain, is a much more extensive treat-ment of many of the issues raised in this shorter study, but much of it isbased on later field work in the 1990s, when the numbers of women hadincreased dramatically, and the role of the AV in the democratic society wasmuch different than in the 1970s.

30. Vindicación, IX/76.31. Vindicación, II/77.

Notes 361

32. Vindicación, VI/77.33. El País, 29/VIII/76.34. El País, 13/II/77.35. El País, 18/VIII/76.36. “Female Consciousness and Collective Action”, Feminist Studies, 1982.37. Vindicación, II/77.38. Vindicación, IX/76.39. El País, 6/V/76.40. El País, 2 &5/X/76.41. More anonymously, one of the five founders of the AV Pinar del Rey went

on to become President in 1978 and 1979, while in Carabanchel Alto, awoman who began as a vocal in 1979 went on to become the AV Presidentin 1983. Likewise, a woman who was among the five founders of the AVParque Aluche in 1974 served as a vocal in the first Junta before becomingelected President in 1976.

42. From a total of 250 AVs constituted between 1964 and 1978. Unfortunately,not all files contain complete records of junta names, so this analysis canonly be approximate.

43. This pattern would fit Britt Marie Thuren’s findings about the increas-ing numbers and role played by women after the transition. MakingBarrios, Making Persons: Grass Roots Politics and Gender Change in UrbanSpain.

44. Thus, in Pinar del Rey, four women were elected in 1971, which fell to onein 1974 and didn’t increase again until five were elected in 1982. Likewise,the AV Puerto Chico had four women on their junta in 1967, 1972 and1977, three in 1974 and two in 1976.

45. Thus, in Palomeras Altas, there were four women on the junta as early asApril 1975, and five, including the President and the Treasurer, in 1980.In the AV Fontarrón, 2 of the 12 founders in October 1976 were women,while in 1978 the President, VP and Treasurer were all women. And inCarabanchel Bajo, 6 of the 12 founders were female in June of 1974, andthree of these comprised the majority (of five total) of the office holders inthe 1977 and 1978 juntas. Finally, the AV Colonia los Almendrales electedthree women to its first junta in December 1977, one of whom went on tobecome President in 1978, and continued to elect three women out of ninejunta members into the early 1980s.

46. Thuren argues that by then, the AVs had become a “gender neutral” polit-ical space, in that women and men seemed to participate equally, both asmembers and as activists. Making Barrios, Chapter 1.

47. On the Asociación Española de Mujeres Juristas and the AsociaciónEspañola de Mujeres Universitarias, see Españolas en la transición, pp. 35–40,50–52.

48. El País, 6/V/76.49. Vindicación, I/77.50. To protect the privacy of these individuals, I will not link them with specific

associations, but all of the reports apply to AVs in the province of Madrid.51. Madrid Lucha Popular, 3/VI/76.52. El País, 28/IX/77.53. Doblón, 16/VIII/75.

362 Notes

54. The founding provincial associations were: Alicante, Almeria, Baleares,Burgos, Ceuta, Cordoba, Coruna, Huesca, Lerida, Lugo, Malaga, Murcia,Orense, Pontevedra, S.C. Tenerife, Santiago de Compostela, Teruel. AGE,Cultura 273. Boxes 178–179 contain the founding documentation byprovince.

55. Thus, a February 1977 article in Campana (Bol of the AAC Huesca), (BN)reported the same 150,000 members as had a 1972 Report of the Federa-tion, while the number of provincial associations rose from 42 to 46. 1972Memoria, AGE, Cultura 273.

56. Campana, II/77.57. Most of these figures come from the provincial association files in boxes

178–179 (AGE, Cultura). The 1967 Granada figure comes from a report inbox 81. The Madrid association records are from the RACM files.

58. Memoria of Delegado de Participación, SF Archive, Academia de la Historia,Madrid.

59. The explanation for the two different versions of the name is not clear, butmay have been related to disputes over “ownership” of the name. 12/XI/75interview with President Font. AGE, Cultura 273.

60. From late 1966, the DN wrote to DPs, asking for information on exist-ing AAC, and if none existed, urged them to take measures, which usuallyincluded contacting the SF delegate, to promote its creation. For example,a letter dated February 6, 1967 from the DP Baleares was a response to aDN telegram asking for an update about the constitution of an AAC (AGE,Cultura 179). As late as 1972, the DN was still sending out form letters tothe DPs in provinces without an AAC. See 24/VI/72 letter from DN to DPHuelva. AGE, Cultura 273.

61. 14/IV/67. Letter from DN to DP Pamplona. AGE, Cultura 178.62. Bulletin of the Movimiento, num.1102, 20/X/68. AGE, Cultura 273.63. 11/I/68. Letter DP Avila to DN. AGE, Cultura 179.64. 26/XII/66. Telegram, DP Pontevedra to DN. 13/I/68, Letter DP to DN. AGE,

Cultura 178.65. 15/III/67. Acta constitucional. AGE, Cultura 178.66. Report on AAC Granada (1967?). AGE, Cultura 81. 10/I/68. Letter DP

Guipuzcoa to DN. (Cultura 178). 15/I/68. Letter DP Vizcaya to DN(Cultura 178).

67. AGE, Cultura 16.68. Luís Suárez Fernández makes this point in what is presumably an official

history, given the publishing house. Crónica de la Sección Femenina y suTiempo (Madrid: Asociación Nueva Andadura, 1993), p. 406.

69. The text, entitled “The AAC and Others Associations of Interest for the S.F.”,is located in the SF section of the AGE, Cultura 16. Weglison’s membershipon the Junta of the FNAC is mentioned at the 1970 general assembly. Acta,III Asamblea, 3/XII/70. AGE, Cultura, 273.

70. The general goal to re-integrate old SF members by immersing themselvesin the “family milieu” (medio familiar) was articulated at the 1964 ConsejoNacional in Pontevedra. SF Archive.

71. 13/VII/72. SF Archive.72. Ponencia #2. SF Archive.73. 31/I/67. Letter DP to DN. On 6/II/67 the DP explained that a family emer-

gency had delayed the conversation with the woman. AGE, Cultura 179.

Notes 363

74. 10/I/68. Letter, DP to DN. AGE, Cultura 178.75. 20/V/68. Letter DP to DN. AGE, Cultura 86.76. 10/XII/68. Letter DP Baleares to Landaburu. 8/1/69. Letter Landaburu to DP.

Cultura 179.77. All of this information is contained in the association file located in the

RACM.78. This phrase was used by the president in a 23/VII/66 petition.79. Petition to hold a meeting. 14/IV/65. RACM.80. Undated, Feb?/68. AGE, Cultura 179.81. Press release (undated), letter DP to DN, 20/I/68. AGE, Cultura 178.82. Gaceta del Norte, 19/XI/68. AGE, Cultura 178.83. Interview published in the association’s Bulletin, 1968. AGE, Cultura

178.84. On the MDM’s origins and activities under the Dictatorship, see “Mujeres

en la Transición Democrática”, Españolas en la Transición: de excluidas a pro-tagonistas (Madrid: Biblioteca Nueva, 1999), pp. 29–34. See also FranciscoArriero Ranz, “El movimiento democrático de mujeres: de la lucha antifran-quista a la conciencia feminista (1964–1975)”, paper delivered at theCongreso “La Transición de la dictadura franquista a la democracia”,Barcelona 2005 (www.cefid.uab.es/files/transicio-1.pdf).

85. Vicenta Verdugo Marti, “Organizaciones de Mujeres”, reports that inValencia the MDM, which was only constituted there in 1969, began itsinfiltration strategy in the AAC of that province in 1971–72 (p. 20). InMadrid, a police report of 3/III/67 provided a list of seven dissident women,most of whom had joined the association in June 1965. All but one weredescribed as related (wife, daughter, sister, cousin) to a communist mil-itant, while the last was “considered to be communist” herself. Whilethey joined in 1965, their presence became an issue in early 1967, whenthey organized a “violent political action” in the street, in the name ofthe association (from 13/X/73 police report). A follow-up police report of8/III/67 provided advice on the best way to get rid of subversive members.RACM file.

86. The unpublished material, such as police reports, the letter of expulsion,and the “Declaration of Principles” drawn up by the association are foundin the RACM file. Sedeño reported in 1971 (28/VII) that 13 members wereexpelled in 1967 and 41 more in 1968. Newspaper clippings of the 1968Assembly, such as Ya, 9/III/68 and Pueblo 29/II/68, were located in the CIFEEarchives, a private feminist archive since donated to the Civil War Archivein Salamanca.

87. This narrative is contained in Españolas a la Transición, pp. 30, 41–42.A 12/VII/71 police report describes the strategy of women with “commu-nist antecedents” keeping their names off the organizing committees. AGE,Cultura 273.

88. Actas of the Consejo Directivo of the AAC Castellana. Three foundingmem-bers resigned in May 1973 and the remaining board members defeated aproposal to disband the association. By February of 1974, two-thirds of theoriginal members had dropped out, leaving 53 of the 146 who had joinedsince June 1972 (Libro de Socios). The secession vote took place at the17/X/74 Assembly (Actas). The AAC Castellana documents are conservedin the Fundación CIFFE archives.

364 Notes

89. Españolas a la Transición, pp. 30, 41–42. There was yet another umbrellahomemaker association formed in October of 1976, the Coordinadora Provin-cial de Amas de Casa, which the older associations refused to join. Its originsand ideological provenance are unclear, although an El País story describedthe Coordinadora as comprised of the most radical women, closely tied tothe Labor movement. September 30, 1976.

90. The planning document from X/75 is in the CIFEE archives. Eighty womenattended the meeting, representing Madrid, Valencia, Barcelona, Asturias,Santander, Galicia, Andalucia, and Valladolid. The Valencian case has beenanalyzed by Verdugo Martí in “Organizaciones de Mujeres”. The dissidentnature of the Valladolid association is confirmed by its sponsorship of apublic protest that generated a police report (29/IX/73). The FNAC felt com-pelled to write a long defense of its loyalty and to explain that the AACValladolid did not belong to the Federation, but had been corrupted by thesame subversive elements that led the AAC Castellana in Madrid (3/X/73).AGE, Cultura 273.

91. Letter to Secretary General of the Movimiento. 6/XI/68. AGE, Cultura 178.92. 9/II/67 and 11/I/68 letters DP to DN. AGE, Cultura 179.93. Report on AAC Granada, no date (1967?). The enthusiasm for the associa-

tion continued, with a reported 600 attending the 1969 general assembly,which included an “animated dialogue” in the question and answer period.Report on first trimester of 1969. AGE, Cultura 81.

94. DP to DN 3/X/70. AGE, Cultura 81.95. DP Pontevedra to DN, 13/I/68, DP Soria to DN 2/I/68, and DP Orense to

DN, no date. AGE, Cultura 178, DP Burgos to DN, 28/XI/67 (Cultura 179).96. Letter Pres AAC Murcia, to General Secretary, FNAC. 23/V/69. AGE,

Cultura 178.97. DP to DN, 10/I/68 and 20/V/69. The initial hesitation was based on the

assumption that wives of businessmen would not be interested in formingan association, while the wives of state employees wouldn’t join becausethey were not permanent residents. AGE, Cultura 86.

98. Undated Report and Memoria 1968 (20/III/69). AGE, Cultura 86.99. “History of the Agrupación de Amas de Hogar de Barcelona”, II/68. AGE,

Cultura 179.100. Letter, President of AAC Baleares to DN. 14/II/72. AGE, Cultura 223.101. Letter, DP to DN, 4/II/71. AGE, Cultura 223.102. Jimena, October 1976 (Biblioteca Nacional).103. Campana IV/73 for the letter. II/73 for the account of the assembly. In IV/78,

the bulletin was still reporting large numbers attending recent events. TheXII/76 edition speaks of the local associations in “various towns”.

104. AGE, Cultura 78 (Ventas), 80 (Carabancheles), 100 (Aluche).105. 6/XII/73 report. RACM file.106. 8/IX/71. RACM file.107. Libro de Socios. The register was held by the Fundación CIFFE. I calculated

membership figures by subtracting those who left the organization in agiven year.

108. Campaign letter, 20/X/75. AGE, Cultura 229.109. Letter, DP Orense to DN, 14/XII/67. In the SF, she was a cultural director, or

regidora. Cultura 178. Letter DP Granada to DN, 3/X/70, Cultura 81.

Notes 365

110. Letter DP to DN, 17/II/67, on organizing committee. 22/I/68 letter onPresident’s decision. Cultura 178.

111. Memoria, Federation, 2/XII/71. AGE, Cultura 273.112. From a letter DN to DP Burgos, 22/VII/76, AGE, Cultura 224.113. RACM file. Also see the biographical entries on Ascención Sedeño Giménez

and Ascencion Gregorio Sedeño, to be published Mss copy shared by theauthor, Alicia Canto.

114. Letter, DP to DN, 15/I/68. Correo Español clipping, 24/I/68. AGE,Cultura 178.

115. Sugerencias: Boletín de AAC Valencia, #12, II/71.116. Campana (Huesca), VI/76. Jimena (Burgos), X/76.117. In a letter from the Secretary of AAC Almería to Landaburu, I/69.

The Burgos reference to the Marquesa is in the Acta, XI/75. AGE,Cultura 179.

118. Baleares, 31/I/68. AGE, Cultura 179.119. AAC Madrid Memoria, 1969. Sofia accepted on 26/XI/69, RACM file. AAH

Barcelona, Memoria, II/68. Cultura 179.120. Sedeño used this phrase, which translates badly as “Ladies of Order”, to dis-

tinguish the association’s members from the dissidents at the 1968 GeneralAssembly who wanted, in her view, to de-rail the original goals and identityof the association.

121. A good example of this implicit assumption is in the letter from the DP ofTeruel to the DN, explaining why he thought there was no audience fora potential AAC in the province. The two likely groups for such an asso-ciation were, he thought, the wives of state employees and the wives ofbusinessmen, neither of which were good candidates for reasons specific tothe province. 10/I/68. AGE, Cultura 86.

122. A typical case is the correspondence between the AAC and the DP of CiudadReal, 29/IX/72 and 3/X/72.

123. Letter to DN, 28/VII/76. AGE, Cultura 228.124. Memoria, AAC Almeria, 3/I/74. AGE, Cultura 222 and Letter AAC Alava to

DN, 26/VI/72, AGE, Cultura 222.125. Letter, President of Federation AAC to DN, 14/VIII/73, AGE, Cultura 273.126. Letter, President Asoc. Barcelona to DN, 3/IV/74, AGE, Cultura 273.127. Thus, one government report, dated 13/II/74, confirmed the Barcelona Pres-

ident’s “adhesion to the Movimiento” and deduced that the conflict maybe rooted in her “jealousy or resentment” at the failure to recognize theimportance of the Barcelona association. AGE, Cultura 179.

128. DN to AAC Baleares (he also refers to a similar request from the AAC Ceuta),8/III/72. AGE, Cultura 223.

129. Report of DP Valencia, 20/XI/73. AGE, Cultura 278.130. Published in ABC, IV/67. The President of the new AAC Pamplona read the

story and sent it, along with a letter asking if it were true, to the DP. 5/IV/67.AGE, Cultura 178.

131. 1968 Memoria. RACM file.132. Letter from DN to DP, Pamplona, 14/IV/67, responding to the letter of

5/IV/67. AGE, Cultura 178.133. This information was conveyed in a letter from Sedeno, 4/X/73.

RACM file.

366 Notes

134. The Department of Asesoría Política presented its report on “Relations withother Organizations” at the 1964 Consejo Nacional in Pontevedra. In 1966,the minutes of the Junta de Regidoras mentions a discussion of relationswith “grupos afines no políticos”. SF Archive.

135. 12/III/66 Circular 5-D. SF Archive Academia de la Historia.136. 29/VI/66. SF Archive.137. Memoria, Dept of Participation, 1974 Logroño congress. While the depart-

ment did produce a list of Asociaciones de Amas de Casa with membershipfigures, it had only planned to collaborate with the AAC on a series ofactivities.

138. Circular num. 10. 1/VII/74. SF Archive.139. See Inbal Ofer, Señoritas in Blue: The Making of a Female Political Elite in

Franco’s Spain: The National Leadership of the Sección Femenina de la Falange(1936–1977) (London: Sussex Press, 2009), for the argument about the SFnational leadership’s self-identity as a female political elite.

140. 8/XI/57, Acta de Junta de Regidoras. SF Archive.141. “Problemas Políticas Planteadas”, Gerona 1966. SF Archive.142. Circular 7/XI/72. SF Archive.143. Circulars, 1975–77.144. 28/XI/74. SF Archive.145. Memoria, Delegada provincial, SF Barcelona.146. From the 1968 Memoria, read to the General Assembly on 18/III/69. RACM

file.147. Letter to Belén Landaburu, Secretary General of Federation. 22/VI/68. AGE,

Cultura 178.148. 28/X/68 letter to Landaburu, protesting approval of statutes without con-

sultation. AGE, Cultura 178.149. 2/XII/68, Landaburu to AAC Léon. Her claim that the letter with the sug-

gestions from Leon had never arrived was clearly not taken seriously. Replyfrom Leon, 9/XII/68. AGE, Cultura 178.

150. Letter, 9/II/68, to President of the UNAF. AGE, Cultura 178.151. Letter, 27,VI/68, to Landaburu. AGE, Cultura 178.152. Letter, 15/VII/68, to Landaburu. AGE, Cultura 179.153. Letter to Landaburu, 25/XI/68. AGE, Cultura 178.154. Letter to DN, 28/X/68. AGE, Cultura 178.155. A letter, 26/XI/68, from the President of the AAC La Coruna to

Landaburu lays the blame on the DP, who never delivered the invita-tion sent through his office. She tried to deliver the error message to theOrense leaders, but they interpreted the omission as “imposition”. AGE,Cultura 178.

156. 6/XI/68 Letter to Secretary General of Movimiento. AGE, Cultura 178.157. Undated press release, signed by leaders of the AAC in Barcelona, Leon,

Lugo, Pamplona, Tarragona, Pontevedra, Reús, Avila, and Zaragoza. AGE,Cultura 179.

158. Letter, Landaburu to Orense, 29/XI/68. AGE, Cultura 178. The insistencethat the Federation would not limit the autonomy of provincial associ-ations was also central to Landaburu’s plea to the León association tore-think its hesitance: Letter ND to Léon, after the national assembly hadtaken place on December 12, 1968. AGE, Cultura 178.

Notes 367

159. El Correo Catalan, 5/XI/69. Their specific reasoning is legalistic: that theirconstitution under the 1964 law of associations excludes affiliation withthe Movimiento. The Junta of the Barcelona association responded witha circular to its members promising that membership would not sacrifice“absolute autonomy” or “the apolitical stance”. Circular #23, no date. AGE,Cultura 179.

160. Barcelona’s President protested this action in an 11/XII/70 letter to the Pres-ident of the Federation (referred to but not in the file), with a response sentfrom the Federation on 18/II/71 explaining the Junta’s reasons for rejectingthe statute changes and the possibility of including them on the followingyear’s agenda for discussion. AGE, Cultura 273.

161. From the government analysis, which concludes that the Junta Directivadid have the statutory power to decide if the proposal would be discussedby the assembly or not. ND. Cultura 273.

162. Letter, 14/XII/70. AGE, Cultura 273. Predictably, this critical letter gen-erated an investigation of the Baleares association, but the DP’s reportdefended their initiative and energy, despite their reputation in Madrid as“a bit demanding or prone to protest” (protestona). He took their side in theconflict with a Federation that “didn’t seem to fully support them”. Letter,DP to DN, 4/II/71. AGE, Cultura 223.

163. The DP of Baleares commented in a letter to the DN, 11/II/71 thathe thought the association in Baleares had more communication andinteraction with Barcelona than with Madrid. AGE, Cultura 223.

164. Barcelona was one of seven associations that had attended in 1970 but not1971, but there is no indication as to the motives of the others: Alava,Castellon, Lerida, Logrono, S.C. Tenerife, Santander, Soria, Tarragona,Tudela, Vizcaya. AGE, Cultura 273.

165. The letter of invitation is dated 4/XI/71. AGE, Cultura 223.166. Acta, 2/XII/71. AGE, Cultura 273.167. They included: Avila, Lugo, Ceuta, Baleares, Reús, San Sebastian, Léon,

Tarragona, Huesca, Soria, Ciudad Real, Albacete, Valencia, Pamplona,Tenerife, Burgos, Miranda de Ebro. Program, I/72, AGE, Cultura 224.A 25/I/72 letter from Barcelona to the Federation accuses the latter ofhaving “boycotted” their Jornadas.

168. The President issued the challenge before agreeing to allow the assembly tovote on Font’s appointment to a position on the Junta. Acta, 25/X/73. AGE,Cultura 273.

169. Petition, 31/X/73. Reply from Federation, 14/I/74. AGE, Cultura 273.170. 3/X/73 report. AGE, Cultura 273. The report also assures the government

of the Federation’s adherence to Movimiento principles and warns it of the“subversive” associations that were operating in Madrid.

171. Cover letter to DN sent with copy of petition to withdraw. 31/X/73.Cultura 273.

172. DN report 13/II/74, mentions that Barcelona has requested admission.Cultura 273.

173. Letter dated 28/III/71. Police report dated 31/VIII/71. RACM file.174. 26/II/75 letter to the Jefe del Registro Provincial de Asociaciones.

RACM file.175. 8/IX/71. RACM file.

368 Notes

4 “What is a Family Association?”: The Civic Discourseof Familiarismo

1. Title of article in Familia Española, November 7, 1968.2. “Lately, they’ve been talking a lot in this country about the associations”,

La Voz de Castilla 14/V/72.3. This chapter does not attempt to reconstruct the full range of this national-

level discourse, but it draws from associational discourse around the coun-try in order to identify broad patterns. Rather than “deep” analysis of asmall number of texts in specific associational contexts, the strategy is totroll widely and give a sense of the quantitative as well as qualitative reachof the familiarista discourse.

4. The idea of collective framing comes from social movement theory: seeSidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 21.

5. Discourse is limited here to “text and talk”, which in turn interacts withother social practices. This distinction raises fundamental epistemologicalissues about the boundary between what people think they are doing andwhat they do. While acknowledging that both “talk” and “actions” areconstitutive and interactive realms of social practice that are difficult to dis-tinguish, I maintain what Louise Phillips and Marianne Jorgensen call an“analytical boundary” between the realms. Such a boundary recognizes theinfluence of structural constraints on discursive practices and the reversewhile acknowledging that we can’t determine the exact line between them.Discourse Analysis as Theory and Method (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2002),pp. 89–90.

6. A “field” is Bourdieu’s term for an area of struggle in the social order, a“partly autonomous” space in which different actors struggle for positions.See the introduction to An Introduction to the Work of Pierre Bourdieu: ThePractice of Theory (New York: St.Martin’s Press, 1990), by editors CheleenMakar, et al., p. 9. Norman Fairclough incorporates Bourdieu’s “field” intohis model of discourse analysis to define a bounded site in which multiplediscourses compete for dominance in what he calls the “order of discourse”.(Louise Phillips and Marianne Jorgensen, Discourse Analysis as Theory andMethod, pp. 72–73.)

7. James Paul Gee, Introduction to Discourse Analysis (London: Routledge,1999), p. 33, defines Conversation with a capital C as a public debate withina society or among certain groups over focused issues, and in which peopleare able to take “sides”.

8. Gerard Imbert argues that this explicit discussion does not begin until late1976. Los discursos del cambio: imágenes e imaginarios sociales en la España dela Transición (1976–1982) (Madrid: AKAL, 1990), p. 79. Where I would differfrom Imbert is in asserting that there were building blocks that pre-existedthis period rather than a clear rupture.

9. The Queen of America Goes toWashington City (Durham, NC: Duke UniversityPress, 1997), p. 10.

10. “Meaning potential” or “meaning range” in Gee, Introduction, p. 56.11. “The discursive constitution of society does not emanate from a free play of

ideas in people’s heads but from a social practice which is firmly rooted in

Notes 369

and oriented to real, material social structures.” Norman Fairclough, citedin Phillips and Jorgensen, Discourse Analysis, p. 62.

12. Phillips and Jorgensen identify Fairclough’s use of the “order of dis-course” as an important way to understand the operation of powerwithin a social field. The concept refers to the configuration or order-ing of all the discourses within a single field. (Discourse Analysis,pp. 71–72.)

13. Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe define “floating signifiers” as conceptsthat are particularly open to different meanings, while “nodal points” arethe privileged signs around which discourses are organized. (Phillips andJorgensen, Discourse Analysis, p. 27.)

14. Laura Edles, Symbol and Ritual in the New Spain: The Transition to Democracyafter Franco (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 19.

15. In this state, the assumptions are so deeply embedded it is hard to thinkbeyond them, which limits the potential to imagine change. Phillips andJorgensen, pp. 36–37.

16. Laclau and Mouffe’s terminology. (Phillips and Jorgensen, Discourse Analy-sis, p. 48.)

17. Eva Cox, “Diversity and Community: Conflict and Trust”, in Citizenship,Community and Democracy, edited by E. Vasta (New York: St.Martin’s Press,2000), p. 79.

18. Birte Siim defines the horizontal and vertical axes as the two dimensions ofcitizenship. Gender and Citizenship: Politics and Agency in France, Britain andDenmark (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 4.

19. To my knowledge, no one has fully examined the extent of this discursivenetwork, given the complete neglect of the Movimiento as a social andcultural force during the latter Franco regime.

20. Newspaper clipping from Alicante, 14/II/72. The article was entitled: “El‘familiarismo’: una nueva fuerza?” AGE, Cultura 222.

21. I/70. AGE, Cultura 225. The Boletín of the association in Moratalaz regu-larly printed excerpts, “those most interesting for the goals of our associ-ation”, from the two monthly issues of the magazine. (In the April 1972issue.) Another example of its diffusion is a letter from the ACF Palamos tothe DN (9/VIII/74), which began with a reference to his article in the recentissue of FE. AGE, Cultura 226.

22. 7/XI/68. AGE, Cultura 26.23. Summarized in the Memoria of the course. AGE, Cultura 26.24. Letter DP to DN 16/XII/70. AGE, Cultura 223.25. From presentation (ponencia) on: “El Movimiento como futuro nacional

a través de sus órganos representativos de participación.” 19/XII/72. AGE,Cultura 331.

26. Letter DP to DN 7/XII/72. AGE, Cultura 222.27. Undated, but December 1972. AGE, Cultura 223.28. Letter, Subjefe of Movimiento to DN, 31/V/74. AGE, Cultura 223.29. 26/V/71. AGE, Cultura 230.30. XII/73. On the occasion of the first Provincial Assembly of Asociaciones de

Padres de Alumnos. AGE, Cultura 222.31. Clipping, 14/II/72. AGE, Cultura 222.32. Boletín of the Moratalaz association, June 1971. BN.

370 Notes

33. The newspapers he canvassed were: YA, ABC, Arriba, Nuevo Diario,Informaciones, El Alcázar. AGE, Cultura 182.

34. La Voz de Castilla, May 14, 1972.35. In one early report, the Jefe de Servicio Nacional de las Asociaciones

Familiares informed the new association (the ACF Borja—Zaragoza) that,however “laudable” the statutes they had written, they needed to be revisedto fit the norms of the law regulating ACFs. He directed the DP to “instructand inform” the local junta of the necessary changes so they could in turnexplain them to their members. 17/X/63.

36. “Fundamentals of Family Associations”. Bulletin of ACF Alto Estremadura,V/68. AGE, Cultura 71.

37. From the copy sent to households in Albesa (Lerida), I/64. AGE, Cultura 27.38. In contrast, most of the Property Owners’ Associations reconstituted in the

1940s had no category of membership “rights”. see Chapter 1.39. This was the justification made to revise the generic statutes by the ACF

Poblado Dirigido de Fuencarral, Minutes of the General Assembly 9/IV/67.AGE, Cultura 43.

40. ACF of the Bloque de Ezequiel Peñalver y Adyacentes, 1966 Statutes. Theoriginal registration form was dated March 13, 1967, and was includedin the RACM file for what became the Asociación de Vecinos del Bloque deEzequiel Penalver after April 4, 1978.

41. The original request was dated 7/X/70. The DN’s approval was sent18/XII/71. AGE, Cultura 222.

42. There is no direct evidence that the Alicante initiative was the model forthe revised “family association” statutes, but it seems likely, given the DN’senthusiastic response.

43. The term refers to the partly metaphorical use of the word “discussion”,which in this sense is not a specific discussion among specific individuals,but “public debates that swirl around us in the media, in our reading andin our interactions with other people”. Gee, Introduction, p. 49.

44. Boletín de Información de la Asociación de Propietarios y Vecinos de Moratalaz,IX/71.

45. Boletín de la Asociación de Propietarios, Colonia Diego Velazquez, I&II/70.46. Alto: Boletín de la ACF Alto Extremadura, VII–IX/70.47. Boletín de Información de la Asociación de Propietarios y Vecinos Puente de

Vallecas, VII/69.48. Boletín Moratalaz, II/68.49. Boletín Diego Velazquez, VII/65.50. This focus on individual benefits may also be linked to the “specific” nature

of the “large family” associations. Voz de Castilla, 14/V/72. AGE, Cultura,224.

51. This was the sentiment expressed by the founders of the ACF Peñaflor(Sevilla), according to the DP report. 25/I/64. AGE, Cultura 26.

52. Boletín ACF Puente Vallecas, I/69.53. Boletín de Información de la Asociación Familiar de Cuartel de la Montaña,

III/72. AGE, Cultura 41.54. Boletín Diego Velazquez, IX/65.55. The awareness of economic transformation and its impact on sociability

was especially common in formerly rural communities being incorporatedinto metropolitan areas. In one example, the report on the formation of the

Notes 371

ACF Peñaflor (Sevilla) explicitly talked about the influx of new workers andthe concern to monitor the impact of population increase. 25/I/64. AGE,Cultura 26.

56. The President focused on economic cooperativism, while the priest spokein the language of civility. Memoria, 1964, AGE, Cultura 27.

57. From a La Vanguardia article (25/V/72) reporting on the Congress of theProvincial Federation of Family Associations. AGE, Cultura 224.

58. Annual Report, 1968. Barrio Estrella. RACM file.59. Bol Cuartel de la Montaña, V/72, AGE, Cultura 41. Other examples can

be found in the bulletins of Diego Velazquez, Alto Estremadura, Coslada,Barrio Estrella, and Getafe.

60. Boletín de Información de la ACF Coslada, V/75, BN.61. Boletín Colonia Manzanares, X/61.62. Boletín Moratalaz, VI/71.63. Boletín de la ACF Barrio Aeropuerto IX/64, AGE, Cultura 32.64. Social trust defines relations with “non-intimates”, and is one of the

principles at the center of social capital. See Eva Cox, “Diversity andCommunity”, p. 79.

65. Letter from a member, Boletín Cuartel de la Montaña, IV&V/73. AGE,Cultura 41.

66. Memoria, undated, ACF Alto Arenal. AGE, Cultura 65.67. First “ponencia” at a regional Movimiento conference (no date), written by

Jorge Jordana de Pozas (who later becomes the DN). AGE, Cultura 182. Asimilar statement was included in a ponencia at the July 1973 provincialfamily association conference in Barcelona. Cultura 224.

68. 7/VII/70 assembly. Association of the Colonia Primo de Rivera. RACM file.69. 22/XI/72 clipping. AGE, Cultura 224.70. Circular Informativa ACF San Fernando de Henares, #11, XI/69. AGE,

Cultura 70.71. Boletín ACF, Alto Estremadura, V/68. AGE, Cultura 71.72. Boletín Diego Velazquez, VII/65.73. Boletín ACF Moratalaz, IV/72.74. Speech printed in El Faro (Vigo), 17/VI/70. AGE, Cultura 230.75. Boletín Moratalaz, IV/71.76. Clipping citing speech at inauguration of ACF Aguilar de la Frontera, no

date (@ 1964). AGE, Cultura 28.77. 20/I/73. “Plan for 1973”. AGE, Cultura 230.78. 17/V/74. The campaign was entitled “Diffusion of Family Doctrine”. AGE,

Cultura 227.79. 17/III/73 Clipping. AGE, Cultura 224.80. Clipping, 6/11/73. AGE, Cultura 223.81. Boletín Moratalaz, X/70.82. Boletín Puente Vallecas, X/74.83. Boletín Alto Estremadura, II/68. AGE, Cultura 182.84. Fundamentals of Family Associations. Boletín Alto Estremadura, IV/69.

AGE, Cultura 71.85. Boletín Diego Velazquez, I/67.86. Boletín Moratalaz, 10/70.87. Questionnaire in Hoja Familiar, of the Provincial Federation of Cáceres,

I/70. AGE, Cultura 225.

372 Notes

88. Boletín Cuartel de la Montaña, V/71. It’s women’s section was called “TheWoman’s Corner”.

89. Examples of such arguments can be found in the bulletins of AltoEstremadura (IV/69) and Boletín Moratalaz (VI/72).

90. Interview with the new President, Boletín Diego Velazquez, I/72.91. Clipping, 20/VI/72. AGE, Cultura 224.92. 14/XI/72. AGE, Cultura 228. The response to the petition is not in the file.93. Interview, spring 1971, in local newspaper. AGE, Cultura 222.94. Boletín Coslada, VII/77.95. Boletín Moratalaz, X/70.96. In the corporatist system, there were three “pillars” of the social order: the

town, the syndicate, and the family. For the Cortes, a third of the represen-tatives were to be nominated by local governments, a third by syndicates,and the last third by “the family”. The dispute was over which voice/voicesrepresented the family. The Movimiento criticized the “liberal” version ofallowing all heads of household in a district to vote individually for thefamily “tercio” representative.

97. Some examples of such arguments are: the presentation on the “futurepotential of family associations” at the I Provincial Assembly in Madrid,VI/73 (AGE, Cultura 229), the provincial head of the Movimiento’s clos-ing speech at the I Provincial Assembly in Guadalajara, X/73 (AGE,Cultura 226), and speeches at the Provincial Federation Assembly inAlicante, reported in La Verdad, 13/II/72 (AGE, Cultura 222). A counter-argument can be found in Nueva Rioja’s 29/XI/74 editorial, in which theauthor argues that family associations were not the ideal channels forpublic representation because of their links to the Movimiento and theirspecific and narrow needs (AGE, Cultura 228).

98. This defeat was defined as the background to familiarista Enrique VilloriaMartínez’ project to form an openly political wing of the movement,the “Unión Popular Democrática”, in 1975. Nuevo Diario 12/IV/75, AGE,Cultura 182.

99. Interestingly, according to documentation from Alicante, it was a localACF in that province that first proposed the idea of corporate voting forcity councillors at a provincial conference held in IV/66 in Benidorm. Itwas approved by the Provincial Federation and forwarded to the DN on28/IV/70, with no explanation of the delay. AGE, Cultura 222.

100. Nueva Rioja 29/XI/74.101. Interview in La Coruña, 24/I/73. AGE, Cultura 226.102. Newspaper clipping of interview, no date, but with others dated III/IV 1971.103. Boletín Moratalaz, IV/72.104. 1964 newspaper clipping. AGE, Cultura 28.105. First Assembly of the Provincial Federation of the Movimiento, VI/73.

Presentation on “Family Associations”. AGE, Cultura 229.106. Report of organizing commission of the ACF Mejorada del Campo, no date

(@ XI/72). AGE, Cultura 104.107. Boletín Diego Velazquez, VIII/65.108. 27/XI/74. Letter, ACF Alcala de Chivert, to DN. AGE, Cultura 225.109. Hoja Familiar of Cáceres, I/70. AGE, Cultura 225.110. VI/73. AGE, Cultura 229.111. Letter from DP Baleares to DN, 17/VI/70. AGE, Cultura 223.

Notes 373

112. Bol Alto Estremadura, IX/69. AGE, Cultura 71.113. Speech to the Provincial Assembly of Ciudad Real, 19/XII/72. AGE,

Cultura 331. Virtually the same phraseology is attributed to FamiliaEspañola in an article in the Bol Moratalaz, XI/71.

114. La Voz de Castilla (V?/73). Editorial. AGE, Cultura 224.115. Memoria, 1964. AGE, Cultura 27.116. Interview, clipping 10/II/73. AGE, Cultura 223.117. 28/IV/70. Letter to?, AGE, Cultura 222.118. Acta, 22/XII/63. AGE, Cultura 27.119. Letter to DN, No date. AGE, Cultura 229.120. From the 24/VI/63 order establishing the ACFs. Cited in the report of the

DP of Lerida, 27/IV/64. AGE, Cultura 27.121. The rest of his “plan of action” focused on the battle between the family

and its enemies, which were marxism but also economic transformation.20/I/73. AGE, Cultura 230.

122. Letter to DN, 30/V/63. AGE, Cultura 26.123. Report of the DP, Zaragoza, 14/I/64. AGE, Cultura 27.124. Report on the formation of the ACF Borja (Zaragoza), 17/X/63. Jefe de

Servicio Nacional de Asociaciones Familiares del Movimiento. AGE, Cultura26. He made similar comments to the DP in Madrid (29/IV/64) in regardsto the statutes of the ACF Parque de Avenidas. The unelected representa-tives of the DP and the city government could be “prejudicial to the lifeof the association” and were not part of the norms, he concluded. AGE,Cultura 32.

125. 19/XII/72. AGE, Cultura 331.126. Letter, DN to DP of Alicante, 18/XII/74. AGE, Cultura 222.127. Report XII/63 on the ACF Pizarelles. AGE, Cultura 26.128. Letter to Jefe Nacional del Servicio de Asociaciones Familiaries, 20/IV/64.

(Cultura 27.)129. Letter to DN. No date, probably 1972. He also noted that he had sent his

ideas for reforming the model statutes to the DN, but had received no reply.AGE, Cultura 226.

130. La Voz de Galicia 27/II/72.131. La Gaceta Regional 26/V/71. Since this is several years after the Pizarelles

report, it may or may not be the same DP. AGE, Cultura 230.132. Letter from Mayor of San Martín de la Vega to DP (19/VII/67) and reply

26/X/67.133. 14/I/64 report. AGE, Cultura 27.134. ACF Parets. 16/IX/70 DP report to the Technical Secretary of the

Movimiento. AGE, Cultura 224.135. ACF San Fernando de Henares, letter from DN to DP, no date, @ II/70. AGE,

Cultura 229.136. Letter to DN, 16/XII/71. AGE, Cultura 222. His discursive strategy can be

recognized without ignoring the fact that this was a pragmatic appeal formoney.

137. Letter to DN, 24/IX/74. AGE, Cultura 225.138. “No se les va a mediatizar de ninguna parte”. Voz de Castilla 14/V/72. AGE,

Cultura 224.139. Part of a series on “Political Principles that Inspire the Creation of ACFs”.

Hoja Informativa IX/64 (ACF Barrio Aeropuerto, Madrid). AGE, Cultura 32.

374 Notes

140. Hoja Familiar, first issue, I/70. Bulletin of the Provincial Federation ofCáceres. AGE, Cultura 225.

141. Boletín Diego Velazquez, I&II/70.142. 19/XII/72. Presentation on “Family Participation”. AGE, Cultura 331.143. Report of the Director de Gabinete Tecnico, DNF, 9/XII/75. AGE

Cultura 183.144. 15th Curso de Orientación Política-Administrativa, 10/X/75.145. Interview with President of the ACF in Alicante. Clipping, no date, @ spring

1971. AGE, Cultura 222.146. Boletín ACF Coslada, III–IV/75.147. Bulletin, ACF Parque de las Avenidas, VIII–IX/64. AGE, Cultura 32.148. The first quote was from an editorial in an Alicante newspaper, 14/II/72

(AGE, Cultura 222), and the second from the Bulletin, ACF Cuartel de laMontaña, Spring 1974, #10.

149. Speech printed in Solidaridad 24/V/72. AGE, Cultura 224.150. Bulletin, Barrio Aeropuerto, IX/64. AGE, Cultura 32.151. The original registration form was dated March 13, 1967, and was included

in the RACM file for what became the Asociación de Vecinos del Bloque deEzequiel Peñalver after April 4, 1978.

152. Letter to DN, 25/II/74. AGE, Cultura 28.153. Cited in Doblon, 16/VIII/75.154. Discussed in the Boletín de la ACF Coslada, VI/74. (BN).155. Boletín Moratalaz, X/70.156. Clipping, 10/II/73, AGE, Cultura 223.157. El Correo Catalan, 16/VI/72. AGE, Cultura 224.158. “Report on the Suspension of Family Associations in Vizcaya”, 30/IX/72.

AGE, Cultura 222. However, it is also important to note that these fam-ily associations were legalized through the 1964 law, not through theMovimiento hierarchy.

159. In two examples, in Las Palmas and Granada, the DP wrote of rumorsthat orders were being sent from Holland or Paris to infiltrate their asso-ciations. Letter 8/X/70 regarding the ACF Isleta, AGE, Cultura 227. LetterDP Granada to DN, 2/IX/70, AGE, Cultura 226.

160. The counterculture magazine, Andalán, did a story on them in VII/75.161. Boletín Moratalaz, VI/72.162. V Ponencia, no date. AGE, Cultura 182.163. La Voz de Castilla, 14/V/72. AGE, Cultura 224.164. The bureaus under attack were the Obra Sindical de Hogar and the Instituto

Nacional de Vivienda. Boletín de Informacion de la Diputacion Provincial deAsociaciones del Movimiento, num.1 (VII/69). AGE, Cultura 182.

165. Letter from Provincial Federation of Caceres to all ACFs, 3/XII/76, urgingthem to vote in Suarez’ referendum. AGE, Cultura 225.

166. AGE, Cultura 224.167. Speech in Cadiz, printed in La Voz del Sur, 16/II/77. AGE, Cultura 225.168. Letter to Civil Governor of Vitoria, 1/IX/76. AGE, Cultura 222.169. Report on Family Association Movement in Oviedo, June 1977. AGE, 223.170. 7/I/77 Manifesto. AGE, Cultura 223.171. Minutes, General Assembly, January 15, 1978. They also changed the name

from Vicente Alexandre to Suanzes, for unknown reasons. RACM.

Notes 375

172. Britt Thuren defines this deeper meaning of vecino, and argues that itwas one of the key symbols uniting the movimiento vecinal. Chapter 3,“Discourses in the Movement”, unpublished mss, Making Barriosm MakingPersons: Grassroots Politics and Gender Change in Urban Spain.

173. In Madrid, these included the AF Vicente Alexandre (now AV SuanzesParque Madrid) the ACF in the Barriada de los Estudiantes in Leganés, andthe AV Ciudad Residencial Santa Eugenia. (RACM.)

5 Women and Familiarismo: The Civic Discourse of theHomemaker Associations

1. Letter, President of the Almería AAC to Secretary General Belén Landaburu,21/V/69. AGE, Cultura 179.

2. Some of the associations were Amas de Hogar rather than Amas de Casa, forreasons that are not entirely clear, but there seems to be no functional rea-son to distinguish between them. Thus, in this text “AAC” or “homemakers’associations” is used generically to refer to both. The translation of “amade casa” or “ama de hogar” as homemaker rather than housewife reflectsthe word’s origins as “mistress” or “master” of the house. I thank theanonymous reader of the mss for this suggestion.

3. María del Carmen Muñoz Ruíz, “Las revistas de mujeres durante el fran-quismo”, in Mujeres y hombres en la España franquista: sociedad, economía,política y cultura, edited by Gloria Nielfa Cristóbal (Madrid: EditorialComplutense, 2003), p. 107. Muñoz examines the changing discourse ofthe “female” magazines, which, from the early 1960s, increasingly rec-ognize the need for the ama de casa to adapt to modern times, educateherself, and even, perhaps, enter the workforce. Rosario Ruiz Franco makesa similar argument about the changing state of opinion with regardsto women’s legal status in Eternas menores? Las mujeres en el franquismo(Madrid: Biblioteca Nueva, 2007). She focuses on the efforts of two femalelawyers, but in the context of public debates in such venues as Teresaand ABC.

4. ABC was/is a catholic/conservative daily newspaper, Ama was a “women’smagazine” for homemakers, Teresa was the magazine of the SecciónFemenina, and Cuadernos para el Diálogo was a reformist journal thatbrought together dissident Catholics, democrats and Marxists. While theoutlines of an evolving gender discourse are apparent, Ruíz Franco notesthat there hasn’t been much research on this topic, with most scholar-ship on gender policy and discourse either focused on the early decadesof the regime or assuming continuity throughout the 40 years. Eternasmenores, p. 25.

5. For a discussion of these campaigns, see Inbal Ofer, Señoritas in Blue: TheMaking of a Female Political Elite in Franco’s Spain: The National Leadership ofthe Sección Femenina de la Falange (1936–1977) (London: Sussex Press, 2009),Chapter 3.

6. Inmasculada Blasco Herranz, “Citizenship and Female Catholic Militancyin 1920s Spain”, Gender and History, 19(3), November 2007, Victoria Enders,“Problematic Portraits: the Ambiguous Historical Role of the SF of the

376 Notes

Falange”, in Constructing Spanish Womanhood: Female Identity in ModernSpain, edited by Victoria Enders and Pamela Radcliff (New York: SUNY Press,1999), Inbal Ofer, Señoritas in Blue rejects the label of “feminist” for the SFleaders because they didn’t challenge the existing patriarchal order.

7. As Enders, Ofer, and Blasco have all argued, it has been difficult for feministscholars to accept that traditionalist women’s groups could have developeda partly autonomous “women’s agenda” within the patriarchal hierarchiesin which they were entrenched, for example, the Catholic Church and theMovimiento.

8. The use of the word jornada is not easily translated, but it indicates a seriesof working sessions on a particular topic. Antonio Andújar, October 23,1973, Valencia. AGE, Cultura 273.

9. Interview published in the Bulletin of the Madrid homemaker association,V/72. BN.

10. Interview published in the Madrid bulletin, V/72. BN.11. Carta Circular, num.2, undated (1966–1967). CIFEE archives.12. Letter, Pres AAC Albacete to DN. 19/VI/72. AGE, Cultura 222.13. X/71 Circular. CIFEE archives.14. Letter to DN, no date. The I Jornadas were held in X/73. AGE, Cultura

273.15. Clipping 10/II/73. Interview with DP Baleares. AGE, Cultura 223.16. Interview, V/72, Madrid bulletin. BN.17. Clipping, XI/68. AGE, Cultura 178.18. Projects listed in the Memoria of the Granada association, 1967. AGE,

Cultura 81.19. While this “problem” was not usually specifically defined, in an interview

with the President of the Baleares association, (clipping, Baleares, 18/I/69),the reporter asked whether amas “needed union because of the scarcity ofdomestic help”, to which the President responded that the issue was the“point of departure” for the association. AGE, Cultura 179. In the Avilacase, the DP wrote that the “problem” of domestic service had generated aninitial (unsuccessful) attempt to organize a homemaker association. Letterto DN, 9/II/67. AGE, Cultura 179.

20. The quote comes from an interview with Carmen Rodríguez de Losada,President of the AAC in Bilbao. Correo Español, 24/I/68.

21. This conclusion was drawn from a comparison of the information includedin the small number of associational bulletins that survive, so it is onlysuggestive.

22. Petition to the Sección Femenina, 20/XII/67. AGE, Cultura 179.23. From the first edition of the Valencia association bulletin, @ 1968. AGE,

Cultura 178.24. Interview, El Diario Montanés, 22/II/69. AGE, Cultura 178.25. Campana, VI/72. BN.26. “The Promotion of Women Through Associations”. Printed in Diario

Femenino 26/X/69. AGE, Cultura 179.27. Report on 1967 activities. AGE, Cultura 81.28. Campana. XII/74 and II/75. BN.29. Campana, XII/71. BN.30. “The Ama de Casa and Society”, by María Fernanda Zabala de Serra,

10/X/73. AGE, Cultura 273.

Notes 377

31. An ateneo was a cultural and educational center, in which membersattended lectures, read newspapers, and engaged in other activities promot-ing personal and collective enlightenment. Cover letter for 1968 Memoria,sent to Administration official. 30/IV/69. RACM file.

32. 10/II/68 letter sent to members, announcing the upcoming General Assem-bly. RACM file.

33. 20/XII/67. Petition sent to DN Sección Femenina. AGE, Cultura 179.34. Newspaper clippings, no date (@X/67). AGE, Cultura 178.35. 1967 Memoria, Granada. AGE, Cultura 81.36. Campana, VI/75. BN.37. Gaceta del Norte, 19/XI/68. Interview with President Elena Sobrón. AGE,

Cultura 178.38. “Women in Marriage and Society”, Josefina Trillo-Figueras. 29/IV/69.

RACM file.39. I/72. BN.40. Campana, XI/73, I/74, V/74. BN.41. It was 8.8 percent in 1940. Ofer, pp. 87–88.42. According to the reporter, it was the topic that generated the most vig-

orous discussion at the conference. La Mañana (Teruel), 15/III/68. AGE,Cultura 86.

43. Trocha, #4/72. Bulletin of AAC Madrid.44. Diario Femenino, 26/X/69. From an article about the I Symposium of Amas

de Casa. AGE, Cultura 179.45. Clipping, N.D. (@ X/67). AGE, Cultura 178.46. “comadrona, estanquera or reina” Speech at I Symposium, 26/X/69. AGE,

Cultura 179.47. III/72. BN.48. Nosotras, 4th trimester, 1974. BN.49. Trocha, #4/72.50. Printed in Campana, XI–XII/75.51. Police report on “Women in Civil Law”, 10/II/69. “Rights of Married

Women”, Trocha, V/72. RACM file.52. For an analysis of the protagonism of female lawyers and associations like

the AEMJ in promoting changes in the legal status of women from the1950s to the 1970s, see Rosario Ruíz Franco, Eternas menores.

53. Gregorio wrote about this in the Madrid bulletin, although the clipping isundated. RACM file.

54. Clipping, 3/IV/75. AGE, Cultura 182.55. AGE, Cultura 179.56. Cited in Campana, the Huesca association’s bulletin. 12/73. BN.57. 19/IX/67. RACM file.58. Carta Circular #1, 1966/67?. CIFEE archives.59. Another interview, in Alerta, 16/IV/68. AGE, Cultura 178.60. From the approval letter sent by the Ministerio de Gobernación, 21/X/69.61. This discursive framing of associationism could also be found in the broader

family association discourse, although it was a minority current thereas well.

62. The Declaration of Principles was written in February 1967, while the pressconference was held on 19/IX/1967. The phrase “enemies of our nation” isin the association’s 1968Memoria. While one can see the individual hand of

378 Notes

the President in this language, what interests us here is not whether all themembers shared her patriotic ideals but how they shaped the parameters ofthe discourse. RACM.

63. From the DN’s speech at the I Jornadas in Valencia, 23/X/73. Likewise, inthe homemaker association federation’s petition for a government sub-vention, the authors confirm that their associations “establish a betterunderstanding and equilibrium between supply and demand, productionand consumption”. (7/X/72). AGE, Cultura 273.

64. 10/73. Belén Landaburu. AGE, Cultura 273.65. Re-printed in the first edition of their bulletin, Amahoa III/73. BN. The focus

on the ama’s new role as a “mass consumer” in the new economy was partof the “modernizing” discourse in the female press as well, (see Muñoz Ruíz,“Las revistas de mujeres”) but the distinction lies in the collective fram-ing of the role within the association rather than the focus on individualbehavior.

66. Program, I/72. AGE, Cultura 224.67. Reported in La Vanguardia Española, 20/I/72. AGE, Cultura 224.68. Printed in the association’s journal, Hacienda y Hogar, VI/74, but the same

phrasing appeared in a Noticiero Universal interview on 12/XI/75. AGE,Cultura 273.

69. This section of Villoria’s article, published in Familia Española, is excerptedin the Barcelona President’s press release, but neither the date of the orig-inal article nor of the press release is included. Judging from the datedresponse of the Federation President (22/II/71), we can estimate the timeframe. Cultura 226.

70. Published in the Madrid association’s Bulletin, V/72. BN.71. Letter, 22/II/71. AGE, Cultura 226.72. Undated letter. Interestingly, she criticized the Federation’s President

for refusing to make a public defense of the homemaker associations.Cultura 226.

73. An ad for the pamphlet, “Protagonista el Consumidor”, appeared in theBarcelona bulletin, Hacienda y Hogar, VI/74.

74. The first of the articles on consumer associations appeared in IV/72, butcontinued periodically into 1975. A perusal of the index of Teresa revealsthat the homemaker associations were rarely ever mentioned in any othercontext.

75. A summary of Villoria’s talk and the announcement of Font’s were in León’sbulletin, III/74. AGE, Cultura 227. The bulletin also quoted him as sayingthat theirs was “one of the most hard-working associations in Spain”.

76. 19/II/73, DP to Villoria. AGE, Cultura 226.77. Article in the Madrid association bulletin, II/72. BN.78. Editorial, “Reflexiones”, I/71. Bulletin of the AAC Valencia. AGE,

Cultura 178.79. “Charlas en la Camilla”, Madrid association bulletin,?/72.80. 26/VI/69. Included in 1969 Memoria, RACM file.81. Stanley Payne, The Franco Regime, 1936–1975 (Madison, WI: University of

Wisconsin Press, 1987), pp. 514–515.82. Press Conference, 19/IX/67, and Carta Circular, n.d. RACM file.83. Acta, 26/VI/69. RACM file.

Notes 379

84. The request to approve the talk (5/XI/70) defined it as “civic education”.RACM file.

85. Campana, 10–11/73. BN. The fact that one of the association’s own leaderswas running for a position on the city council no doubt helped moti-vate the lofty rhetoric, and in fact she was elected, as the December issuecelebrated.

86. The quote comes from the minutes of the Burgos association assembly,28/XI/75. AGE, Cultura 179.

87. Nosotras, X/74. BN.88. Campana, VI/72.89. 1968 Memoria, AGE, Cultura 81.90. Hacienda y Hogar, VI/74. AGE, Cultura 273.91. 1968 Memoria. RACM file.92. From the Declaration of Principles. RACM file.93. Copy of Conclusions sent to the members of the AAH Barcelona. AGE,

Cultura 179.94. Valencia bulletin, “Sugerencias”, II/71 (AGE, Cultura 178) and 1969

Memoria of Madrid (RACM file).95. II/72. BN.96. The speaker, Andoaín, represented the Provisioning Commission (Comisión

de Abastecimiento), a division of the Ministry of Commerce. Printed inVanguardia Española 26/X/69. AGE, Cultura 179.

97. This quote from the Plan was cited in a 1972 report of the AAC Madrid.AGE, Cultura 228.

98. 7/X/72. AGE, Cultura 273.99. ABC, 16/IV/72. AGE, Cultura 273.

100. 14/II/67. RACM file.101. 20/IX/67. RACM file.102. Bulletin, VIII/72. RACM file.103. 30/XII/71. AGE, Cultura 273.104. Press conference 20/IX/67 and editorial VIII/72. Letter to Minister was in

the same edition of the bulletin. RACM file.105. Published in El Alcázar, 12/IV/75. AGE, Cultura 182.106. TeleExpres 27/X/69, Jose Andoain, Director General of Consumption AGE,

Cultura 179.107. Co-written with Mariano Blanco. Bulletin, VI/72. BN.108. Bulletin, IV/72, “Política de Precios”, by Josefina Trillo-Figueras. BN.109. La Prensa, 3/VII/74, vs. full text of press release. AGE, Cultura 273.110. Hacienda y Hogar, VI/74.111. The conclusions were forwarded to the DN by Font. 22/I/76. AGE,

Cultura 273.112. Excerpts of the interview were printed in Huesca’s bulletin, Campana IV/75.113. Interview with Diario SP 10/III/68. CIFEE archive.114. Ya, 6/III/68. CIFEE.115. Diario Español Tarragona, 2/III/68. CIFEE.116. Vanguardia Español, 25/I/77. AGE, Cultura 223.117. Without doing an exhaustive search of the entire local and provincial press,

this section relies on clippings sent from local associations to the DN or thehomemaker federation, which became part of their file in the Movimiento

380 Notes

archives. The claim about the “explosion” is in the 1968 Memoria of theMadrid association. RACM file.

118. Minutes of Assembly, 2/XII/71. AGE, Cultura 273.119. 19/IX/67. Request for permission to hold press conference. RACM file.120. 22/III/68. AGE, Cultura 178.121. 3/V/67. AGE, Cultura 178.122. Clipping, XI/68. AGE, Cultura 178.123. Reported in the association bulletin, II/72. BN.124. TeleExpres, 17.IV/73. AGE, Cultura 223.125. La Prensa, 3/VII/74, (AGE, Cultura 273) Ya, 3/IV/75, (182) and Voz de

Castilla, n.d. (224).126. Circular 21, 25/I/71. AGE, Cultura 273.127. 16/IV/72. AGE, Cultura 273.128. Articles from Alerta, Gaceta del Norte, and El Diario montanés. “Complete

success” was referring to a first aid course, 22/VI/68 (GN), and the discus-sion took place after the annual General Assembly, 25/V/69 (Alerta) AGE,Cultura 178.

129. 7/II/69. AGE, Cultura 179.130. Baleares, 18/I/69. AGE, Cultura 179.131. 26/X/69. AGE, Cultura 179.132. Alerta, 26/II/69. The photo was in a clipping from X/68. AGE, Cultura 178.133. The first quote comes from an editorial in a Cadiz newspaper, 13/I/77 (AGE,

Cultura 225), the second from the 1972 Program of Activities in San Pablo,Asturias (Cultura 223).

134. Clipping from a Málaga newspaper on the occasion of the I Jornadas ofFamily association Leaders, 10/VI/73. AGE, Cultura 229.

135. Heraldo de Aragón, 20/II/75. (AGE, Cultura 183).136. Clipping in Lugo newspaper, 22/X/67. AGE, Cultura 178.137. 29/II/68. CIFEE archives.138. 29/II/68. CIFEE archives.139. 29/II/68. CIFEE archives.140. “Una pelea de mujerucas atrasadas y vociferantes”. Her critique of the press

coverage was contained in a “confidential report”, 9/III/68. RACM file.141. La Gaceta del Norte, 19/XI/68. AGE, Cultura 178.142. Alerta, 16/IV/68. The reporter had been recruited to interview the Junta of

the AAC Santander. AGE, Cultura 178.143. La Prensa, 24/X/69. AGE, Cultura 174.144. Trocha, I/72 and 5/72. BN.145. Campana, II/75. BN.146. Num.102, III/72. BN.147. 9/VIII/75. BN.148. 1/III/68. CIFEE archives.149. This article provoked an outraged response from Sedeño’s daughter, defend-

ing her mother against the “defamatory” stories published about theconflict. 20/III/68, Diario SP. CIFEE archive.

150. El País, 3/VI/76.151. Mimeographed broadsheet, X/71. No information on which association

produced it is given, but it must be one of the Madrid associations, givenits location in the CIFEE archives.

152. 29/IV/71. CIFEE.

Notes 381

153. 21/IX/73. CIFEE.154. 27/VI/74. CIFEE.155. Listed in the Ventas bulletin, Hoja #3 (II/72). CIFEE. Britt-Marie Thuren

notes that, while “barrio” can refer to urban subdivisions in general, ineveryday usage it refers to working-class areas. Chapter 3, “Discourses in theMovement”, unpublished mss, Making Barrios, Making Persons: Grass RootsPolitics and Gender Change in Urban Spain.

156. “Mujer y Barrios” was one of seven “position papers” at the Jornadas.157. Mss copy in CIFEE archives. 2/X/72.158. CIFEE archives. 22/X/72.159. From a broadsheet issued by the Madrid dissident associations. N.D., @

1974. CIFEE.160. 22/X/75. CIFEE archives.161. Interview with Diario SP 10/III/68. CIFEE archive.162. From a letter sent by the associations to the Mayor, 15/X/74. CIFEE

archives.163. 14/X/74. To the Ministerio de Gobernación. CIFEE.164. Suspension letter sent to Asoc. Castellana, 24/II/75, contains the original

wording of the boycott in capital letters. CIFEE archives.165. Press release published in Ya, 17/IV/75.166. 19/XI/75. CIFEE.167. Jornadas Resolutions, XII/75. CIFEE.168. 30/X/76. “Ideological Differences Prevent Unification of the Associations of

Amas de Casa”.169. In an open letter to President Suárez, the Federation leaders complained of

the little attention paid to their organization. El País, 13/II/77.170. The phrase was used in an article in El País, September 30, 1976. See also the

statement of the Coordinadora Provincial de Amas de Casa on X/10/76, whichcomplained about how the homemaker associations had been marginalizedin the citizen movement.

171. El País, 10/IX/76.172. The classic citizen movement chronicler, Manuel Castells, accepts this

distinction when he argues that the housemakers’ associations divertedwomen from participating in the citizen movement. His judgment seems torest on the presumed leadership of “militant communist women”, but suchleaders were prominent in the AVs as well. City and the Grassroots, p. 271.

173. See Pamela Radcliff, “Citizens and Housewives”, Journal of Social History,2002, for a fuller development of this theme.

174. El País, 11/2/76, 7/19, 2/13, 10/27, 1977.175. The title of an editorial in Campana, V/77.176. Campana, XII/76, II/77.177. The “present political situation” was the subject of a Madrid association

forum. Trocha, V/77.178. 21/X/76, clipping, no masthead. AGE, Cultura 273.179. Jimena, XI/76, XI/78, I/79. The XI/78 edition also included a legal analysis

of the Constitution by a Judge who was also present at the roundtable.180. Jimena, X/76.181. Campana, IV/78.182. Undated clipping from early 1976. AGE, Cultura 273.183. At the first provincial assembly of homemaker associations in Cádiz. N.D.

AGE, Cultura 225. He gave what was probably a similar talk to the Barcelona

382 Notes

association, entitled “Familia y Democracia”. Letter of acceptance dated21/III/77. Cultura 273.

184. “La participación de las amas de casa”, Jimena, III/79.185. Campana, III/80.186. Campana, IV/77.187. Campana, XII/76.188. Trocha, #99, 1981.189. Campana, XII/76 and the Madrid association bulletin, X/77.190. Campana, V/77 and Trocha, 1981.191. Campana, XI/78 and Trocha, #99, 1981.192. El País, 8/VI/76.193. Press Conference, El País, 9/V/76.194. “The AV meetings occurred when husbands came home from work and the

women had to cook dinner and be with the kids. As for the feminist asso-ciations, our members don’t yet have the consciousness of these groups.”El País, 4/III/77.

195. Conclusion, “Primeras Jornadas”, III/1977.196. As in the conclusions at the 1977 Jornadas del Ama de Casa. In a report on

the Jornadas published in the Ventas association bulletin (#4, March 1977),these issues were related to “discrimination against women”, but eventhis category doesn’t appear in the actual conclusions. The report said thethemes most discussed by the 400 women in attendance were access to, andeducation about, birth control, and sites where adult women could developthemselves (lugares de formación) in ways that had been denied them as girls.

197. Reporting on a recent assembly of the Asociación Castellana. Cuadernos parael Diálogo, 27/III/76.

198. “Conclusions of the I Congress celebrated by the Provincial Federationof Asociaciones de Amas de Casa of Madrid”. 23/II/1980. The decision tochange the name was made at this congress. CIFEE archives.

199. The author was referring to the dissident AAC in Valladolid. 1/VII/76.200. El País, 25/IX/76.201. Statement from the I International Symposium for Consumer Defense,

I/1977. CIFEE archive.202. Report of meeting, 14/II/76. CIFEE archives.203. 4/XII/76 letter of invitation to members. CIFEE archives.204. Ventas bulletin, March 1977 (?).205. Statement to the press, El País, 8/III/1977.206. From a statement on “The AAC and the elections”, issued by the Provincial

Federation, V/1977. CIFEE archives.

6 The Civic Discourse of the Neighborhood Associationsof Madrid: From Community Improvement to “CitizenMovement”

1. “Considerando que la enorme y vertiginosa expansion producida en losbarrios Periféricos de las grandes ciudades, hace que las posibilidades de laAdministración no basten para cubrir las vastas necesidades que, en todoslos órdenes se plantean, por ello, a sus habitantes.

Notes 383

Que existiendo, por el mismo motivo, situaciones en que estos se venimposibilitados, de beneficiarse de las ventajas y de soportar las responsi-bilidades que acarrea una vida en común ordenada y equilibrada y que,por ultimo, exista una ordenación legal que tiende precisamente a posi-bilitar la solución de dichosos problemas, fundamentalmente regulando elderecho natural de Asociación y que, asimismo, estamos imbuidos de unfuerte Espíritu de trabajo y Cooperación con la Administración, en aquellosámbitos en que, o bien no puede extenderse por razones de cantidad o biendeja a la libre iniciativa de los ciudadanos.”

2. Bulletin, Colonia Diego Velázquez, I/68.3. Except where otherwise noted, the statutes of the Asociaciones de Vecinos

are located in their files in the Registro de Asociaciones of the regionalautonomous government of Madrid (RACM). To promote the flow of thetext in this analysis, I will sometimes use the name of the neighborhood as ashorthand: as in “Palomeras Bajas included . . .”, instead of always specifyingthe “statutes of the AV Palomeras Bajas included . . .”.

4. Thus, Estrella’s 1960 goal of an association with “exclusively social, culturaland recreational goals, as well as brotherhood and cooperation” appearedverbatim in the statutes of the AV Carcabas-San Antonio in 1967. In thesame year, the AV Puerto Chico picked up the phrase of fomenting “broth-erhood and cooperation”, but in this case “towards pursuit of the commongood”. And, since Puerto Chico’s statutes served as the model for the AVin Ciudad Los Angeles (1969), Leganés (1972), Portugalete (1974), andthe Polígono Franco Rodriguez (1973), these terms became part of theshared language of the AVs. Thus, even though Tetuán and Fuenlabrada(1975) formulated a different version of their goals, they included the pur-suit of the “common good” and “brotherhood and cooperation” in theiraspirations.

5. See Gerard Imbert’s Los discursos del cambio: imágenes e imaginarios sociales enla españa de la transición (1976–1982) (Madrid: AKAL, 1990), for an extendedargument about the transition as “semiotic object”.

6. DGS letter to Min. Gob., December 1, 1960 (RACM).7. DGS letter to Min. Gob., May 30, 1961 (AGE, Gob. Caja 211).8. After the Movimiento created its ACF project, it offered “affiliation” as an

option to integrate pre-existing associations while they could retain theiroriginal statutes and regulations. Of the handful of AV formed between 1960and 1964 in Madrid, those in Moratalaz, Barrio Estrella and Diego Velazquezwere affiliated with the Movimiento, according to references in their bul-letins. For this reason, I have included the content of the bulletins as part ofthe Movimiento discourse in the previous chapter, but I have included theirstatutes, which were used by later AV, in this chapter.

9. This wording is from the statutes of the Comunidad Vecinal Barrio Estrella(1960), but there are similar articles in Moratalez, Diego Velazquez, and the1960 revised statutes of Manzanares.

10. DGS letter September 8, 1960. This new phrase was red-lined by the govern-ment official as too broad, and appears in the approved version modified bya phrase that will become common; “not including those interests of an eco-nomic or class nature, because these fall under the purview of the SyndicalOrganization”.

384 Notes

11. This language was dropped in the 1966 revision, which simply obligedmembers to “support the decisions of the Assembly”.

12. The AV UVA Vallecas (1969) aimed to “watch over the morality andgood name of the population”, and Alcalá de Henares—Universidad andPalomeras Sureste (1973) “to watch over public morality”.

13. Nexo, V/72. This bulletin of the AV Barrio Concepción is one of the fewsurviving/existing from the pre-1975 period.

14. It appeared in the AV Aluche’s pledge to “assure convivencia ciudadana” (1975)and in Las Matas’ version of “creating an ambience of pleasant convivenciaciudadana” (1976).

15. The AV San Blas was one of the few with an explicit project to do so, out-lined in Assemblies in 1973 as the “participation of women”, in 1974 asthe “integration of women” and in 1975 as the need to “create a women’ssection”.

16. Nexo, V/72.17. Boletín Ciudad San Pedro, VI/74.18. Evidence of this agreement and its implementation is contained in two let-

ters. One, written by the Asociación Familiar of Alameda de Osuna to theCivil Governor (September 7, 1977) refers directly to such an agreement.The other, written by the Asociación Familiar of the Ciudad Residencial SantaEugenia (September 1977) mentions that their first set of statutes had beenreturned by the Civil Governor with a request that the association re-applyfor legalization with the “estatutos-tipos”. RACM files.

19. Other examples supporting this chronology are: that the opposition journalDoblón combined its references to “barrio movements” or “citizen associ-ations” at around the same time, and Cuadernos para el del Diálogo beganindexing the “citizen movement” in the second half of 1976.

20. Notice in Arganzuela, I–III/77.21. El País, 23/VI/76.22. Arganzuela, first trimester, 1977.23. Boletín, Carabanchel Bajo, III/IV/77.24. Boletín, AV Ciudad de Los Angeles, IX/78.25. Pregón, Fiestas Patronales 2/VI/76.26. 17/XII/75 Agenda.27. Report, 26/I/76.28. Boletín Parque Aluche, 27/I/76.29. After the new law of association in April 1977, the ACF Coslada became an

AV, announcing that it had become part of the “citizen movement” in “nameas well as in practice”. Boletín, VII/77.

30. Bulletin, La Coslada, June through September, 1976.31. XI/75 internal bulletin of the Provincial Federation of Madrid.32. Quoted in Tomás Rodríguez Villasante, Los vecinos en la calle: una alternativa

democrática a la ciudad de los monopolios (Madrid: Ediciones de la Torre, 1976),p. 92.

33. Boletín Amantiel-Noviciado, XII/76, Arganzuela, first trimester, 1977.34. A small selection of such theoretical/propagandistic literature includes:

J. Rebollo and E. Ranon, et al. El movimiento ciudadano ante la democracia(Editorial Cénit: Madrid, 1977), I. Quintana, Apuntes para la participaciónciudadana vista desde una asociación de vecinos (Madrid, 1977), special issue

Notes 385

of Documentación Social, Junio–Septiembre, 1975, “La acción en los barrios”,Jordi Borja, Los Movimientos sociales urbanos (Madrid: Ediciones Siap-Planteos,1975) and Qúe son las Asociaciones de Vecinos?, (1977) Tomás RodríguezVillasante, Los vecinos en la calle (1976), Manuel Castells, Ciudad, democracia ysocialismo: la experiencia de las asociaciones vecinales madrileñas (Madrid: SigloVentiuno, 1977), Javier Garcia Y Dolores Gonzalez Ruiz, Presente y futuro delas AAVV (Madrid: Editorial Pecosa, 1976). Most of these works seemed tocontain a mixture of theoretical and pedagogical aims, but they were clearlywritten with the goal of contributing to the immediate political moment.Thus, Villasante’s and Borja’s books were both based on talks they had deliv-ered, and theDocumentación Social special issue sought to connect the “barriomovement” to the general movement “that struggles for the fundamentaltransformation of our society” (p. 7).

35. Imbert, p. 8.36. Neighbors in the Street: A Democratic Alternative to the Monopolistic City.37. Borja cites this book on p. 14. A reference to a talk by Castells on the “impor-

tance of the citizen movement in the establishment and functioning of ademocratic regime” is in the March 1977 issue of Aluche.

38. See especially part 6 of his The City and the Grassroots: A Cross-Cultural Theoryof Urban Social Movements (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1983).

39. City and the Grassroots, pp. 328–329.40. José Luís Martín Palacín, “Acontecimientos y reivindicaciones en los barrios:

hacia un movimiento social urbano”, Documentación Social, num. 19, julio–sept, 1975, p. 43.

41. Villasante, Los vecinos en la calle, pp. 65–66, lays out his ten points for theestablishment of ayuntamientos democráticos.

42. Reported in the AV Aluche bulletin, III & IV/77.43. La Paz, XII/75.44. Majadahonda: Boletín Informativa de la AV, III/77.45. Boletín, XII/79.46. Boletín AV Palomeras Sureste, II/77.47. Villasante, “La movilización por conseguir unas reivindicaciones concre-

tas, la lucha por las reformas urbanas, sin apartarse de este objetivo,es un factor importantísimo tanto para conseguir la reivindicación encuestión, como para dar un salto decisivo en el grado de conciencia de losvecinos”, pp. 55–56. The phrase “conciencia ciudadana” is found in Borja,Los movimientos sociales urbanos, p. 27.

48. Boletín ACF Coslada, VII/76.49. Boletín AV Amaniel-Noviciado, XII/76.50. Boletín AV La Paz, XII/75.51. Boletín ACF Coslada, VI/76.52. 1975, p. 7.53. From a 21/VI/75 “Tele-Expres” interview. Cited in Javier Angulo Uribarri,

“Análisis crítico de la acción de barrio”,Documentación Social, núm. 19 (julio–sept, 1975), p. 28.

54. See, for example, Ruth Lister, Citizenship: Feminist Perspectives (New York:New York University Press, 1997), Chapter 6.

55. El País, 19/XII/76.56. El País, 27/XI/77.

386 Notes

57. El País, 11/V/76.58. El País, 23/IX/77.

7 The Civic Community in Practice: Family andNeighborhood Associations as “Schools of Democracy”

1. “La Asociación . . .quiere ser el medio y una oportunidad para que interven-gas directamente en la resolución de los muchos problemas que te planteanesta sociedad.”

2. Iris Marion Young, Inclusion and Democracy (Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress, 2000), Chapter 5.

3. There has been an ongoing debate among civil society theorists over whatkinds of activities and associations are relevant to democratic development.On the one hand is Robert Putnam, who includes private (the infamousbowling leagues) as well as public associations, as long as they create social“trust”, while on the other hand social movement theorists emphasizespecific oppositional democratic projects. See Larry Diamond’s chapter on“Civil Society”, in Developing Democracy (Baltimore, MD: Johns HopkinsUniversity Press, 1999), for a discussion of different approaches. Like Young,Diamond excludes “private” activities but doesn’t further differentiatebetween civic and political.

4. Iris Marion Young, Inclusion and Democracy, p. 162.5. Gender and Citizenship: Politics and Agency in France, Britain and Denmark

(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 4. Both Siim and Youngemphasize the Habermasian concept of communicative interaction.

6. On the skills developed in civil society, see Harry Blair, “Jump-StartingDemocracy: Adult Education and Democratic Participation in Three Coun-tries”, Democratization, 10(1), Spring 2003, pp. 54–55, 59.

7. Such as the AV San Juan Bautista, which collected 600,000 ptas/yr in duesin 1969 and spent 700,000 ptas, or the AV Ciudad de Los Angeles, whichpaid 9 million ptas in services in 1974. Registro de Asociaciones de laComunidad de Madrid (RACM) files.

8. The access to outside funds was one of the major complaints of AV Pres-idents interviewed in a Doblón article (16/VIII/75), but this shouldn’t beexaggerated either, given the shrinking DN budgets and the numerous pleasfor money from various ACF. Thus, when the ACF Valdeacederas asked theDN for money to build a social/cultural center, he replied that all he couldoffer was furniture when the project was completed. Letter, no date. AGE,Cultura 228.

9. Thus, the President of the ACF Poblado Dirigido Fuencarral described therange of activities organized by their new cultural center: theater, recitals,music, cultural visits, talks, library, films, and camping. Letter, 21/X/73.AGE, Cultura 229.

10. In Madrid, these were housing developments (colonias) like San JuanBautista, Diego Velazquez, Prosperidad, Ciudad de Los Angeles, and PuenteVallecas.

11. An interesting case that reveals the exclusive identity of these associationswas the April 6, 1979, vote taken by the AV Colonia Manzanares on the

Notes 387

issue of whether to expand to include the entire neighborhood of Moncloa.Manymembers worried about becoming a minority in the expanded associ-ation and wording was inserted in the statutes that if 51 percent of ColoniaManzanares residents petitioned for something it would have to be takenup by the Junta of the association. The proposal passed, but the governmentlater vetoed the special privileges. RACM file.

12. The AV Colonia Prosperidad was negotiating such a transfer in November1972. RACM file.

13. The 1975 Memoria thanks everyone who contributed. RACM file.14. Boletín I/69.15. The budget for that year included 80,000 ptas for the rent, 35,000 to fix up

the place, and another 25,000 on lighting and furniture, RACM file.16. Minutes of General Assembly, 28/IV/74, II/75, VI/76.17. Letter from ACF President with clipping from Alcazar (6/VI/69). AGE,

Cultura 60.18. RACM file.19. Boletín, X and XI/74.20. AGE, Cultura 64.21. Budgets. The AV San Blas maintained a high level of activity in general.

In a dossier submitted to government censors in 1976, it claimed to haveorganized over 80 separate events over the past several years, from culturalactivities to assemblies and demonstrations. El País 3/VIII/76. RACM file.

22. Minutes of Assembly, 28/I/75. RACM file.23. Boletín, II/77. The committee’s accounting of its first year makes it clear it

was just getting underway. RACM file.24. Relación de Actividades, early 1969. AGE, Cultura 81.25. AAC Granada, Relación de Actividades, early 1969. AGE, Cultura 81.26. Campana, VI/72. BN.27. Memoria 1968. AGE, Cultura 178.28. Alerta, 17/X/68 interview. AGE, Cultura 178.29. 8/XI/68. AGE, Cultura 81.30. Interview with the President, Bulletin, n.d. (1968) AGE, Cultura 178.31. Alerta, n.d. (@XI/68). AGE, Cultura 178.32. 29/III/73 DP report. AGE, Cultura 226.33. Jimena XI/76. BN.34. Memoria 2nd Trimester 1968. AGE, Cultura 81.35. Circular of AAC Lugo, n.d. AGE, Cultura 178.36. Memoria 1968. RACM file.37. Memoria of Conference. AGE, Cultura 273.38. 1971 Memoria, Ceuta association. AGE, Cultura 225.39. VI/76. Campana. BN.40. (Ventanielles): Acta 30/IV/65. AGE, Cultura 28. (Puerto Chico): Boletín,

XI/73. RACM file.41. Boletín AV Moratalaz, X/70.42. V/72. Bulletin of the AV Covadonga.43. Boletín of the ACF Poblado Dirigido, Fuencarral, VII/71. AGE, Cultura 43.44. DP report, 11/XI/65. A 1968 program in the file indicates they continued

organizing them. AGE, Cultura 42.45. Boletín, II/66. AGE, Cultura 71.

388 Notes

46. Programa de Festejos, VII/70, ACF San Cristóbal (Madrid). AGE, Cultura 60.47. Pregón, June 26–29, 1976. RACM file.48. Acta, Asamblea, 10/IV/78. The AV had held them in 1977 as well. RACM

file.49. Memoria Actividades 1964. AGE, Cultura 26.50. Memoria 1964. AGE, Cultura 27.51. Letter to DN, 21/VIII/73. AGE, Cultura 229.52. Letter, President to DP, 25/V/69. The play was performed by the ACF’s youth

section. AGE, Cultura 42.53. According to the police report, 30/III/76. RACM file.54. Budgets, RACM file.55. Budgets, RACM file.56. Boletín, I/71.57. Boletín, XI/73. A commission was formed to plan them for the following

summer and 28,000 pts was budgeted for “cultural acts” during the year.RACM file.

58. Acta Asamblea, 15/IV/73—discussed the end of year festival. Circular@VI/75 announced the new end of school year fiestas, and police reportsof 21/X/76 and 22/X/76 provided attendance figures for that event. RACMfile.

59. Boletín, II/77. RACM file.60. 9/IV/67 Minutes of Junta General. AGE, Cultura 43.61. Literally, “self-solutions”. Jordi Borja, Los movimientos sociales urbanos

(Madrid: Ediciones Siap-Planteos, 1975), p. 100.62. Boletín, XII/75. RACM file.63. 1968 Program. AGE, Cultura 26.64. Acta, Junta General, 22/IV/76. AGE, Cultura 148.65. Arganzuela, #5, first trimester, 1977.66. Memoria 1968. AGE, Cultura 65.67. Alto, VII–IX/70. AGE, Cultura 71.68. Letter, Jefe de Servicio Provincial de Asociaciones Familiares to DP, 2/IX/69.

The Jefe asked for 10,000 pts to defray the high cost of the projects. AGE,Cultura 182.

69. Memoria 1964. AGE, Cultura 27.70. Asamblea, 24/VI/71. RACM file.71. Acta, Junta Directiva 9/I/65. AGE, Cultura 28.72. “Protagonista el Consumidor”, co-authored with F. Hernández Castanedo.

Summarized in Hacienda y Hogar, VI/74.73. According to a speech at the II Jornadas de Consumidores. Proceedings

summarized in Hacienda y Hogar, VI/74.74. From a speech at the II Jornadas de Consumidores: “consumption is a new

social role that has to be learned”. Hacienda y Hogar, VI/74.75. Amahoa, III/73. AAC Guipuzcoa, in its section “Domestic Economy”. BN.76. Trocha, #4,1972. BN.77. This news from Barcelona was published in the Guipuzcoa bulletin,

Amanoa, III/73.78. II/68. From the 1968 history of the Barcelona association AGE, Cultura 179.79. Clipping of interview, undated. III/71. AGE, Cultura 273.

Notes 389

80. II/73 letter to members. AGE, Cultura 225.81. Campana, IV/75.82. The booths were supervised by the association, but facilitated by the

appropriate government agency. 1969 Memoria. RACM file.83. Trocha, I/72, 11/72, articles by Josefina Trillo-Felguera. Also Hacienda y

Hogar, VI/75, interview with Minister of Commerce and accompanyingeditorial.

84. “la política de abstención de compra”. Campana, I/76.85. The petition was presented to the DP in 28/III/64 and read at the founding

assembly on 17/IX/64. AGE, Cultura 27.86. AGE, Cultura 148.87. 28/V/71 assembly. AGE, Cultura 43.88. RACM file.89. Minutes, IX/78 assembly. RACM file.90. Minutes, 15/IV/78 assembly. RACM file.91. Letter published in ABC, no date. Stapled to 14/VI/76 report. RACM file.92. Complaint by old President, 11/XII/77. RACM file.93. Hoja Informativa, no date, @ VI/75. RACM file.94. 14/VI/70 interview with dissidents, and 16/VI/70 response of old President,

Arriba. Dissident petition dated 14/XI/72, and DP report dated 23/X/73.AGE, Cultura 228.

95. Boletín, III and IV/75.96. Boletín, Moratalaz, VI/71.97. AGE, Cultura 229.98. The Fuero de los Españoles was the bill of rights issued by the regime in

1947. 14/XI/72 petition to the Cortes. AGE, Cultura 228.99. Series of documents, 1969–1974, AGE, Cultura 224.

100. In the words of one police report, the dissidents at the 1967 assembly “wentso far as to proclaim the need for demonstrating in public with posters andsigns.” 3/III/67. RACM file.

101. Letter of dismissal sent to the members accused of participating in theFebruary 68 assembly revolt. 29/III/68. CIFEE archive.

102. This phrase was used in the “Declaration of Principles”, 14/II/67, which wasdrawn up partially in reponse to the conflicts at the 1967 assembly. RACMfile.

103. “Carta Abierta”, Madrid, 4/III/68. The story was also picked up by EuropaPress.

104. 31/VIII/71. The events at the two assemblies were serious enough, inthe words of the BRI report, “hasta el punto de que las asambleas eranverdaderas debates políticos.” RACM file.

105. Minutes, 16/XI/69 assembly, IV/72 and IV/74 assemblies. RACM file.106. Boletín, XI and XII/70.107. 31/I/72 general assembly. RACM file.108. In the election of the Provincial Federation of Córdoba in May 1972. AGE,

Cultura 226.109. In another context, the new Junta of the ACF Coslada announced that “we

have not been named dedocráticamente, but in a public assembly.” Boletín,V/74.

390 Notes

110. Report, Jefe de Servicio Nacional. AGE, Cultura 32.111. DP report, VII/64. AGE, Cultura 28.112. DP report on ACF San Fernando de Henares, 9/XI/73. AGE, Cultura 229.113. XI/72. AGE, Cultura 229.114. 21/III/67 Acta. AGE, Cultura 63.115. RACM file.116. 25/VI/74. AGE, Cultura 136.117. 19/V/72. AGE, Cultura 102.118. 28/X/66 assembly. AGE, Cultura 27.119. 31/I/65 assembly. AGE, Cultura 26.120. Boletín, IX/69. AGE, Cultura 71.121. Boletín, I–III/67. RACM file.122. Boletín, IX/66. RACM file.123. The full discussion is recorded in the minutes of the assembly, 28/IV/74,

while the edited version appeared in the bulletin, IV–IX/74. The attendanceat the assembly was described as much higher than the 450 votes that weresubmitted in the follow-up election. RACM file.

124. Minutes, 24/VI/73 and 13/I/74 assemblies. RACM file.125. Minutes, 28/IV/74 assembly. RACM file.126. Minutes, 13/VI/76 assembly. RACM file.127. While attendance figures are not always provided, 653 members attended

an assembly in II/75.128. Minutes of 27/IV/76 meeting of new provisional Junta Directiva described

the history of this process. RACM file.129. Minutes, 6/II/77 assembly. RACM file.130. Minutes, 9/IV/67 assembly. AGE, Cultura 43.131. RACM file.132. Minutes, 26/VI/69 assembly. RACM file.133. Minutes, 16/XI/69 assembly. RACM file.134. Boletín, ACF Coslada, VI/71.135. Minutes, 27/II/77 assembly. RACM file.136. Boletín ACF Coslada, VI/71.137. Minutes, 25/IV/74. AGE, Cultura 33.138. Boletín, 27/I/76. RACM file.139. Two hundred people were in attendance. RACM file.140. Boletín, VI/71.141. Boletín, II/66 and IV/66. RACM file.142. Boletín, XI&XII/70.143. The President of the AV Leganes admitted to police that the association was

holding assemblies for residents and members every 2 months. 13/VII/74.RACM file.

144. 12/V/75 report. RACM file.145. 6/X/74 report. RACM file.146. 17/II/75 report. RACM file.147. 29/VI/75 report. RACM file.148. Literally, “cheering sections”. Doblón, 16/VIII/75.149. Boletín Colonia Diego Velázquez, IX–X/69.150. Boletín Diego Velázquez, V–VI/73.151. Boletín Cuartel de la Montaña, I–III/74.152. Boletín Coslada, IV/74.

Notes 391

153. This AV was one of the affiliated family associations. Ejercicio, XII/73.RACM file.

154. Nexo, V/72. RACM file.155. Alto, II/68.156. Resumen 1972. RACM file.157. 9/VI/72, Meeting of the Junta Directiva of the AV. RACM file.158. Cited in La Vanguardia, 25/V//72. AGE, Cultura, 224.159. 2/XII/68 police report on 26/XI and 29/XI assemblies, with 400 people at

each. RACM file.160. Boletín Alto Estremadura. AGE, Cultura 71.161. Petition, 8/III/71 and Newspaper clipping, no date. AGE, Cultura 331.162. Boletín, X–XI/74.163. 31/V/74, Meeting of the Junta Directiva, RACM file.164. 1968 Program, explicitly based on the questionnaire responses. AGE,

Cultura 26.165. 20/II/65. AGE, Cultura 26.166. 14/III/74 report. AGE, Cultura 229.167. Memoria 1964. AGE, Cultura 27.168. 1968 Ejercicio. RACM file.169. Boletín, I–III/74. AGE, Cultura 41.170. No date. RACM file.171. Petition of the Provincial Federation of Family Associations, Granada, to

the DN, with their suggestions for revisions to the Education Law. No date,AGE, Cultura 226.

172. Boletín Alto Estremadura. AGE, Cultura 71.173. Boletín ACF Getafe, VII/66. AGE, Cultura 33.174. Editorial, Boletín ACF Coslada, VI/71.175. Acta of Junta General, 28/V/71, with 300 members in attendance. AGE,

Cultura 43.176. 6/III/66. AGE, Cultura 28.177. Boletín, XI/73. RACM file.178. The AV Ciudad de los Angeles, AV Moratalaz, ACF Parque de las Avenidas,

AV San Juan Bautista, AV Barrio Pueblo Chico, AV Barrio Estrella, aresome of the associations with documented ongoing struggles with theconstruction company that built their neighborhoods.

179. President’s speech at 9/I/72 Assembly. For the 28/I/73 Assembly, there is a10 page agenda full of impassioned attacks on the company.

180. His speech at a 28/IV/74 Assembly. RACM file.181. 1969 Memoria. RACM file.182. 2/XII/71 conclusions, published in Campana, XII/72. 5/II/75 Conclusions.

AGE, Cultura 273.183. 7/III/74. Boletín. AGE, Cultura 224.184. Published in Nuevo Diario, 3/IV/75.185. A V/72 petition of the Madrid association, printed in its bulletin. RACM

file.186. 7/III/74, Boletín of the Leon association, approving of the new regulations,

for which they “have been lobbying for years”. AGE, Cultura 227.187. 5/II/75 Conclusions of Federation AAC assembly. AGE, Cultura 273.188. In letter sent by Barcelona President Font to DN, reflecting conclusions of

recent assembly, 22/I/76. AGE, Cultura 273.

392 Notes

189. Published in El Correo Catalan, 3/I/76. AGE, Cultura 273.190. V/72.191. AGE: AAC Tenerife, 24/X/69, Cultura 178, AAC Baleares, X/73, Cultura 223,

Federation 5/II/75, Cultura 273.192. Letters from the AAC Tenerife to the Federation, 29/III/69, 1/VII/69,

Cultura 178. Letter from the AAC Almeria, 27/XI/69, demonstrates that theissue was taken up in other provinces, Cultura 179.

193. Memoria, 1969. AGE, Cultura 81.194. Letter from AAC Madrid to various government bodies, 12/II/73,

Cultura 273.195. 2/X/69, AGE, Cultura 178. In typical fashion, one of the major issues was

getting some government office to accept responsibility for solving theproblem.

196. A “defined contribution plan” in which women could invest funds for theirretirement.

197. 25/I/71 letter from Federation to the member associations. Memoria of Fed-eration, XII/71, recounts the presentation of the Secretary General, BelénLandaburu, to the Cortes, on 22/III/71. AGE, Cultura 273.

198. Boletín del Estado, 24/XI/72. AGE, Cultura 273.199. “Resultados Objetivos del Análisis de la Encuesta Sobre la Situación de las AAC

respecto a la Seguridad Social”, 7/III/73. This document is an analysis by agovernment expert of the original study. AGE, Cultura 273.

200. Report prepared by Federación Nacional de AAC, 20/XII/76. AGE,Cultura 273.

201. Memoria, Federation, XI/72. AGE, Cultura 273.202. Campana, AAC Huesca, XII/71.203. Memoria 1971, AGE, Cultura 273. In an April 1975 interview, the AAC

Madrid’s President confirmed the continuation of this representation.Campana, IV/75.

204. Published in the BOE, #55, 4/III/72. AGE, Cultura 273. The Federation’sXI/72 Memoria claimed that this order was a result of their petition.

205. 25/II/69 letter from the President of AAC Baleares informing the Federationof these appointments (Cultura 179). In Lerida, a newspaper clipping (@1968) reported that the Civil Governor asked permission to appoint AACreps to the Comisión de Rentas y Precios (Cultura 86).

206. 19/IX/67, Report of Abastecimiento Committee of AAC Madrid. RACM file.207. Denied the first year, in 1972 the Federation re-submitted its petition, this

time with a detailed plan of how the funds would be applied. Amongthe projects would be a weekly newspaper column with comparative localprices, a consumer consulting service, a pamphlet of general consumerinformation, and surveys or studies of family consumption issues. MemoriaFederation, XII/71 and XI/72. Cultura 273.

208. Letter in the Boletín, IV and V/74.209. Boletín, VI/71.210. Letter, ACF Nuestra Sra Perpetua Socorro to the DP, 22/VI/70. AGE,

Cultura 229.211. Letter to President of Junta Municipal, 26/VIII/69. AGE, Cultura 65.212. Congress, Summer 1973, Ponencia on Urbanism and Housing. AGE,

Cultura 224.

Notes 393

213. The following narrative is constructed from the Memorias of 1967 and1968, and various letters and petitions sent by the ACF. AGE, Cultura 43.

214. Letter to General Technical Secretary of the Movimiento, 19/IX/67. AGE,Cultura 43.

215. The following narrative is pieced together from the bulletin, between I/69and IV/75.

216. Boletín, X/70.217. Boletín, I/69.218. Boletín, VII/71.219. Boletín, I/74.220. Boletín, X/69. AGE, Cultura 32.221. Boletín, II/69.222. Boletín, XI/73. RACM file.223. The following narrative is constructed from the Boletín, 1968–74.224. Boletín, VIII/68.225. Boletín, IV/70.226. Boletín, V/70.227. Boletín, VIII/71.228. Boletín, VIII and IX/72.229. Boletín, II and III/72.230. Boletín, XII/73.231. Boletín, V/73.232. Boletín, IX/71.233. Boletín X and XI/72, III/73.234. Report on Assembly, 17/II/75. RACM file.235. Boletín, XII/75. RACM file.236. Interview, Andalán, VII/75.237. Letter, 26/VI/76. AGE, Cultura 222.238. Boletín ACF Coslada, I and II/75.239. DN Report, 3/XII/70. AGE, Cultura 222.240. Internal Movimiento report, 17/III/75. AGE, Cultura 82.241. Letter, Consejero provincial of Movimiento to DN. 26/VI/76. AGE, Cultura

222.242. Circular 21/XII/76, Ministry of Política Interior to the Civil Governors.

AGE, Cultura 222.243. 5/VII/72. AGE, Cultura 223.244. RACM file. The same point was made in a VI/75 assembly.245. Boletín, V/74.246. Boletín, III and IV/75.247. Heraldo, 20/XI/76. AGE, Cultura 183. The letter explained how efforts to get

the city to fund a necessary access road dated back to 1973.248. The following narrative is pieced together from documents in the RACM

file.249. All of these steps were laid out in the Boletín, XII/75. RACM file.250. Boletín Informativa de la Antigua AV Las Rozas, V/77.251. This information was included in a press release sent to El Pais, 3/VIII/76.

RACM file.252. This occurred in Carabanchel Alto (Boletín XII/75) and Coslada (IX/77).253. Heraldo de Aragon, 19/II/76. AGE, Cultura 183.

394 Notes

Conclusion/Epilogue

1. Bryan Turner has developed a formal typology of how citizenship gets sit-uated along the passive/active and the public/private axes. “Outlines of aTheory of Citizenship”, Sociology, 24, 1990.

2. Cited in, Ramón Cotarelo, ed., Transición política y consolidación democrática:España 1975–1986 (Madrid: CIS, 1992), pp. 494–496.

3. Ramón Cotarelo, “La Constitución de 1978”, in La Transición Española(Madrid: Editorial Sistema, 1989), p. 325.

4. Cotarelo, “La Constitución de 1978”, p. 331.5. Andrea Bonime-Blanc makes this point in Spain’s Transition to Democracy: The

Politics of Constitution-Making (New York: Westview Press, 1987), pp. 94–95.6. Antonio Hernández Gil, “La persona en la Constitución”, in Perspectivas de

una España democrática y constitucionalizadora, V.III (Madrid: Union Editorial,1979), pp. 551–553.

7. Luís Sánchez Agesta, Sistema político de la Constitución Española de 1978(Madrid: Editoriales de Derecho Reunidos, 1985), pp. 189 Y 194–195.

8. Schmitter and O’Donnell sum up the social democratic strategy in Transi-tions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies(Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), pp. 11–12. The morerecent debate between defenders of the welfare state and neo-conservativeshas been whether certain entitlements actually create passivity rather thanthe context for participation.

9. Santiago Miguel González provides a detailed account of the formation ofthese organizations, in La Preparación de la transición a la democracia en España(Zaragoza: Universidad de Zaragoza, 1990), pp. 418–480.

10. Luís Enrique Alonso, “Los nuevos movimientos sociales y el hecho diferen-cial español: una interpretación”, en José Vidal-Beneyto, España a debate: lasociedad (Madrid: Editorial Tecnos, 1991), p. 87.

11. Alonso, “Los Nuevos Movimientos”, p. 92.12. González, La Preparación, pp. 244–245.13. González, La Preparación, pp. 451–454.14. González, La Preparación, p. 459.15. José Vidal-Beneyto, “Volver a empezar o la ruptura ciudadana”, El País,

April 8, 1995.16. On the “lessons” of the Civil War as a context for the transition, see

Paloma Aguilar Fernández,Memoria y olvido de la guerra civil española (Madrid:Alianza, 1996), and Laura Desfor Edles, Symbol and Ritual in the NewSpain: The Transition to Democracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1998).

17. Manuel Castells, The City and the Grassroots: A Cross-cultural Theory of UrbanSocial Movements (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1983), p. 225.

18. El País, September 25, 1977. The PTE also opposed the idea.19. Peter Donaghy and Michael Newton, Spain: A Guide to Political and Economic

Institutions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), pp. 120–121.20. Joan Subirats, Introduction, Existe sociedad civil en España?: responsibilidades

colectivas y valores públicos, edited by Subirats (Madrid: Fundación Encuentro,1999), p. 23.

Notes 395

21. Peter McDonough, Doh Shin and Jose Alvaro Moises, “Democratization andParticipation: Comparing Spain, Brazil and Korea”, Journal of Politics, 60(4),1998.

22. Victor Pérez Díaz, Spain at the Crossroads: Civil Society, Politics and the Rule ofLaw (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999). His classic work defin-ing a major role for civil society in the transition is The Return of Civil Society:The Emergence of Democratic Spain (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,1993). In his recent re-assessment, he is more circumspect about the currentstrength of Spain’s civil society.

23. Gunther Dietz, El desafío de la interculturalidad: el voluntariado y la Ong ante elreto de la inmigracion: el caso de la ciudad de Granada (Granada: Fundación LaCaixa, 2000).

24. Cited in Joan Botella, “La cultura política en la Espana democrática”, inTransición política y consolidación democrática: Espana, 1975–1986, editedby Ramón Cotarelo (Madrid: CIS, 1992), p. 135. See also Joan Subirats’Introduction to Existe Sociedad Civil for a similar argument (pp. 20–28).

25. This claim is based on anecdotal evidence of individual trajectories, but can’tbe confirmed until research is carried out on the career trajectories of formerAV leaders.

26. José RodríguezDespués de una Dictadura: Cultura autoritaria y transición políticaen España (Madrid: Centro De Estudios Constitucionales, 1987), p. 42.

27. See his articles in El País, “El soborno de la ciudadanía” (December 3, 1992),and “Crédito y credulidad” (January 23, 1993).

28. Victor Pérez Díaz, Spain at the Crossroads. On page 46 he mentions this view.29. Cayo Sastre García, Transición y desmovilización, p. 73.30. Luís Enrique Alonso, “Los Nuevos Movimientos”, pp. 94–96.31. “Volver a empezar o la ruptura ciudadana”, El País, April 8, 1995.32. Rafael del Aguila Tejerina, “El problema del diseño político de la transición

española”, Documentación Social, num. 73, Octubre–Diciembre, 1988, p. 39.See also his El discurso político de la transición española (Madrid: CIS, 1984).

33. Geoff Eley makes this general point in Forging Democracy: The History of theLeft in Europe, 1850–2000 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), p. 428.

34. The argument is cited in Cayo Sastre Garcia, Transición y DesmovilizaciónPolítica 1975–1978 (Valladolid: Universidad De Valladolid, 1997), p. 38. Inthe Spanish literature, a similar argument that equates demobilization withthe modernization of democratic politics is made by Joan Botella, “la culturapolítica en la España democrática”, pp. 133–134.

35. Eley uses the term “radical democracy” in Forging Democracy, while JoséVidal-Beneyto employs citizen democracy. See his article criticizing thetransition from this perspective in El País (April 8, 1995).

36. Inclusion and Democracy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), p. 156.37. Forging Democracy, p. 428.

Bibliography

Archives

AGE Archivo General del Estado (Alcala de Henares): This national governmentarchive contains all documentation produced by, or sent to, government offi-cials working for the various ministries. Since the Movimiento was housed in theMinisterio de Cultura (Cultura), all of the official documentation for the FamilyAssociations is catalogued within this section of the archive. Some material onassociations is also located in the Ministerio de Gobernación (Gob) (Ministry ofInterior) section, because the 1964 Law of Association was issued through thisMinistry. This documentation includes correspondence between local or provin-cial and national Family Association personnel, newspaper clippings and otherinformation on local associations, annual reports, and statutes.

Archivo de la Seccion Femenina, Academia de la Historia (Madrid): Con-tains official documentation of the SF national headquarters, including agendasand discussions at the national congresses.

RACM: Registro de Asociaciones de la Comunidad de Madrid (Madrid): Theregister of associations is an active government office, but it contains an archiveof all associations registered with the community of Madrid. Association filesinclude a variety of documentation, from statutes, to police reports, to annualreports, and requests to hold activities.

Fundacion CIFEE: A private feminist archive that contains documents of thedissident homemaker associations in Madrid as well as on the MDM in Madrid.The collection has since been donated to the Civil War archive in Salamanca.

Communist Party Archives (Madrid): The official archives of the PCE.Includes microfilmed clandestine reports during the dictatorship from PCEmilitants in Madrid to the party leaders in exile.

Biblioteca Nacional: Has editions of bulletins of various ACF, AAC, AV,and APA.

Association publications

Amahoa: Boletín de la AAC GuipúzcoaArganzuela, Boletín de la AVBoletín de la AAC LeonBoletín de la ACF Colonia ManzanaresAlto: Boletín de la ACF Alto ExtremaduraBoletín de la ACF Parque de las AvenidasBoletín de la ACF Poblado Dirigido, FuencarralBoletín de la ACF de GetafeBoletín de la Asociación de Propietarios, Colonia Diego VelázquezBoletín de la AV AlucheBoletín de la AV Amaniel-NoviciadoBoletín de la AV Barrio Aeropuerto

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Boletín de la AV Carabanchel AltoBoletín de la AV Carabanchel BajoBoletín de la AV Colonia de La PazBoletín de la AV Ciudad San PabloBoletín de la AV, Ciudad de Los AngelesBoletín de la AV, EntrevíasBoletín de la AV La PazBoletín de la AV Palomeras AltasBoletín de la AV Palomeras SuresteBoletín de la AV Parque AlucheBoletín de la AV Puerto ChicoBoletín de la AV UVA VallecasBoletín de la Federación Madrilena de AAVVBoletín de Información de la ACF CosladaBoletín de Información de la Diputación Provincial de Asociaciones del Movimiento,

MadridBoletín Informativa de la Asociación de Propietarios y Vecinos de MoratalazBoletín Informativa de la Antigua AV Las RozasBoletín de Información de la Asociación de Propietarios y Vecinos Puente de VallecasBoletín de Información de la Asociación Familiar de Cuartel de la MontañaCampana: Boletín de la Asociacion de Amas de Casa de HuescaCarabanchel: Organo de las Plataformas de BarrioFamilia EspañolaHacienda y Hogar: Boletín de la Asociacion de Amas de Hogar BarcelonaHoja Familiar: Boletín de la Federación Provincial de CáceresHoja Informativa de la ACF Barrio AeropuertoJimena: Boletín de la Asociacion de Amas de Casa de BurgosMadrid Lucha PopularMajadahonda: Boletín Informativa de la AVNexo: Boletín de la AV Barrio CovadongaSugerencias: Boletín de AAC ValenciaTrocha: Boletín de la Asociacion de Amas de Casa de Madrid

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Index

Acción Católica, 26, 46, 69–70membership, 68

activities of associations, private,273–7

and AAC, 278–81cultural, 277definition of, 273mutual aid, 276recreational, 276social center, 276services, provision of, 276

activities of associations, civic“auto-soluciones” for urban

problems, 284, 299–300for “community development”, 283definition of, 273democratic participation, rank and

file, 294–7democratic process, debates over,

287–90election procedures, debates over,

290–4fiestas, public, 281–2self-government, performing, 287surveys, community, 284for vecinos and members, 281

activities of associations, civic (ofAAC)

consumer education andcampaigns, 285–7

democratic procedure, debates over,289–90

activities of associations, politicalcollaborative relations with the

state, in practice, 298–302collaborative relations with the

state, breakdown of, 306–12definition of, 273, 297–8oppositional relations with the

state, definition, 298oppositional relations with the

state, evolution of, 312–16

activities of associations, political (ofAAC)

collaborative relations with thestate, 302

for children’s welfare, 303–4consumer demands, 302–3for women’s welfare, 304

anti-Francoism, 3, 5, 6–7and the AV, 263and civil society, 65

anti-Francoistsactivists as social capital, 24–5,

58–60in the AAC, 112, 113, 135–6, 214,

221–6, see also Asociaciones deAmas de Casa, dissident oranti-Francoist

in the AV’s, 59–62, 99–100, 102,104, 105, 263, 298, 313

in the AVs, female, 127–8in the citizen movement, 62,

324–5in Coordinación Democrática,

324–5curas obreros, 56–7“entrismo”, strategy of, 59, 135–6in the family associations, 183–4in Junta Democrática, 56,

324–5in the MDM, 119–20, 135–6, 360in Plataforma de Convergencia

Democrática, 57, 324–5see also ORT (Revolutionary

Organization of Workers); PCE(Spanish Communist Party);PSOE (Spanish Socialist Party);PTE (Spanish Workers’ Party);Movimiento Democrático deMujeres (MDM)

ama de casa/ama de hogar, translationof, 375 (fn2)

406

Index 407

Asociaciones de Amas de Casa (AAC)(or de Hogar, AAH)

and activities, civic, 280and activities, political, 302–6and activities, “private”, 278–9and activities, “private”/self-

improvement, 279–81autonomy in the Federation,

struggles over, 148–52in Barcelona, 130, 134, 137–8,

144–5, 204, 212–13, 285–6in Burgos, 138and children’s welfare, 303and civil society, 128–9, 143, 153,

215chronological arc of, 139and consumer activism/movement,

203–4, 204–6, 212–15, 216–17,285–7, 302–3

vs. Consumer Associations, 204–6Federation of, (FNAC), 129, 131,

144, 148–52goals of, 194–7goals of, civic, 202–3illustrating gender “difference”

framework, 110–12, 233in Huesca, 138leadership profiles, 139–42in Madrid, 130, 134, 145, 203,

207–8, 212, 218–19in Madrid, attempt of dissidents to

co-opt, 135–6, 214, 218–19,290, 363 (fn 85–6)

membership in, 129–30membership, bourgeois status of,

141–2networks, of female sociability, 280neglect of, 111, 128, 226number and regional distribution

of, 73–5, 129origins, grass roots, 134–6origins, “top down”, 131–3and pension fund/Mutualidad, 195,

217, 304–5and press releases, 216–17representation in state

administration, 210–11, 213,305–6

and SF role in constitution of,131–3, 140

sources for, 113statutes of, 193–4supervision by Movimiento

hierarchy, limits of, 143–5supervision by SF hierarchy, limits

of, 145–8and United Nations, Year of the

Woman (1975), 197vitality of, 84, 136–8see also Asociaciones de Amas de

Casa, dissident oranti-Francoist; Asociaciones deAmas de Casa, civic discourse of

Asociaciones de Amas de Casa, civicdiscourse of, 190–3, 233–4

and the anti-Francoist AACdiscourse, overlap with, 221–2,223–4

and the anti-Francoist press, 220–1and “apoliticism”, 209, 212, 214,

227–8and citizenship, female, 193, 206–8,

227–8, 234, 278and civic education, 206–9, 230and civic responsibilities, 202–4,

218and collaboration with the state,

debates over, 211–15communitarianism of, 208–9and consumer identity, 203–4,

204–6, 227, 229, 285–7and convivencia, 206–7, 209, 225in defense of family, homemaker or

woman, 194–7and democratization, 227–8dissemination of, in the general

press, 215–21of dissident AAC, 192, 222–6as a “female space” 190, 234and feminism, 190–1, 197, 219, 226,

229legal status of women, debates over,

201–2and Francoist gender ideology,

destabilization of, 191, 220,234, 279–80

and nationalism/patriotism, 203

408 Index

Asociaciones de Amas de Casa, civicdiscourse of – continued

pluralism of, 190, 234and “promotion of women”, 196–7,

217, 234, 279–81in the public sphere, 215role of women in the labor force,

debates over, 199–201role of women in society, debates

over changing, 197–99, 202,217–18, 219–20

and self-government, 207–8, 218and state/civil society boundaries,

209–10, 215statutes, ambiguity of, 193–4in the transition, 226–33and the “woman question”,

resurrection of, 191, 202Asociaciones de Amas de Casa,

dissident or anti-Francoist, 111,112, 152–3, 221–6

and the conservative AAC discourse,overlap with, 221–2, 223–4,232–3

and the conservative AAC discourse,divergence from, 226, 230–2

and the AV discourse, overlap with,226

civic discourse of, 192, 222–6and the ‘citizen movement’, 221,

227, 381 (fn170, 172)and class identity, 222–3, 231–2“entrismo” attempt in Madrid

AAC, 135–6, 214, 290, 363(fn 85–6)

and feminism, 226, 231in Madrid, 135–6, 138–9,

214, 290leadership profiles, 142membership in, 138–9and “promotion of women”, 223–4in the public sphere, limited access

to, 221, 225repression of, 225–6role of MDM in, 135–6origins of, 135–6in the transition, 226–7, 230–2vitality of, 138

Asociaciones de Amas de Casa (or deHogar), leaders of

Font, Margarita (Barcelona), 140,144, 205, 212–13, 285

Landaburu, Belén, (SecretaryGeneral FNAC), 197, 199, 200,201, 203

Sedeno, Ascención (Madrid), 134,140, 145, 148, 203, 211, 213

Trillo-Figueras, Josefina (Madrid),199, 212

Asociaciones de Cabezas de Familia(ACF), 30

in Madrid, 76–7, 78–9, 81–3number of associations, 73–4origins of, 72–3, 87–8and parish meeting spaces, 48–9and participation of priests, 52–8, 88and patron saint’s festival, 51–2regional vitality of, 75–6supervision by Movimiento

hierarchy, limits of, 88–90and the state, breakdown of

collaborative model, 306–12and the state, collaborating with,

298–302varied goals of, 76–7vitality, evidence of declining in

early 1970s, 79–81vitality, evidence of, 78–9, 81–4and women, debates over role in,

169–73see also family associations

Asociaciones, de Cultura e Higiene,44–5

Asociación Espanola de MujeresJuristas (AEMJ), 201

Asociaciones de Padres de Familia (orde Alumnos) (APF or APA), 68–9,83–4

and the 1970 Education Law, 70–2number of Movimiento APAs, 73–4Movimiento vs. Catholic affiliated,

71–2, 351 (fn33)Asociaciones de Vecinos (AV), 8–9

anti-Francoist activists in, 59–62,99–100, 102, 104, 105, 127,239, 263

archives of, 9, 92–3

Index 409

assemblyism, culture of, 94–5, 98,295–7

the first AV (1919), 38–9in Barcelona, 90–1and civil society, 93, 108, 153, 239,

256–7, 259–60and civil society, limits of access to,

98–9, 236–7chronological arc of, 66, 90–1, 92cycles of mobilization in, 96–8,

295–6and the 1964 Law of Associations,

32and the April 1977 Law of

Associations, 257–8and gender equality paradigm,

111–12, 114, 119–20, 122–3,125, 128

legalization, struggles over, 100–1,263

in Madrid, membership figures, 94,see also Madrid, associations in

in Madrid, numbers of, 92national statistics on, 91and parish meeting spaces, 48–9participation levels, 94–5, 250,

294–7and participation of priests, 52–8and patron saint’s festival, 51–2and the role of the PCE, 59–62repression of, 50–1, 98–103, 246repression, limits of, 103–7and the state, relations with, 297–8,

312–16in the transition, 261–4, 270–1and urban problems, 36–7, 244,

306–12Asociaciones de Vecinos, civic

discourse of, 235–6, 270–1and amnesty, demands for, 263anti-Francoist activists, impact on,

239, 263and censorship of, 246, 256, 257–8culmination of, in 1977 statutes,

258–9and “citizen movement”, 236–7,

239–40, 252, 261–4, 264–9and civil society, 256–7, 259–60class vs. vecino identity, 247

and community, civic, 243–4, 244–6civic vs. private goals, 245–6convivencia in, 242, 244–6, 258,

262democracy, promotion of, 263,

264–9, 270–1elections, varied procedure for,

254–5, 290–4vs. familiarismo, 235–6, 259–60and gender identity, 243, 247–8vs. (1940s) Homeowners’

Associations, 240–3, 245, 252membership, rights and

responsibilities, 248–52, 259participation, creating a culture of,

250–2, 264–9pluralism of, 239in the public sphere, limited access

to, 236–7rights, active/participatory, 249–50,

259, 265rights, passive, 250, 259and self-government, debates over,

252–5, 259sovereignty, popular vs. shared,

253–4, 259semi-public nature of, 237and the state, relations with, 255–7,

265–6, 297–8Asociaciones de Vecinos, statutesboilerplate (April 1977), 257–9as discursive texts, 237–8, 258cross-fertilization of, 238grass-roots origins of, 238–9

Asociaciones de Vecinos and womenAlgora, Carmen 123, 124, 126female activists, profiles of, 125–8incorporation of, 114, 247invisibility of, 114, 247–8leadership roles in, 123–5marginalization in, 114–15, 120–1,

122–3participation in, 13, 112–13Presidents of, 123–4Sobrino, Cristina, 115, 121, 123,

126, 127, 270in the transition, 269–70women’s sections (vocalías) of, 112,

116–19

410 Index

assemblyism/asambleismo, 94–5, 98,295–7

associationismchronological arc of, 1960s–70s,

66–7, 108, 139and democratic transition, 316–18new channels of, 23in early Franco regime, 25–6,

67–70and the Restoration regime

(1875–1923), 3–4and the Sección Femenina’s

promotion of, 132–3Spanish tradition of, 3, 329

Associations, Homeowners, 39–40in colonias, 40falangist language of 1940s, 42–3goals of, 40–1membership in, 42participation in, 95–6as prototypes of AVs, 39–40,

44, 240associations, discursive frameworks,

155–7horizontal community relations,

debates over, 165–9, 206–9,244–6

vertical relations with the state,debates over, 177–80, 209–15,255–7

associations, legal and administrativeframeworks

Delegado Nacional de Asociaciones(DNA) (1957), 27, 72–3, 131

Delegado Nacional de la Familia(DNF) (1969), 30, 351 (fn37)

Delegado Provinciales (DP) andLocales (DL), 88–90

1964 Law of Associations, 25–6, 321977 association law, 82, 257–8under the Franco regime, 25–6

Barcelona, associations inAAC in, 130, 134, 137–8, 144–5,

204, 212–13, 285–6AV in, 90–1

Carrero Blanco, Admiral, 20, 22and “technocrats”, 22

Church, Catholicand associations, 26, 68–72, see also

Hermandad Obrera de AcciónCatólica (HOAC); AcciónCatólica; Asociaciones de Padresde Familia (or de Alumnos)(APF or APA); Juventud ObreraCatólica (JOC)

and “Christian communities”, 47,50

curas obreros, 46, 54–5, 56–7and ”enclosures”, 50, 57and language of convivencia, 53, 57and language of social justice, 46–7

Church, Catholic, parish networks, 45and community sociability, 45, 52,

68and meeting spaces, 48and priests as community leaders,

52–3and priests in associations, 52–8, 88and saint’s day festival, 51–2

citizen movement, 3–4, 66, 261–4,264–9, 316, 321

and the AAC, dissident, 221, 227,281 (fn170, 172)

and the AV, 236–7, 239–40, 252,261–4, 264–9

and the anti-francoist opposition,62, 324–5

Borja, Jorge, theorist of, 265, 269,284

Castells, Manuel, theorist of, 264–5vs. class struggle, 264–5and communitarianism, 267, 321demobilization of, 322–8democratic alternative of, 264, 271,

321, 330democratic theory of, 264–9, 321democratization, contribution to,

264–9, 270–1, 316–18, 330as a discursive phenomenon, 236–7,

240, 260, 261and the family associations,

exclusion of, 188and gender, 112, 233–4, 269–70and municipal governments, 265–7,

326vs. political parties, 324–5

Index 411

theory of, linking concrete proteststo regime change, 268–9

in the transition, 261–4“theorist-participants”, 264Villasante, Tomas, theorist of, 264,

265“citizen consciousness”, 264, 268,

272, 315vs. class consciousness, 264–5,

222–3, 231–2citizenship

associations as laboratories ofdemocratic, 287, 316–17

associations as schools ofdemocratic, 272–4

and civic identity, 156in the Constitution of 1978, 322–3discursive construction of, 156–7,

169, 185–6, 188–9, 259–60,320–1

and family associations, 189female, 13–14, 109–12, 154, 193,

202, 206–8, 227–8, 234, 269,278

and gender, 13–14, 109–13, 154,227–8, 233–4, 269–70

horizontal axis of, 165, 244, 273,297

inclusion vs. exclusion in, 12participatory model of, 264–5,

328–9passive vs. active axes of, 11, 252rights-based, 328theories of, 11vertical axis of, 173, 255, 273, 297–8

civic associationscontribution to democratization,

272–4, 317definition, 3vs. private and political, 273–4as “schools of democracy”, 272under authoritarian regimes, 273–4

civic discourse, see discoursecivil society

and the Asociaciones de Amas deCasa, 128–9, 143, 153, 215

and the Asociaciones de Vecinos, 93,108, 153, 239, 256–7, 259–60

AVs, limits of access to, 98–103,235–6

debate on strength of civil society inSpain, 64, 326–8

definition, 2during the early Franco regime,

67–70, 169and family associations, 84–5, 90,

156–7, 169, 177, 180, 185–6,188–9, 259–60

under dictatorships, 4, 19, 319contribution to democratization, 2,

10and gender, 109, 320in 19th–20th century Spain,

329–30measuring, 10, 65, 67revival under Franco regime, 8–9,

19, 64–7, 108, 169, 259–60,273–4, 319

and social capital, 12, 25, 157and the state, boundaries between,

182–6, 209–15, 266, 329–30and the state, evolving relationship

with, 316–18transition, after the, 326–8

Comisiones Obreras (CCOO), 46, 59Catholic militants in, 70

Communist party, see PCE (SpanishCommunist Party)

communitarianism, 164, 165–7,208–9, 267, 287–90

communitarian vs. liberaldemocracy, 271, 297, 287–90,321, 325

Constitution of 1978and AV, non-recognition of, 325and citizenship, 322–3citizen participation clauses, 322civil rights clauses, 323social rights clauses, 323,

325–6consumer movement/activismAAC in the, 203–4, 204–6, 212–15,

225–6, 227, 285–7, 302–3Movimiento Consumer Associations

and AAC, tensions between204–6

412 Index

convivencia, 53, 57in AAC, 206–7, 209, 225in AV, 242, 244–6, 258, 262definition of, 166in family associations, 165–9in Homeowners’ associations, 41, 43and horizontal axis of citizenship,

297Coordinación Democrática,

324–5political parties, control of, 325

democracy, schools ofassociations as, 272–3laboratories vs. schools, 287,

317–18promotion of democracy in AVs,

263, 264–9, 270–1democratic cultureassociations’ contribution to, theory

of, 273–4AV contribution to, 270–1, 316–18building blocks of, 10, 12, 320–1of the citizen movement, 264–9,

321civil war, impact on, 325communitarian vs. liberal, 267, 271,

287–90, 297, 321, 325a democratic alternative, 264,

270–1, 321, 330organic democracy, 28, 174, 175–6,

177, 287participatory vs. representative, 12,

264–5, 295, 325–6“performing” democratic practices,

272, 287, 316–17, 321radical or substantive, 329statist, 327, 328, 330

democratic process, debates over, inassociations

decision-making, 287–90, 295election procedure, 254–5, 290–4no fixed blueprint for, 317–18membership, rights and

responsibilities, 248–52, 259participation, creating a culture of,

250–2, 264–9participation, rank and file, 294–7self-government, 252–5, 259

democratizationtheories of, 1contribution of citizen movement

to, 264–9, 270–1, 316–18, 330contribution of civil society to, 2,

10, 320–1modernization theory, 20–2, 37of municipal government, 266–7,

326the “Spanish model”, 1, 329–30“third wave”, 328, 329women’s participation in, 14, 233–4

dictatorship, see Franco regimediscourse

AAC civic discourse, 190–1, 320–1,see also Asociaciones de Amasde Casa, civic discourse of

AV civic discourse, 235–6, 320–1, seealso Asociaciones de Vecinos,civic discourse of

of the citizen movement, 264–9definition, 368 (fn5)“master frame” of, 155, 320familiarista civic discourse, 155–7,

see also familiarismo (familyassociation movementdiscourse)

theory of discourse analysis,155–7

economic development, 20impact, negative, 24, 33–4, 37,

274–5, 306–12impact, positive, 21–2statistics of, 20–1

economic policies (of Franco regime),274–5

authoritarian development model,34, 37

Housing policies, 34–5liberalization, 20, 22Plan de Estabilización, 20

education, 1970 General law of,70–1

and school parent associations(APA), 70–2

Catholic mobilization against, 70–2elections, in associations

in AV, 254–5, 290–4

Index 413

familiarismo (family associationmovement discourse)

autonomy, debates over, 177–80,259–60

vs. AV civic discourse, 259–60, 320–1civic discourse of, 155–7, 188–9,

320–1collaboration with the state, debates

over, 180–182, 182–6, 211–15communitarianism in, 164, 165–7,

287–9corporatism in, 176, 267convivencia in, 165–9as discursive subject, 155, 159–60,

236gender hierarchy in, 161, 170media channels, internal, 158nationalism in, 175organic democracy in, 175–6participation, culture of civic, 164,

188–9pluralism of, 157, 168–9, 189, 289political vs. apolitical identity,

debates over, 173–7press coverage of, 159principles of, 160, 164state/society relations, collaborative

model of, 177, 209–10, 298–302women’s role in ACF, debates over,

169–73the “woman question” in the AAC,

190–3, see also Asociaciones deAmas de Casa, civic discourse of

family associations, 8–9archives of, 9autonomy vs. supervision, 88–90,

156–7, 160–64, 177–80, 180–2and citizenship, 189and civil society, 65–6, 84–5, 90,

156–7, 169, 177, 180, 260conferences of, 158–9chronological arc of, 66, 79, 84critiques of proposal for, 31horizontal (community) relations,

165–9in Madrid, 76–7, 78–9, 81–3numbers and regional distribution

of, 73–5origins of, 72–3, 85–88

press coverage of, 158–9proposal for, 29–30statutes of, 160–3, 187–8in the transition, 186–8vertical relations with the state,

173–7, 297–302, 306–12women in, 13, 110–11, 169–73see also Asociaciones de Cabezas de

Familia (ACF); Asociaciones deAmas de Casa (AAC) (or deHogar, AAH); familiarismo(family association movementdiscourse)

family associations, bureaucraticstructure of

Delegado Nacional de Asociaciones(DNA) (1957–68), 27, 72–3, 131

Delegado Nacional de la Familia(DNF) (1969–77), 30, 351 (fn37)

Delegado Provinciales (DP) andLocales (DL), 88–90

fascismand the Franco regime, 4–6, 319

feminism, 112, 113, 114, 116, 269and the AAC, 190–1, 197, 219, 226,

229conservative, 192and “difference” paradigm, 118–19and “double militancy”, 119–20,

231–2first conference, XII/75, 136, 364

(fn90)feminist press, 117, 119“radical” feminism, 117–19, 232and women’s sections of AVs,

117–18Francisco Franco, 4, 33Franco regimeand authoritarianism, 5and authoritarian development,

33–7debates on nature of, 4–6and electoral law, 1967, 207evolution of, 4–5, 6–7, 19–23, 319and fascism, 4–6and gender ideology, 111, 191and local government, 34, 266opposition to, see anti-Francoism;

anti-Francoists

414 Index

Franco regime – continuedand the space for civic associations,

6–8, 319repression of AAC, dissident, 226repression of AVs, 98–103repression under, 4, 7, 23ruling coalition of, 23social investment, low level of, 37see also economic policies (of Franco

regime); Movimiento

Genderin the citizen movement, 269–70and citizenship, 109–13, 153–4equality/difference paradox,

109–12, 153–4, 173, 233–4, 270,320

and the family associations, 160–1,169–70

and vecino identity, 243and worker identity, 269

Hermandad Obrera de Acción Católica(HOAC), 46, 59, 69–70

Homemakers’ Associations, seeAsociaciones de Amas de Casa(AAC) (or de Hogar, AAH)

identity, vecino (neighbor/resident)vs. ama de casa identity, 227vs. class interests, 38–9, 59–61, 247,

264definition of, 335, 38evolving definition of, 42, 243vs. family identity, 187, 242and gender identity, 111–12,

114–15, 125industrialization, 21

Junta Democrática de Espana, 56,324–5

Juventud Obrera Católica (JOC), 46,69–70

Madrid, associations inAAC, 130, 134, 145, 203, 207–8,

212, 218–19AAC, anti-Francoist, 135–6, 138–9,

214, 290

AVs in, 92, 94–5, 96–8, 261–4AV Alcalá de Henares (Distrito

Universitario), 98, 106, 107AV Aluche, 104, 106–7AV Carabanchel Alto, 98, 102, 104,

106, 315–16AV Carabanchel Bajo, 100, 104AV Ciudad de Los Angeles, 97,

292–4AV Leganés, 98, 104, 106, 107AV Moratalaz, 95, 98, 101, 105,

309–12AV Orcasitas, 97, 99, 100, 104, 295AV Palomeras Altas, 97, 106AV Palomeras Bajas, 96, 103, 314–15AV Parque Aluche, 100, 101, 107AV Puerto Chico, 96, 99AV San Blas, 97, 101, 102, 103, 296,

312AV Tio del Pozo Raimundo, 97, 105AV UVA Vallecas, 105, 308–9AV Zappora, 97, 296family associations, 76–7, 78–9, 81–3Provincial Federation of AVs, 101,

102, 261, 263see also Asociaciones de Vecinos,

civic discourse ofmembership, in associations

AAC, 129–30AAC, anti-Francoist, 138–9AV, in Madrid, 94Homeowners’ Associations, 42Movimiento organizations,

pre-1960s, 68modernization theory, 20–2, 37Movimiento

corporatism, 1761968 Estatuto Orgánico, 28, 29and Guardia de Franco, 68language of participation, 27–9pre-1960s organizations of, 26membership of pre-1960s

organizations of, 68mobilizing the masses, 23, 27organic democracy, 28, 174, 175(definition), 177, 287

and OSE, 26–7role in Franco regime, 4–5, 8and SEU, 26–7

Index 415

Movimiento and the familyassociations

autonomy vs. supervision, 88–90,156–7, 160–64, 177–80, 180–2,143–5, 145–8

and the AAC, 128–9, 131–2, 143–5,see also Sección Femenina

and the Consumer Associations,204–5

and the family association project,8–9, 29–31

influence in the family associations,66, 84–5, 88–90, 156–7

promotion of, 158–9, 236role in the formation of family

associations, 72–3, 85–6, 131and school parent associations

(APA), 72statutes, imposition of boilerplate,

160tensions in the family association

project, 163–4vertical integration, efforts towards,

160–1, 177Movimiento Democrático de Mujeres

(MDM), 119–20, 135, 360 (fn28),363 (fn85)

movimiento familiarista, seefamiliarismo (family associationmovement discourse)

municipal governmentand the citizen movement, 265–7under the Franco regime, 34, 266reform of, after the transition, 326

neighborhood associations, seeAsociaciones de Vecinos (AV)

opposition groups, see anti-Francoism;anti-Francoists; ORT(Revolutionary Organization ofWorkers); PCE (SpanishCommunist Party); PSOE (SpanishSocialist Party); PTE (SpanishWorkers’ Party)

ORT (Revolutionary Organization ofWorkers), 59, 62, 127, 265

Organización de Sindicatos Espanolas(OSE), 26–7

participation, in associationsof anti-Francoists in AAC, 112, 113,

135–6, 214, 221–6of anti-Francoists in the AV, 59–62,

99–100, 102, 104, 105, 263,298, 313

assemblyism, culture of in AV, 94–5,295–7

in AV, 94–5, 250, 294–7culture of participation in AVs,

creating a, 250–2, 264–9culture of participation in family

associations, 164, 188–9Homeowners’ Associations, 95–6language of participation in

Movimiento, 27–9of priests, in ACF, 52–8, 88of women in AVs, 13, 112–13

PCE (Spanish Communist Party)and Coordinación Democrática, 325and “entrismo” strategy of

infiltration, 135and Junta Democrática, 57, 324–5and the Movimiento Democrático

de Mujeres (MDM), 119–20, 360participation in AVs, 59–62, 105,

127, 324Plataforma de Convergencia

Democrática, 57, 324–5pluralismin AAC, 190, 234in AV, 239in family associations, 157, 168–9,

189, 289vs. unity in decision-making,

287–90political partiesand the demobilization of the

citizen movement, 324–6and the lessons of the civil war, 325

PSOE (Spanish Socialist Party)and the citizen movement, 324–5,

326and municipal government reform,

326and Plataforma de Convergencia

Democrática, 57, 324–5PTE (Spanish Workers’ Party), 59

416 Index

repressionof AAC, dissident, 225–6of AV, 50–1, 98–103, 246of AV, limits of, 103–7censorship, of AV statutes, 246, 256,

257–8in Franco regime, 4, 7, 23

Sección Femeninaand the AAC, 128–9, 139–40control of the AAC, limits of,

145–8in the origins of the AAC, 131–3

self-government, in the associations,287–94

as civic activity, 287communitarian practices, 288decision-making, debates over unity

vs. pluralism, 287–90, 295democratic practice, laboratories of,

287organic democracy, 287pluralism, defense of, 289see also democratic process, debates

over, in associationsSindicato Espanol Universitario (SEU),

26–7social capital, 12, 157civic trust, 157and civil society, 12, 25, 157definition of, 24, 37opposition leaders as, 60–62parish networks as source

of, 45priests as, 56–8social trust, 157, 167

sociabilityassociations and, 166female networks in AAC, 280parish networks and, 45, 52

Solís Ruíz, José, 27, 28the state, and associations, relations

betweenAAC and collaboration with the

state, 302–6collaborative model of relations,

298–302collaborative model of relations,

breakdown of, 306–12evolution of relations between, 298

oppositional model of confrontingthe state, 298, 312–16

see also municipal government

totalitarianism, 4, 5, 67–8the transition (1976–8)

AAC during, 226–233citizen movement, during, 240,

261–4, 264–9citizen movement, demobilization

of, 323–5civil society, after, 326–8communitarian vs. liberal

democracy in, 267, 321, 324–5family associations during, 186–8municipal government, reform of,

326

urbanization, 21and housing crisis, 34–5rural/urban migration, 21and state’s lack of structural

investment in, 37urban problems and mobilization,

36–7, 306–12urban crisis, 33–7, 244

Vatican II, 46vocalías de mujeres (women’s sections

of AVs), 112, 116–17debates over, 118–19

womenin the AAC, see Asociaciones de

Amas de Casa (AAC) (or deHogar, AAH); anti-Francoist

and AVs, see Asociaciones deVecinos and women

in the citizen movement, 269–70and citizenship, 13–14, 109–12, 154,

227–8difference/equality paradox, 13,

109–12, 118–20, 122–3, 153–4,173, 320

debates over women’s role in theACF, 169–73

the “woman question” in the AAC,190–3, 202, see alsoAsociaciones de Amas de Casa,civic discourse of